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I 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 

BY ,/ 

NATHANIEL MOKTON, 

SECRETARY TO THE COURT FOR THE JURISDICTION OF NEW-PLIMOUTH. 



/fV 



SIXTH EDITION. 

ALSO 

GOVERNOR BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH COLONY; 

PORTIONS OP PRINCE'S CHRONOLOGY; GOVERNOR 

BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE; GOV. WINSLOW'S 

VISITS TO MASSASOIT ; 



NUMEROUS MARGINAL NOTES 



APPENDIX, 



CONTAINING NUMEROUS ARTICLES RELATING TO THE LABORS, 

PRINCIPLES, AND CHARACTER OF THE PURITANS 

AND PILGRIMS. 



Itur in antiquam Bylvam. 



BOSTON: 
CONGREGATIONAL BOARD OF PUBLICATION. 

16 TREMONT TEMPLE. 

1855. 



f c.-^ 



^^'^ 



\ 



Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1854, by 

SEWALL HARDING, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



/^6)'f^ 



CAMBRIDGE: 
ALLEX AXD FAKXHASI, PRINTERS. 



Copy of the Title-Page of the First Edition. 



NEW ENGLAND^S MEMORIAL: 

OK, 

A BRIEF EELATION 

OF THE 

MOST MEMOKABLE AND EEMARKABLE PASSAGES 

OF THE 

PROVIDENCE OF GOD, 

MANIFESTED TO THE 

PLANTERS OF NEW-ENGLAND IN AMERICA 

WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE 

TO THE 

FIRST COLONY THEREOF, 

CALLED 

NEW-PLIMOUTH. , 

AS ALSO A NOMINATION OF DIVERS OF THE MOST EMINENT 
LXSTKUMENTS DECEASED, BOTH OF CHUKCH AND COM- 
MONWEALTH, IMPROVED IN THE FIRST BEGINNING 
AND AFTER PROGRESS OF SUNDRY OF THE RE- 
SPECTIVE JURISDICTIONS IN THOSE PARTS; 
IN REFERENCE UNTO SUNDRY EXEM- 
PLARY PASSAGES OF THEIR LIVES, 
AND THE TIME OF THEIR 
DEATH. 



Published for the use and benefit of present and future generations, 

BY NATHANIEL MORTON, 

SECKETAKY TO THE COURT, FOR THE JURISDICTION 
OF NEW-PLIMOUTH. 



Deut. xxxii. 10. — He found him in a desert land, in tlie -sraste howling wilderness 
he led him about ; he instructed him, he kept him as the apple of his eye. 

Jer. ii. 2. 3. — I rememher thee, the kindness of thy youth, the love of thine espou- 
sals, when thou wentest after me in the wilderness, in the land that was not 
sown, &c. 

Deut. viii. 2, 16. — And thou shalt rememher all the way which the Lord thy God 
led thee this/orty years in the wilderness, &c. 



CAMBRIDGE : 

PRINTED BY S. G. AND JI. J. FOR JOHN USHER OF BOSTON. 

1669. 



TO THE READER. 

It is much to be desired there might be extant A Compleat History of 
the United Colonies of New-England, that God may have the praise of his 
goodness to his People here, and that the present and future Generations 
may have the benefit thereof This being not attainable for the present, nor 
suddenly to be expected, it is very expedient, that (while sundry of the 
Eldest Planters are yet living) Records and Memorials of Remarkable Provi- 
dences be preserved and pubhshed, that the true Originals of these Planta- 
tions may not be lost, that New-England, in all times to come, may remem- 
ber the day of her smallest things, and that there may be a furniture of 
Materials for a true and full History in after-times. 

For these and such-like Reasons we are willing to Recommend unto the 
Reader this present Narrative as a Useful Piece. The Author is an ap- 
proved godly man, and one of the first Planters at Plimouth. The Work 
itself is Compiled with Modesty of Spirit, Simplicity of Style, and truth of 
Matter, containing the Annals of New-England for the space of 47 years, 
with special reference to Plimouth Colony, which was the first, and where 
the Author hath had his constant abode : And (yet so far as his Intelli- 
gence did reach) relating many remarkable Passages in the several Colonies : 
and also making an honourable mention of divers of the most Eminent Ser- 
vants of God that have been amongst us in several parts of the Country, 
after they had finished their course. We hope that the Labour of this good 
man will find a general Acceptance amongst the People of God, and also be 
a means to provoke some or other in the rest of the Colonies (who have had 
knowledge of things from the beginning) to contribute their Observations 
and Memorials also ; by which means what is wanting in this Narrative may 
be supplied by some others : and so in the issue, from divers JMemorials 
there may be matter for a just History of New-England in the Lord's good 
time. In the mean time, this may stand for a Monument, and be deservedly 
acknowledged as an Ebenezer, that Hitherto the Lord hath helped us. 

March 26, 1669. John Higginson,* 

Thomas Thacher.^ 

* Minister of Salem, died Dec. 9, 1708, in the 93d year of his age. 

t First minister of the Old South Church, iu Boston, died October 15, 1678. 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. 



It is the design of the Congregational Board of Publica- 
tion to publish, not only the writings of eminent men relating 
to Christian doctrine, but such books, experimental and his- 
torical, as give a practical illustration of the influence of 
these doctrines upon those who embrace them. With this 
view the Society have selected for publication, the New 
England's Memorial, a time-honored book, and long accred- 
ited as an impartial history of the first half century of the 
Pilgrim Fathers and the Pilgrim churches. The life and 
character of the writer and his public station were such, that 
from the first, the public mind was prepared to give full 
credit to his statements. Many facts and circumstances, not 
known, or not noticed by him, and now considered as essen- 
tial to a full knowledge and illustration of the religious char- 
acter of the Pilgrim Fathers, have been collected from other 
sources, and are inserted in the notes and appendix of this 
edition. 

It had come to be pretty generally known that Governor 
Bradford had written a history of the Pilgrims, and of the 
colony from 1602 to 1647, not only from what the author of 
the Memorial says, but from the testimony of Governor 
Hutchinson, who used it in writing his history, as also of 
E.ev. Mr. Prince, who used it in compiling his annals. It con- 
tained 270 pages quarto, and must have been of great value, 

A* 



vi EDITOE'S PREFACE. 

but the most diligent search of historians and antiquarians 
to find it entire, has failed. Mr. Prince says, " Morton's His- 
tory from the beginning of the Plymouth people to the end 
of 1646, is chiefly Gov. Bradford's manuscript abbreviated." 
An important part of this manuscript was copied by Secre- 
tary Morton himself, and placed upon the Church Records 
at Plymouth, as appears from a marginal note on the first 
page of said records. A part of this has been published by 
Rev. Mr. Young, in his Chronicles. We publish in this edi- 
tion such parts of this record as are not contained in the 
Memorial, which certainly adds much weight to the state- 
ments of Morton, and gives additional interest and authen- 
ticity to the pilgrim history. Gov. Bradford's qualifications 
and character were such that his narrative is fully reliable. 
" No man stands better than he on the rolls of history, civil 
or ecclesiastical." 

We have added such other articles as seemed desirable to 
make this volume a complete narrative of the events of the 
time included, viz. : Gov. Bradford's Dialogue between the 
young men and ancient men, the two visits of Gov. Winslow 
to Massasoit, the labors of the early settlers for the instruc- 
tion of the Indians, the Faith and Order of the Leyden-Ply- 
mouth Church, and large extracts from Rev. Mr. Plunter's 
recent work, showing more conclusively than has heretofore 
been done, the early residence of Brewster and Bradford, and 
the location of their first place of separate worship. 

The Memorial was first published in 1669, in the lifetime 
of the author, Nathaniel Morton, who, three years after the 
settlement of Plymouth, being then eleven years of age, came 
thither from his native town in the north of England, with 
his father and mother. (She was the sister of Gov. Brad- 
ford.) In 1645, he was elected clerk of the Colony Court, 
and held that office forty years, till the time of his death. 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. vil 

His work was printed at Cambridge in a small quarto vol- 
ume, and the Colony of Plymouth defrayed part of the ex- 
penses. A second edition was printed in Boston in 1721, 
with a supplement by Josiah Cotton, Esq. ; a third in New- 
port in 1772 ; a fourth edition at Plymouth, 1826. A fifth 
edition was prepared by Hon. John Davis, and published in 
Boston in 1826. We have revised and compared the text of 
this last with the first edition, and prepared, from the origi- 
nal sources, many new explanatory notes. 

Messrs. Thatcher and Higginson, eminent divines, it wiU 
be noticed in the original preface, speak of the author as a 
godly man, and that the work is compiled of truthful mat- 
ter, and the author acknowledges his indebtedness to the 
manuscript of Governors Bradford and Winslow, though he 
himself collected all the papers which he thought could be of 
any use to the colony. 

We have deemed it appropriate and fitting to publish some 
historical and ex])lanatory account of the principles and polity 
of their order and the usages of their churches, as embraced 
and practised by Robinson, his associates and successors, 
that we may have in the same volume a more extended nar- 
rative of the principles and motives of these renowned men. 
And here we acknowledge our indebtedness to the Hon. 
Zachariah Eddy of Middleboro', for the historical notice of 
the Leyden Church, which migrated to Plymouth, and its in- 
fluence in the gathering of similar churches at home and 
abroad, which, with other important matter, we annex as an 
appendix to this history. JNIr. Eddy has given great atten- 
tion to this subject for many years, and is well versed in the 
history of that church, its principles and usages, and the sub- 
sequent progress of Independency in England and in this 
country. We are indebted to him also for some of the notes 
in this volume. 



X EDITOE'S PREPACE. 

twenty thousand of those who frequented conventicles." After 
forty years of persecution the number of non-conformists 
was found to be greatly increased, and their opposition to the 
established church had become irreconcilable. They had 
become a strong political party, and ventured openly to de- 
mand a reform in the church. On the accession of King 
James hopes were indulged of a more lenient administration, 
but only to be disappointed. Petitions for the redress of 
abuses were denied, and religious assemblies and free dis- 
cussion prohibited. But such pressure only increased their 
numbers, until the Houses of Commons became their ally in 
the defence of liberty against despotism. On the other 
hand, the enmity and violence of the King and the church 
were increased, and in 1604, it is said three hundred Puritan 
ministers were silenced, imprisoned, or exiled ; yet the party 
was not destroyed, but continued to be the sole guardians of 
civil and religious liberty. 

The separation was becoming more marked. A congre- 
gation of Independents had been formed in the north of 
England, and as early as 1592, a petition was presented to 
the Crown for permission to go to America, there to enjoy the 
civil and ecclesiastical privileges for which they were con- 
tending. 

We are indebted to Rev. John Waddington, pastor of the 
Pilgrim Church, Southwark, London, for an exact copy of 
the original petition (above alluded to) of the Separatists. 
This was recently discovered by IV'Ir. Waddington. And 
being an interesting document, which should be preserved, we 
insert it here. 

" To the Eight Honorable, the Lords of Jier Majesty's most Honorable Privy Council : 

"Whereas, we her Majesty's natural born subjects, true 
and loyal — now lying many of ns in other countries as men 



EDITOE'S PREFACE. xi 

exiled her Highness' Dominions, and the rest which remain 
within Her Grace's land greatly distressed through imprison- 
ment and other great troubles sustained only for some mat- 
ters of conscience, in which our most lamentable estate, we 
cannot in that measure perform the duty of subjects as we 
desire : and also whereas means is now offered for our being 
in a foreign and far country which lieth to the west from 
hence, in the province of Canada, where by the providence 
of the Almighty, and her Majesty's most gracious favor, we 
may not only worship God as we are in conscience persuaded 
by His Word — but also do unto her Majesty and our coun- 
try great good service, and in time also greatly annoy that 
bloody and persecuting Spaniard about the Bay of Mexico. 
Our most humble suit is, that it may please your honors to 
be a means unto her excellent Majesty, that with her most 
gracious favor and protection we may peaceably depart 
thither, and there remaining to be accounted her Majesty's 
faithful and loving subjects — to whom we owe all duty and 
obedience in the Lord, promising hereby and taking God to 
record, who searcheth the hearts of all people — that where- 
soever we become we will by the grace of God live and die 
faithful to her Highness and this land of our nativity. 
"Endorsed: — 

"The humble Petition of her Highness' faithful subjects, 

FALSELY CALLED BeO'WXISTS. NoV. 1592." 

We shall expect other documents throwing light upon the 
history of our Puritan ancestors from the same individual, 
who is finding many original manuscripts in relation to them, 
and who expresses his confident " belief that with adequate 
care and attention the course of the hidden church from 
which the Pilgi'ims sprang may be traced from the days of 
Wickliffe, and that papers are in existence that will show the 



xil EDITOR'S PREFACE. 

gradual development of the principles which lie not only at 
the foundation of American greatness — but which will tend 
to secure for humanity in its widest range, the freedom, peace, 
security, and happiness — that by possibility, can have no 
existence without them." 

In principle, they were Calvinists and Protestants, renounc- 
ing human authority in matters of faith, and claiming the 
liberty to form their views and regulate their practice accord- 
ing to their own judgment of the Word of God. Their un- 
shaken confidence in the doctrines they embraced, sustained 
them in their sufferings, and disposed them to persevere until 
their departure from England ; and their arrival in Holland 
marked the beginning of the adventures and pilgrimage 
recorded in the following pages, in which the reader will have 
an interesting portion of the history of these world-renowned 
men. 

A reliable English writer has said: "The Puritans saved 
England in the 17th century from a relapse into Popery. 
On this account, they deserved to be honored and loved by 
the Protestants of the present day. In all probability the 
salvation of England from such a relapse in the 19th century 
wiU depend, under God, upon the men who imbibe their sen- 
timents and emulate their piety and heroism. From the 
beginning, Puritanism has been the soul of English Protes- 
tantism, and therefore its history deserves to be diligently 
studied, and its spirit gratefully revered by all who really 
value the cause of the Reformation." 

If so much can be said of the influence of the Puritans in 
Old England, how much more of their influence in New 
England. To them we are indebted for both our ecclesias- 
tical and civil institutions. And if these institutions are to 
be preserved and perpetuated in their simplicity and purity 
for another century, it will be from the remains of Puritan 
integrity and influence. 



EDITOE'S PREFACE. XUl 

Stoiighton, in his Spiritual Heroes, says : — 

" Men who have no sympathy with their bold and ardent 
spirit, and their fearless love of what they felt to be right, 
have charged them with pride, but the truth is, that deep hu- 
mility was a distinguished element of their character. In 
matters of conscience they asserted their independence of 
the creature, because they cherished an unwavering reliance 
on their Creator." 

" To say," observes Dr. Arnold, " that the Puritans were 
wanting in humility, because they did not acquiesce in the 
state of things which they found around them, is a mere ex- 
travagance arising out of a total misapprehension of the 
nature of humility, and of the merits of the feeling of ven- 
eration. 

" All earnestness and depth of character is incompatible 
with such notion of humility. A man deeply penetrated 
with some great truth, and compelled, as it were, to obey it, 
cannot listen to every one who may be indifferent -to it or 
opposed to it. 

" There is a voice to which he already owes obedience, 
which he serves with the humblest devotion, which he wor- 
ships with the most intense veneration. It is not that such 
feelings are dead in him, but that he has bestowed them on 
one object, and they are claimed for another. This charge of 
want of humility is one frequently brought by weaker and 
baser minds against the stronger and nobler, not seldom by 
those who are at once arrogant and indifferent against those 
who are, in truth, as humble as they are zealous." Such is 
the noble vindication of the Puritans, by the distinguished 
Arnold, Professor of History, in that University where the 
men in question have been so often maligned. And Stough- 
ton, in his Sketches of the Puritans, says, " Their stern moral 

B 



XIV EDITOR'S PEEFACE. 

grandeur illuminates the sixteenth century with a solemn 
light which excites awe, while it inspires admu'ation." 

An ample roll of serious thought is opened when, from the 
eminence of prosperity where we stand, we go back to the 
lonely graves, whither was followed one after another good 
man, " that had done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus' 
and the gospel's sake, and borne his part in weal and woe 
with this poor, persecuted church in England, Holland, and 
this wilderness, and done the Lord and them faithful service 
in his place and calling." And even those specimens of ele- 
giac poetry which this rich volume furnishes, though doubt- 
less not the most harmonious offspring of the muse, have to 
our view the better merit of the solemn, hopeful, affectionate 
spirit of noble natures. 

The Memorial and Bradford's history exhibit the charac- 
teristics of strong-hearted and venerable men and women. 

There are strong reasons why all the people of our land 
should read these memorials, and make themselves familiar 
with the character of their pious ancestors, whose principles 
made them what they were, and became the basis of all our 
good institutions. 

We cannot better express our views of the importance of 
the subject-matter before us, than by inserting here a few 
brief extracts from distinguished men relating to Plymouth 
and the Pilgrims. This will also give the reader, the judg- 
ment and testimony of others, in regard to the importance of 
that portion of our history comprised in this volume. 

President Dwight says, " Plymouth was the first town 
built in New England by civilized men ; and those by whom 
it was built were inferior in worth to no body of men whose 
names are recorded in history during the last 1700 years. A 
kind of venerableness, arising from these facts, attaches to 



EDITOE'S PREEACE. XV 

this town which may be termed a prejudice. Still, it has its 
foundation in the nature of man, and will never be eradicated 
either by philosophy or ridicule. No New Englander who is 
willing to indulge his native feeling, can stand upon the rock 
where our ancestors set the first foot after their arrival on the 
American shore, without experiencing emotions very different 
from those which are excited by any common object of the 
same nature. No New Englander could be willing to have 
that rock buried and forgotten. Let him reason as much, as 
coldly, and as ingeniously as he pleases, he will still regard 
that spot with emotions wholly different from those which 
are excited by other places of equal or even superior im- 
portance." * 

" Two hundred years ago the colony of Plymouth was one 
of the most important on the North American continent. 
Its chief town was the equal in rank with New Amsterdam 
and Boston. Its governors and magistrates were statesmen 
whose names are immortal. The acts of its Council, the 
wars in which it was engaged, the famines and pestilences it 
endured, and every event that affected its welfare and pros- 
perity, are matters of which we read in the histories of the 
nation. The classic names of Athens and Sparta, and even 
of Rome itself, are not more familiar to the memory, than is 
that of Plymouth ; and in the time to come there is no spot 
upon the earth that will possess in the hearts of men an inter- 
est more universal and enduring than the Rock at which 
ended the long and weary voyage of the passengers of the 
Mayflower. We have all heard and read of Plymouth ; the 
very mention of its name sounds in our ears like the key-note 
of a national anthem of liberty. 

" Five millions of us claim to have descended from its early 

* Travels, Vol. 11. 110. 



xvi EDITOE'S PEEEACE. 

colonists ; there is hardly a day in all the year, in which we 
do not hear, or utter an allusion to Plymouth, or the Pilgrim 
Fathers, in sermon, oration, speech, or conversation, — we 
boast of the religion of the Puritans, and assert, what no one 
can deny, that the Pilgrim Fathers shaped the model which 
has given the form to our free institutions and government, 
and acknowledge the town of Plymouth to have been the 
birthplace of our nation." * 

" We are singularly fortunate in having our whole national 
rise and progress lie within the limits of recorded time. 
What would be the price of Cadmus' journal upon the land 
of lost gods and godlike men, of Romulus' assignment of 
the two acres of land to each primeval citizen ? Undoubt- 
edly we owe as much to the settlers of Plymouth and Salem, 
as Greece and Rome professed to owe to their fabulous dy- 
nasties of kings. Bradford and Winthrop were in all respects 
quite as praiseworthy persons as Theseus and Numa. 

" Plymouth is the oldest of the New England colonies, and 
to its early success may be traced the origin of all the others. 
It is the place where civilization and Christianity were first 
introduced into New England. It has been the scene of 
many a trial, and of the fulfilment of many a high resolve. 
It was here that the government, based on the will of the 
governed, was first established on the American continent, 
and the great principle, that all should obey such laws as a 
majority of the people should make, distinctly acknowledged. 
No people had so fully appreciated the rights of each 
member of the state; none had felt so deeply the great 
cause of humanity, or entertained such cheering hopes of 
human improvement. They were men of strong minds, and 
made a proper estimate of the value of their political and 

* Harper's Magazine, Dec. 1853. 



EDITOK'S PREFACE. xvii 

religious principles. They placed but little value on wealth 
or rank. They acted from higher motives than these afford. 
They had among them men of preeminent talents and char- 
acter. As a civil magistrate, Bradford, the father of the col- 
ony, would by his sound good sense and elevated patriotism, 
have done honor to any age. Of the services of Brewster, 
we can hardly make too high an estimate. For twenty-four 
years he was the spiritual father and guide of the colony. 
He came with the Pilgrims, and with them he w^as willing to 
endure and suffer. Success was never to be despaired of 
when Standish led the way. The Winslows, AUerton, Alden, 
Hatherly, Prince, and Hinkley, were all good men and ti'ue, 
who in their efforts and sacrifices, had no other object in view 
than their country's good, and the progress of truth and right- 
eousness. In their intercourse with the Indians, the people 
of the colony set a bright example of humanity, and the same 
sense of justice is here witnessed that pervaded all their pub- 
lic and private acts. Not a foot of soil was taken from them 
without their consent. Their treaty with Massasoit was 
most scrupulously observed. In their conduct toward the 
Quakers, they were comparatively mild and humane, pre- 
ferring to let their errors be promulgated, and die unmolested, 
rather than make them martyrs by the prison or the gal- 
lows." * 

Mistakes have sometimes been made by not distinguishing 
between the two colonies. During the time covered by the 
Memorial, Plymouth was a separate colony, and was gov- 
erned by officers of their choice, and had not been united 
with Massachusetts, and was not until 1692. The planters 
of Massachusetts were not Pilgrims, but their proper desig- 
nation was that of Puritans. The Pilgrims were " the old 

* North American Review, Vol. L. p. 336, and on. 
B* 



xviii EDITOE'S PKEFACE. 

comers," the immigrants in the tiiree first ships to Plymouth; 
the fugitives, the exiles, the wanderers, and the final settlers 
on the Rock. 

" Through scenes of gloom and misery, the Pilgrims 
showed the way to an asylum for those who would go to the 
wilderness for the pm-ity of religion, or the liberty of con- 
science. Accustomed in their native land to no more than a 
plain country Ufe, and the innocent trade of husbandry, they 
set the example of colonizing New England, and formed the 
mould for the civil and religious character of its institutions. 
Enduring every hardship themselves, they were the servants 
of posterity, the benefactors of succeeding generations. In 
the history of the world many pages are devoted to com- 
memorate the heroes who have besieged cities, subdued 
provinces, or overthrown empires. A colony is a better 
offering than a victory ; the citizens of the United States 
should rather cherish the memory of those who founded 
a state on the basis of democratic liberty, — the fathers of 
the country, — the men who, as they first trod the soil of the 
new world, scattered the seminal principles of republican 
freedom and national independence." * 

" The Pilgrims were actuated by that principle which has 
given the first impulse to aU the great movements of the 
modern world, — I mean profound religious faith.''^ " This is 
the spirit which in all ages has wrought the moral miracles 
of humanity."! 

" The Pilgrim Fathers cannot be remembered too often or 
reverenced too deeply ; — and that not as a mere matter of 
respect and gratitude to the dead, but for the improvement 
and instruction of the living. Rarely, indeed, has there been 
a moment in our history, when it was more important than 

* Bancroft's History, Vol. I. 322. f Edward Everett. 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. XIX 

at this moment that the American people should remember, 
not merely the rock on which the Pilgrims landed, but the 
Rock in which they trusted, and should cherish and hold fast 
the principles which fitted them to become the fathers and 
founders of a great country. It will be well if we do not 
forget that the only safe and sure progress is the ' Pilgrim^ s 
Progress ; ' — a progress begun, continued, and ended in the 
fear of God, in respect for government, in the love of freedom, 
and in justice to all mankind. Let the descendants of the 
Pilgrims see to it, that their lives and practice are in keeping 
with the origin of which they are so justly proud, let them 
prove their title to hail from Plymouth Rock, not merely by 
genealogies and pedigrees, but by emblazoning the virtues 
and principles of the Pilgrims upon their own character and 
conduct. Then will our country be secure." * 

" The Sons and Daughters of New England. — May their 
contributions to the true glory of the republic be ever exhib- 
ited in an unwavering fidelity to those jjrinciples of their Pil- 
grim fathers that were founded upon the RocK."f 

We have made these quotations from distinguished men, 
(and we might add many others,) as evidence of the high and 
universal veneration with which are regarded the Character 
and Principles of our Pilgrtm Fathers. In issuing this 
volume, we desire to perpetuate to future generations the 
knowledge of these men — their sufferings, their self-denial, 
their perseverance, which were the result of their unshaken 
confidence in God — their " firm belief that the Lord was 
with them, and that he would graciously prosper their en- 
deavors, according to the simplicity of their hearts." They 
uttered these words with sincerity, embarked in a just cause, 
and succeeded. "We may hope that many by reading this 

* Robert C. Winthrop. f Gov. Clifford. 



XX EDITOR'S PREFACE. 

volume, will cherish their memory, imbibe their spirit, and 
perpetuate their principles. Nothing seems to bring us so 
near to them as to read the history of their doings written in 
their own style by those of their own time and number. 

We seem to be in their company and to join in their con- 
sultations and their prayers while they contemplate their 
removal to America. We sympathize in their crosses, and 
few comforts. We admire their pious magnanimity and con- 
stancy, and almost feel their sufferings. May it be the means 
of deepening our convictions of the importance of their relig- 
ious principles, and of the desu'ableness of that strong and 
living faith which sustained their hearts, impelled them for- 
ward in their pilgrimage, and enabled them to say, " as sor- 
rotvful, yet ahvai/s rejoicing." 

Their history serves as a powerful illustration of the truth 
and efficacy of their principles, and furnishes an example 
worthy of our grateful admiration. 

" O ye, who proudly boast, 
In your free veins the blood of sires hke these. 
Look to their Hneaments. Dread lest ye loose 
Their likeness in your sons. Should Mammon cling 
Too close around your heart, or wealth beget 
That bloated luxury which eats the core 
From manly virtue, or the tempting world 
Llake faint the Christian purpose in your soul, 
Turn ye to Plymouth rock, and where they knelt, 
Kneel, and renew the vow they breathed to God." 
Boston, 1855. 



CONTENTS. 



New England's Memorial, or a brief relation of the 

MOST remarkable PASSAGES OF THE PROVIDENCE OF 
God MANIFESTED TO THE PLANTERS OF NeW ENGLAND IN 

America, with special reference to the first col- 
ony THEREOF, CALLED NeW PlIMOUTH .... 1-228 

Gov. Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony . . 229 

Morton's Preface 231-233 

Introduction to the Ecclesiastical History of the 

Church of Christ at Plymouth in New England . 235-242 
Chapter I. Beginning of the Pilgi'im movement . . . 243-246 
Chapter H. Of their departure into Holland, and their trou- 
bles thereabout, with some of the many difficulties they found 247-251 
Chapter HI. Of their settling in Holland, and their manner 

of living and entertainment there 252-257 

Chapter IV. Showing the reasons and causes of their removal 258-262 
Chapter V. Showing what means they used for preparation 
to this weighty voyage 263-283 

New England Chronology, by Thomas Prince . . . 285-320 

Governor Bradford's Dialogue 321 

Morton's Preface 323-325 

A Dialogue, or the sum of a conference between some young 
men born in New England and sundry ancient men that 
came out of Holland and Old England .... 327-356 



xxu 



CONTENTS. 



Visits to Massasoit 357 

I. A journey to Pakanokit, the. habitation of the great King ISIas- 
sasoit ; as also our message, the answer and entertainment 

we had of him 359-367 

n. Winslow's second journey to Pakanokit, to visit Massasoit in 

his sickness 367-375 



APPENDIX. 



The labors of the Pilgrims and early settlers of the Plymouth 
Colony, for the instruction and conversion of the Indians 

The Faith and Order of the Leydcn-Plymouth Church ; and their 
influence on other churches in England, and in this country . 

Congregationalism in Massachusetts 

Congregationalism in England 

The Address of Kev. Robert Vaughan 

The Savoy Platform 

Discipline and Order of the English Churches 

Principles of Church Order and Discipline . 

The Phillips Family 

The Articles of Faith and Covenant of 1629, and of 1 

Extracts from Eev. Joseph Hunter's recent work, entitled Collec- 
tions concerning the church or congregation of Protestant Sep- 
aratists formed at Scrooby, in North Nottinghamshire, in the time 
of Iving James I 

Gov. Winslow's account of the natives of New England 

A Description of Plymouth, by De Rasieres, an ambassador from 
the Dutch at Manhattan, in 1627 



636 



379-399 

400^38 
439-444 
444-447 
448-451 
451-452 
452 
453-456 
457-458 
459-464 



465-485 
486-494 

495-500 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 



T O T n E 

RIGHT WORSHIPFUL, THOMAS PRINCE, ESQ., 

GOVERNOR OF THE JCeISDICTION OF NEW FLIMOUTH ; 
WITH 

THE WORSHIPFUL, THE MAGISTRATES, 

HIS ASSISTANTS IN THE SAID GOVERNMENT: 

N. M. wisheth Peace and Prosperity in this life, and Eternal Happiness in that 
which is to come. 



Right Worshipful, 

The consideration of the weight of duty that lieth npon us, 
to commemorize to future generations the memorable pas- 
sages of God's providence to us and our predecessors in the 
beginning of this plantation, hath wrought in me a restless- 
ness of spirit, and earnest desire, that something might be 
achieved in that behalf, more (or at least otherwise) than as 
yet hath been done. INIany discouragements I have met with, 
both from within and without myself; but reflecting upon the 
ends I have proposed to myself in setting out in this work, it 
hath afforded me some support, viz. the glory of God, and the 
good of present and future generations. Being also induced 
hereunto by the consideration that yourselves (especially some 
of you) are fully acquainted with many of the particulars, 

1 



2 EPISTLE DEDICATOKY. 

both concerning persons and things, inserted in the following 
narrative, and can, on your own knowledge, assert them for 
tnith. Were it so, that any other had travelled in this kind, 
in such a way as might have conduced to a brief and satis- 
factory intelligence in particulars relating to the premises, 
I would have spared this labor, and have satisfied myself in 
perusal of their works, rather than to have set pen to paper 
about the same ; but having never seen nor heard of any, es- 
pecially respecting this our plantation of New Plimouth, 
which God hath honored to be the first in this land, I have 
made bold to present your Worships with, and to publish to 
the world, something of the very first beginnings of the great 
actions of God in New England,' begun at New Plimouth : 
wherein, the greatest part of my intelligence hath been bor- 
rowed from my much honored uncle, Mr. William Bradford, 
and such manuscripts as he left in his study, from the year 
1620 unto 1646 ; whom had God continued in this world 
some longer time, and given him rest from his other more 
important affairs, we might probably have had these things 
from an abler pen, and better digested, than now you may 
expect. Certain diurnals of the honored Mr. Edward Wins- 
low have also afforded me good light and help : and what 
from them both, and otherwise I have obtained, that I judged 
suitable for the following discourse, I have with care and 
faithfulness related ; and have therein more solicitously fol- 
lowed the truth of things (many of which I can also assert 
on my own knowledge) than I have studied quaintness in ex- 
pressions. 

I should gladly have spoken more particularly of the neigh- 
boring united colonies, whose ends and aims in their trans- 
planting of themselves and families, were the same with ours, 
viz. the glory of God, the propagation of the gospel, and en- 
largement of his Majesty's dominions; but for want of intel- 
ligence, and that I may not prevent a better pen, I shall only 
make mention of some of their worthies that we have been 
most acquainted with. 

I shall not insist upon the clime nor soil of the country, its 
commodities, or discommodities ; nor at large on the natives. 



EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 3 

or their customs and manners, all of which have been already 
declared by Capt. Smith, Mr. Higginson, Mr. Williams, Mr. 
Wood, and others. What it is, and what my aims at God's 
glory, and my good affection to the place and people of whom 
I treat, may make it, I present your Worships with, humbly 
craving your favorable aspect, and good acceptance of my 
poor endeavors ; and that myself and it may find protection 
and shelter under the wings of your pious patronage, to de- 
fend us against such critical and censorious eyes and tongues, 
as may either carp at my expressions, or misconstrue my in- 
tentions. The ample experience I have had of your unde- 
served favor and respect to me, in my many years service of 
the public, and my observation in that time, that you have 
desired something of this nature might be done, hath encour- 
aged me hereunto. Your good acceptance whereof, shall 
ever oblige me to answerable returning of gratitude, and ad- 
minister to me further cause of thankfulness, that God hath 
given me an habitation under your just and prudent adminis- 
trations ; and wish for a succession of such as may be skilful 
to lead our Israel in this their peregrination ; and when God 
shall take you hence, to receive the crown of your labors and 
travels. So prayeth, 

Your Worship's humble servant, 

Nathaniel Morton. 



TO THE 



CHRISTIAN EEADEK. 



GRACE AND PEACE BE MULTIPLIED ; -WITH PROFIT BY THIS FOLLOWING 

NARRATION. 



Gentle Reader, 

I HAVE for some length of time looked upon it as a duty- 
incumbent, especially on the immediate successors of those 
that have had so large experience of those many memorable 
and signal demonstrations of God's goodness, viz. the first 
beginners of this plantation in New England, to commit to 
writing his gracious dispensations on that behalf ; having so 
many inducements thereunto, not only otherwise, but so plen- 
tifully in the sacred Scriptures, that so, what we have seen, 
and what our fathers have told us, we may not hide from our ,/ 

children, showing to the generations to come the praises of 
the Lord. Psal. Ixxviii. 3, 4. That especially the seed of Abra- 
ham his servant, and the children of Jacob his chosen, may 
remember his marvellous works (Psal. cv. 5, 6) in the begin- 
ning and progress of the planting of New England, his won- 
ders, and the judgments of his mouth ; how that God brought 
a vine into this wilderness ; that he cast out the heathen and 
planted it; that he made room for it, and caused it to 
take deep root, and it filled the land ; so that it hath sent 
forth its boughs to the sea and its branches to the river. Psal. 
Ixxx. 8, 9. And not only so, but also that He hath guided his 
people by his strength to his holy habitation, and planted 
them in the mountain of his inheritance, (Exod. xv. 13,) in 
respect of precious gospel enjoyments. So that we may not 



6 TO THE CHRISTIAN READER. 

only look back to former experiences of God's goodness to 
our predecessors,* (though many years before,) and so have 
our faith strengthened in the mercies of God for our times ; 
that so the church being one numerical body, might not only 
even for the time he spake with us in our forefathers, (Hos. 
xii. 4,) by many gracious manifestations of his glorious attri- 
butes, wisdom, goodness, and truth, improved for their good, 
but also rejoice in present enjoyments of both outward and 
spiritual mercies, as fruits of their prayers, tears, travels, and 
labors ; that as especially God may have the glory of all, unto 
whom it is most due ; so also some rays of glory may reach 
the names of those blessed saints that were the main instru- 
ments of the beginning of this happy enterprise. 

So then, gentle Reader, thou mayest take notice, that the 
main ends of pubhshing this small history, is, that God may 
have his due praise, his servants, the instruments, have their 
names embalmed, and the present and future ages may have 
the fruit and benefit of God's great work, in the relation of 
the first planting of New England. Which ends, if attained, 
will be great cause of rejoicing to the publisher thereof, if 
God give him life and opportunity to take notice thereof. 

The method I have observed, is (as I could) in some meas- 
ure answerable to the ends aforenamed, in inserting some 
acknowledgment of God's goodness, faithfulness, and truth 
upon special occasions, with allusion to the Scriptures ; and 
also taking notice of some special instruments, and such main 
and special particulars as were perspicuously remarkable, in 
way of commendation in them, so far as my intelligence 
would reach ; and especially in a faithful commemorizing, 
and declaration of God's wonderful works for, by, and to his 
people, in preparing a place for them by driving out the hea- 
then before them ; bringing them through a sea of troubles ; 
preserving and protecting them from, and in those dangers 
that attended them in their low estate, when they were stran- 
gers in the land ; and making this howling wilderness a cham- 
ber of rest, safety, and pleasantness, whilst the storms of his 

* Psal. Ixvi. 6. 



TO THE CHRISTIAN READER. 7 

displeasure have not only tossed, but endangered the over- 
whehniiig of great states and kingdoms, and hath now made 
it to us a fruitful land, sowed it with the seed of man and 
beast ; but especially in giving us so long a peace, together 
with the gospel of peace, and so great a freedom in our civil 
and religious enjoyments ; and also in giving us hopes that 
we may be instruments in his hands, not only of enlarging 
of our prince's dominions, but to enlarge the kingdom of the 
Lord Jesus, in the conversion of the poor blind natives. 

And now, courteous Reader, that I may not hold thee too 
long in the porch, I only crave of thee to read this following 
discourse with a single eye, and with the same ends as I had 
in penning it. Let not the smallness of our beginnings, nor 
weakness of instruments, make the thing seem little, or the 
work despicable ; but on the contrary, let the greater praise be 
rendered unto God, who hath effected great things by small 
means. Let not the harshness of my style, prejudice thy 
taste or appetite to the dish I present thee with. Accept it 
as freely as I give it. Carp not at what thou dost not ap- 
prove, but use it as a remembrance of the Lord's goodness, to 
engage to true thankfulness and obedience ; so may it be a 
help to thee in thy journey through the wilderness of this 
world, to that eternal rest which is only to be found in the 
heavenly Canaan, which is the earnest desire of 

Thy Christian friend, 

Nathaniel Morton. 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL 



OR 



A BRIEF RELATION OF THE MOST REJIARKABLE PASSAGES OF THE 

PROVIDENCE OF GOD, MANIFESTED TO THE PLANTERS 

OF NEW ENGLAND, IN AMERICA. 



AND FIRST, OF THE BEGINNIKG OF THE FIRST PLANTATION IN N. E. 



NEW PLIMOUTH, 



It is the usual manner of the dispensation of the majesty 
of heaven, to work wonderfully by weak means for the effect- 
uating of great things, to the intent that he may have the 
more glory to himself. Many instances hereof might be pro- 
duced, both out of the sacred Scriptures, and common expe- 
rience ; and amongst many others of this kind, the late happy 
and memorable enterprise of the planting of that part of 
America called New England, deserveth to be commemorized 
to future posterity. 

In the year 1602, divers godly Christians of our English 
nation, in the north of England, being studious of reforma- 
tion, and therefore not only witnessing against human inven- 
tions, and additions in the worship of God, but minding most 
the positive and practical part of divine institutions, they en- 
tered into covenant to walk with God, and one with another, 



10 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1610. 

in the enjoyment of the ordinances of God, according to the 
primitive pattern in the word of God.* But finding by ex- 
perience they could not peaceably enjoy their own liberty in 
their native country, without offence to others that were differ- 
ently minded, they took up thoughts of removing themselves 
and their families into the Netherlands, which accordingly 
they endeavored to accomplish, but met with great hindrance ; 
yet after some time, the good hand of God removing obstruc- 
tions, they obtained their desires ; arriving in Holland, they 
settled themselves in the city of Leyden, in the year 1610, 
and there they continued divers years in a comfortable con- 
dition, enjoying much sweet society and spiritual comfort in 
the ways of God, living peaceably amongst themselves, and 
being courteously entertained and lovingly respected by the 
Dutch, amongst whom they were strangers, having for their 
pastor Mr. John Robinson, a man of a learned, polished, and 
modest spirit, pious and studying of the truth, largely accom- 
plished with suitable gifts and qualifications to be a shepherd 
over this flock of Christ ; having also a fellow helper with 
him in the eldership, Mr. William Brewster, a man of ap- 
proved piety, gravity, and integrity, very eminently furnished 
with gifts suitable to such an office. 

But notwithstanding their amiable and comfortable carry- 
ing on (as hath been said) although the church of Christ on 
earth in Holy Writ is sometimes called heaven ; yet there is 
always, in their most perfect state here in this lower world, 
very much wanting as to absolute and perfect happiness, 

* Gov. Bradford's History takes no notice of the year of this Federal 
Incorporation, which Secretary Morton here places in 1C02. Prince supposes 
Morton had the account either from some other writings of Gov. Bradford, 
the journals of Gov. AVinslow, or from oral conference with them, or other of 
the first planters, with some of whom he was contemporary. 

And these are the Christian people who were the founders of the Plymouth 
church and colony ; who seem to be some of the first in England, that were 
brave enough to improve the liberty wherewith the divine Author of our 
religion has made us free, and observe his institutions as their only rule in 
church order, discipline, and worship ; for which they dearly suffered, 
and left their native country, and who laid the fii'st foundations for the New 
England settlements. 



1610. 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 11 



which is only reserved for the time and place of the full en- 
joyment of celestial glory ; for, although this church was at 
peace, and in rest at this time, yet they took up thoughts of 
removing themselves into America, with common consent. 
The proposition of removing thither being set on foot, and 
prosecuted by the elders upon just and weighty grounds ; for 
although they did quietly and sweetly enjoy their church liber- 
ties under the States, yet they foresaw that Holland would be 
no place for their church and posterity to continue in com- 
fortably, at least in that measure that they hoped to find 
abroad ; and that for these reasons following, which I shall 
recite as received from themselves. 

First. Because themselves were of a different language 
from the Dutch where they lived, and were settled in their w^ay, 
insomuch that in ten years time, whilst their church sojourned 
amongst them, they could not bring them to reform the neg- 
lect of observation of the Lord's day as a sabbath, or any 
other thing amiss among them. 

Secondly. Because their countrymen, who came over to 
join with them, by reason of the hardness of the country, 
soon spent their estates, and were then forced either to return 
back to England, or to live very meanly. 

Thirdly. That many of their children, through the extreme 
necessity that was upon them, although of the best disposi- 
tions and graciously inclined, and willing to bear part of their 
parents' burdens, were oftentimes so oppressed with their 
heavy labors, that although their spirits were free and willing, 
yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and 
became decrepid in their early youth, and the vigor of nature 
consumed in the very bud. And that which was very lamen- 
table, and of all sorrows most heavy to be borne, was that 
many by these occasions and the great licentiousness of youth 
in that country, and the manifold temptations of the place, 
were drawn away by evil examples into extravagant and 
dangerous courses, getting the reins on their necks, and de- 
parting from their parents. Some became soldiers, others 
took upon them far voyages by sea, and other some worse 
courses, tending to dissoluteness and the destruction of their 



12 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1610. 

souls, to the great grief of their parents, and the dishonor of 
God ; and that the place being of great licentiousness and 
liberty to children, they could not educate them, nor could 
they give them due correction without reproof or reproach 
from their neighbors. 

Fourthly. That their posterity would in few generations 
become Dutch, and so lose thek interest in the English nation ; 
they being desirous rather to enlarge his Majesty's dominions, 
and to live under their natural prince. 

Fifthly and lastly. And which was not the least, a great 
hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good founda- 
tion, or at least to make some way thereunto for the propa- 
gating and advancement of the gospel of the kingdom of 
Christ in those remote parts of the world, yea, although they 
should be but as stepping-stones unto others for the perform- 
ance of so great a work.* 

These and such like were the true reasons of their removal, 
and not as some of their adversaries did, upon the rumor 
thereof, cast out slanders against them ; as if the state were 
weary of them, and had rather driven them out, (as heathen 
histories have feigned of Moses and the Israelites when they 
went out of Egypt,) than that it was their own free choice 
and motion. 

I will therefore mention a particular or two, to evince the 
contrary. 

And first. Although some of them were low in their estates, 
yet the Dutch observing that they were diligent, faithful, and 
careful of their engagements, had great respect to them, and 
sti'ove for their custom. 

Again, secondly, the magistrates of the city of Leyden 
where they lived, about the time of their coming away, in the 
pubKc place of justice, gave this commendable testimony of 
them, in reproof of the Walloons, who were of the French 
church in the city : These English (said they) have lived 

* This hath been graciously answered since, by moving the hearts of many 
of his servants to be very instrumental in this work with some good success, 
and hopes of further blessing in that respect. — ]M. 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 13 

now amongst us ten years, and yet we never had any suit 
or accusation against them, or any of them, but your strifes 
and quarrels are continual. 

The reasons of their removal above named being debated 
first in private, and thought weighty, were afterwards pro- 
pounded in public ; and after solemn days of humiliation ob- 
served both in public and private,* it was agreed, that part of 
the church should go before their brethren into America, to 
prepare for the rest; and if in case the major part of the 
church did choose to go over with the first, then the pastor to 
go along with them ; but if the major part stayed, that he 
was then to stay with them. 

They having employed sundry agents to treat with several 
merchants in England, who adventured some considerable 
sums in a way of valuation to such as went personally on in 
the voyage ; the articles of agreement about the premises 

* They "first keep a day of solemn prayer, Mr. Robinson preaclilng a very 
suitable sermon, from 1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4 ; strengtbening tbem against tbeir 
fears, and encouraging tbem in tbeIr resolutions. — New Eng. Cliron. p. 155. 

Tbe fasts and feasts of tbe Episcopal Cburcb bad been cast off by Mr. 
Robinson from tbe first, and be and bis cburcb observed sucb days only wben 
tbe dispensations of Divine Providence seemed to Indicate tbeir jiroprlety. 
Tbe cburcb at Leyden observed no bolidays, except fasts and tbanksglvlno-g, 
and tbe Sabbatb. Tbey beld several seasons of fasting and prayer, prepara- 
tory to tbeIr great enterprise, •witbin a few montbs of leaving Holland. And 
•wben tbey arrived at Plymoutb, tbey observed sucb seasons as suited to ben- 
efit tbemselves and tbeir posterity. 

Tbe magistrates of Plymoutb officially ordered sucb days to be kept, as 
early as 1G23 ; and in 1C37 an ordinance was passed, " tbat it be In tbe power 
of tbe governor and assistants to command solemn days of bumillation, and 
also for tbanksglving, as occasion sball be offered." Tbe deputies sometimes 
acted witb tbe governor in designating sucb days. In 1682, servile work 
and sports were problblted on tbese days, under tbe same penalty as breacb 
of Sabbath. Tbis was continued as long as Plymoutb was a separate colony. 
On tbe settlement of tbe ministry at Salem, Gov. Endicott ordered a fast, as 
was done on a like occasion at Cbarlestown. Tbe magistrates of Boston 
ordered a fast in 1634, and continued tbe exercise of tbat authority till 1602, 
after which tbese celebrations were ordered many times, witb the concur- 
rence of tbe representatives. — Col. Christian Antiquities. 

Many occasional fasts have been appointed and kept with great solemnity 
by the cburcb at Plymoutb, as appears from their records. 

2 



14 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. fl620. 

being fully concluded with the said merchants, and sundry- 
difficulties and obstructions removed, having also obtained 
letters patent for the northern parts of Virginia, of King James 
of famous memory,* all things were got ready and provided, a 
small ship was bought and fitted out in Holland, of about 
sixty tons, called the Speedwell, as to serve to transport some 
of them over, so also to stay in the country, and attend upon 
fishing, and such other affairs as might be for the good and 
benefit of the colony, when they came thither. Another ship 
was hired at London, of burden about nine score, called the 
Mayflower, and all other things got in readiness ; so being 
prepared to depart, they had a solemn day of humiliation, the 
pastor teaching a part of the day very profitably, and suitably 
to the present occasion.f The rest of the time was spent in 
pouring out of prayers unto the Lord, with great fervency, 
mixed with abundance of tears. And the time being come 
that they must depart, they were accompanied with most of 
their brethren out of the city, unto a town called Delft Haven,:]: 
where the ship lay ready to receive them, so they left that 
goodly and pleasant city, which had been theii resting-place 
above eleven years ; but they knew that they were pilgrims 
and strangers here below, and looked not much on these 
things, but lifted up their eyes to heaven, their dearest country, 



* Robert Cusliman and John Carver were their first agents, in 1G17, to the 
Virginia Company, and to obtain security from the king for religious free- 
dom in their proposed settlement. In February, 1619, Mr. Cushman and 
Mr. Bradford were desi:)atched on the same business. After long attend- 
ance they obtained a patent, and returned to Leyden in the autumn of that 
year ; but this patent was never used. King James, by patent makes a 
division of the country into two colonics; the southern between 34 and 41 
degrees north, he grants to the London Company ; the northern between 38 
and 45 degrees north, he grants to the Plj'mouth Company. The Leyden 
agents negotiated with the London Company. — New En(j. Chron. p. 112. 

f The text of Scripture was Ezra viii. 21. — M. 

X This was in June or July, 1G20. From Leyden to Delft ILaven was 
twenty-four miles, the Delft being eight miles from the port. It seems their 
brethren went with them to that place, and the final separation there was 
very painful. "A flood of tears was poured out, and they were not able to 
speak to one another for the abundance of sorrow to part." — Chr. Pil. 384. 



1620.1 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 15 

where God hath prepared for them a city, Heb. xi. 16, and 
therein quieted their spirits. /^'^A ' 

AVhen they came to the place, they found the ship and all 
things ready ; and such of their friends as could not come 
with them, followed after them, and sundry came from Am- 
sterdam to see them shipped, and to take their leave of them. 
One night was spent with little sleep with the most, but with 
friendly entertainment, and Christian discourse, and other 
real expressions of true Christian love. The next day the 
wind being fair, they went on board, and their friends with 
them, where truly doleful was the sight of that sad and mourn- 
ful parting, to hear what sighs and sobs, and prayers did 
sound amongst them ; what tears did gush from every eye, 
and pithy speeches pierced each others' heart, that sundry of 
the Dutch strangers, that stood on the Key as spectators, 
could not refrain from tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it 
was, to see such lively and true expressions of dear and un- 
feigned love. But the tide (which stays for no man) calling 
them away, that were thus loth to depart, their Reverend Pas- 
tor falling down on his knees, and they all with him, with 
watery cheeks commended them with most fervent prayers 
unto the Lord and his blessing ; and then with mutual em- 
braces, and many tears, they took their leave one of another, 
which proved to be the last leave to many of them. Thus 
hoisting sail with a prosperous gale of wind, they came in a 
short time to Southampton, where they found the bigger ship 
come from London, being ready with all the rest of their 
company, meeting each other with a joyful welcome and 
mutual congratulation. 

At their parting, their pastor, Mr. John Robinson, \\Tote a 
letter to the whole company, which I thought meet here to insert, 
being so fruitful in itself, and suitable to their occasions. 

Loving Christian Friends, 

I do heartily, and in the Lord salute you, as being those 
with whom I am present in my best affections, and most 
earnest longing after you, though I be constrained for awhile 
to be bodily absent from you : I say constrained ; Grod know- 



16 KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620' 

ing how willingly, and much rather than otherwise, I would 
have borne my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by 
strong necessity held back for the present. MalvC account of 
me in the mean time as a man divided in myself, with great 
pain, and as (natural bonds set aside) having my better part 
with you. And although I doubt not but in your godly wis- 
doms you both foresee and resolve upon that which concern- 
eth your present state and condition, both severally and 
jointly ; yet have I thought it but my duty to add some further 
spur of provocation to them that run well abeady, if not be- 
cause you need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty. 
And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our 
God, especially for our sins known, and generally for our un- 
known trespasses ; so doth the Lord call us in a singular 
manner, upon occasions of such difficulty and danger as lieth 
upon you, to both a narrow search and careful reforma- 
tion of your ways in his sight, lest he calling to remembrance 
our sins forgotten by us, or unrepented of, take advantage 
against us, and in judgment leave us for the same, to be swal- 
lowed up in one danger or other. Whereas, on the contrary, 
sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and the pardon 
thereof from the Lord sealed up to a man's conscience by his 
spirit, gTeat shall be his security and peace in all dangers, 
sweet his comforts in all distresses, with happy deliverance 
from all evil, whether in life or death. Now next after this 
heavenly peace with God and our own consciences, we are care- 
fully to provide for peace with all men, what in us lieth, es- 
pecially with our associates ; and for that watchfulness must 
be had, that we neither at all in ourselves do give, no, nor 
easily take offence being given by others. Wo be to the 
world for offences, for although it be necessary, considering 
the malice of Satan and man's corruption, that ofi'ences come, 
yet wo unto the man, or woman either, by whom the offence 
Cometh, saith Christ, Math, xviii. 7, and if offences in the un- 
seasonable use of things, in themselves indifferent, be more to 
be feared than death itself, as the apostle teacheth, 1 Cor. ix. 
15, how much more in things simply evil, in which neither 
the honor of God, nor love of man is thought worthy to be 



1620.J NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 17 

regarded ? Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves 
by the grace of God from giving of offence, except withal we 
be armed against the taking of them when they are given by 
others ; for how imperfect and lame is the work of grace in 
that person, who wants charity to . cover a multitude of 
offences ? As the Scripture speaks. Neither are you to be ex- 
horted to this grace, only upon the common grounds of Chris- 
tianity, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either 
want charity to cover offences, or wisdom duly to weigh hu- 
man frailties; or lastly, are gross though close hypocrites, as 
Christ our Lord teacheth. Math. vii. 1-3, as indeed, in my 
own experience, few or none have been found which sooner 
give offence, than such as easily take it ; neither have they 
ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, who 
have nourished this touchy humor. But besides these, there 
are divers motives provoking you above others to great care 
and conscience this way ; as first, there are many of you 
strangers as to the persons,, so to the infirmities one of anoth- 
er, and so stand in need of more watchfulness this way, lest 
when such things fall out in men and women as you sus- 
pected not, you be inordinately affected with them, which 
doth require at your hands much wisdom and charity for the 
covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And 
lastly, your intended course of civil community will minister 
continual occasion of offence, and will be as fuel for that fire, 
except you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. 
And if taking ofience causelessly or easily at men's doings, be 
so carefully to be avoided, how much more heed is to be 
taken that we take not offence at God himself? Which yet 
we certainly do, so oft as we do murmur at his providence in 
our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions as wherewith 
he pleaseth to visit us. Store up therefore patience against 
the evil day ; without which, we take offence at the Lord 
himself in his holy and just works. A further thing there is 
carefully to be provjded for, namely, that with your common em- 
ployments, you join common affections truly bent upon the 
general good, avoiding, as a deadly plague of your both com- 
mon and special comforts, all retiredness of mind for proper 



18 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1620. 

advantage, and all singularly affected every manner of v^^ay. 
Let every man repress in himself, and the whole body in each 
person, as so many rebels against the common good, all pri- 
vate respects of men's selves, not sorting with the general 
convenience. And as men are careful not to have a new 
house shaken with any violence, before it be well settled, and 
the parts firmly knit ; so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much 
more careful that the house of God (which you are, and are 
to be) be not shaken with unnecessary novelties, or other 
oppositions at the first settling thereof. 

Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, using 
amongst yourselves civil government, and are not furnished 
with persons of special eminency above the rest, to be chosen 
by you into office of government; let your wisdom and godliness 
appear not only in choosing such persons as do entirely love, 
and will promote the common good ; but also in yielding unto 
them all due honor and obedience in their lawful administra- 
tions, not beholding in them the ordinariness of their persons, 
but God's ordinance for your good ; not being like the foolish 
multitude, who more honor the gay coat, than either the vir- 
tuous mind of the man, or the glorious ordinance of God. 
But you know better things, and that the image of the Lord's 
power and authority, which the magistrate beareth, is honor- 
able, in how mean persons soever ; and this duty you may 
the more willingly, and ought the more conscionably to per- 
form, because you are (at least for the present) to have them 
for your ordinary governors, which yourselves shall make 
choice of for that work. 

Sundry other things of importance I could put you in mind 
of, and of those before mentioned in more words ; but I will 
not so far wrong your godly minds, as to think you heedless 
of these things, there being also divers amongst you so well 
able to admonish both themselves and others of what concern- 
eth them. These few things, therefore, and the same in few 
words, I do earnestly commend to your care and conscience, 
joining therewith my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord, 
that he who hath made the heavens and the earth and sea, 
and all rivers of waters, and whose providence is over all 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 19 

his works, especially over all his dear children for good, would 
so guide and guard ..you in your ways as inwardly by his 
spirit, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that you, 
and we also for and with you may have after matter of prais- 
ing his name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you 
well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest. 

An unfeigned well wilier to your happy success in this 
hopeful voyage.* 

John Robinson. 

Upon the receipt of this letter, the company were called 
together ; and it was publicly read amongst them, which had 
good acceptance with all, and after fruit with many. 



Of the troubles that befel the first planters upon the 
COAST OF England, and in their voyage in coming over into 
New England, and their arrival at Cape Cod, alias Cape 
James. 

All things being got ready, and every business despatched, 
they ordered and distributed their company for either ship (as 
they conceived for the best) and chose a governor, and two 
or three assistants for each ship, to order the people by the 
way, and to see to the disposing of the provision, and such 
like affairs ; all which was not only with the liking of the 
masters of the ships, but according to their desires ; which 
being done, they set sail from Southampton the fifth of 
August, 1620. But alas, the best enterprises meet oftentimes 
with many discouragements ; for they hacT not sailed far, be- 
fore Mr. Reynolds, the master of the lesser ship, complained 
that he found his ship so leaky, he durst not put further to 
sea ; on which they were forced to put in at Dartmouth, Mr. 



* See Appendix for further farewell advice in his sermon, July, 1C20, in 
■which, -while he exhorts them to take heed what they receive as truth, he 
■would have them receive all truth that yet may be developed by a faithful 
study of the word of God. 



20 Iv^EW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

Jones, the master of the biggest ship, likewise putting in 
there with him, and the said lesser ship was searched and 
mended, and judged sufficient for the voyage, by the work- 
men that mended her ; on which both the said ships put to 
sea the second time, but they had not sailed above an hun- 
dred leagues, ere the said Reynolds again complained of his 
ship being so leaky, as that he feared he should founder in 
the sea, if he held on ; and then both ships bore up again, and 
went in at Plimouth; but being there searched again, no 
great matter appeared, but it w^as judged to be the general 
weakness of the ship. But the true reason of the retarding 
and delaying of matters was not as yet discerned ; the one of 
them respecting the ship (as afterwards was found), was, that 
she was over-masted, which, when she came to her trim, in 
that respect she did well ; and made divers profitable and 
successful voyages. But secondly, and more especially by 
the deceit of the master and his company, who were hired to 
stay a whole year in the country ; but now fancying dislike, 
and fearing want of victuals, they plotted this stratagem to 
free themselves, as afterwards was known, and by some of 
them confessed ; for they apprehended that the greater ship 
being of force, and in whom most provisions were bestowed, 
that she would retain enough for herself, whatsoever became 
of them and the passengers. But so strong was self-love and 
deceit in this man, as he forgot all duty and former kindness, 
and dealt thus falsely with them. These things thus falling 
out, it was resolved by the whole company to dismiss the les- 
ser ship and part of the company with her, and that the other 
part of the company should proceed in the bigger ship ; which 
when they had ordered matters thereunto, they made another 
sad parting, the one ship, namely, the lesser, going back for 
London, and the other, namely, the Mayflower, ]Mr. Jones 
being master, proceeding on the intended voyage. 

These troubles being blown over, and now all being com- 
pact together in one ship, they put to sea again with a pros- 
perous wind;* but after they had enjoyed fair winds for a 

* September 6. — MourCs Eel. Bradford's M. S. History. 



1620. 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 21 



season, they met with many contrary winds and fierce storms, 
with which their ship was shrewdly shaken, and her upper 
works made very leaky, and one of the main beams of the 
midships was bowed and cracked, which put them to some 
fear tJrat she would not be able to perform the voyage ; on 
which the principal of the seamen and passengers had serious 
consultation what to do, whether to return, or hold on. But 
the ship proving strong under water, by a screw the said 
beam was brought into his place again ; which being done, 
and well secured by the carpenter, they resolved to hold on 
their voyage, and so after many boisterous storms in which 
they could bear no sail, but were forced to iie at hull many 
days together; after long beating at sea, they fell in with the 
land called Cape Cod,* the which being made, and certainly 
known to be it, they were not a little joyful. After some 
little deliberation had amongst themselves with the master of 
the ship, they tacked about to stand to the southward, to find 
some place about Hudson's river, (according to their first in- 
te^j^RlRs,) for their habitations : but they had not sailed that 
course above half a day, before they fell'^amongst perilous 
shoals and breakers, and they were so far entangled therewith, 
as they conceived themselves in great danger ; and the wind 
shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again 
for the cape aforesaid: the' next day, by God's providence, 
they got into the cape harbor. Thus they arrived at Cape 
Cod, alias Cape James, in November, 1620, and being brought 
safe to land, they fell upon their knees, and blessed the God 
of heaven, who had brought them over the vast and furious 
ocean, and delivered them from many perils and miseries.f 



* Cape Cod, so called at the first by Capt. Gosnold and his company, 
Anno, 1602, because they took much of that fish there; and afterwards 
called Cape James, by Capt. Smith. The point of the cape is called Point 
Cai'e, and Tucker's Terror ; and by the French and Dutch, Mallacar, by 
reason of the perilous shoals. — M. 

f They made the land November 9, and anchored in Cape Cod harbor on 
the 11th; on the same day they landed 15 or 16 men well armed, to procure 
■wood and reconnoitre the place. They found neither house nor person ; but 
laded their boat with juniper (red cedar.) — Mouri's Eel. 



22 NEW ENGLAND'S ME:M0RIAL. [1620. 

Nevertheless, it is to be observed, that their putting into 
this place was partly by reason of a storm by which they 
were forced in, but more especially by the fraudulency and 
contrivance of the aforesaid Mr. Jones, the master of the ship ; 
for their intention, as before noted, and his engagement, was 
to Hudson's river ; but some of the Dutch having notice of 
their intentions, and having thoughts about the same time of 
erecting a plantation there likewise, they fraudulently hired 
the said Jones, by delays, while they were in England, and 
now under pretence of the danger of the shoals, &c., to dis- 
appoint them in their going thither.* But God outshoots 
Satan oftentimes in his own bow; for had they gone to 
Hudson's river, as before expressed, it had proved very dan- 
gerous to them ; for although it is a place far more commo- 
dious, and the soil more fertile, yet then abounding with a 
multitude of pernicious savages, whereby they would have 
been in great peril of their lives, and so the work of trans- 
planting the gospel into these parts much endangered to have 
been hindered and retarded ; but God so disposed, th?ft''*tJtie 
place where they afterwards settled was much depopulated 
by a great mortality amongst the natives, which fell out about 
two years before their arrival, whereby he made way for the 
carrying on of his good purpose in promulgating of his gospel 
as aforesaid. 

But before we pass on, let the reader, with me, make a 
pause, and seriously consider this poor people's present con- 
dition, the more to be raised up to admiration of God's good- 
ness towards them in their preservation ; for being now passed 
the vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their prepa- 
ration, they had now no friends to welcome them, no inns 
to entertain or refresh them, no houses, much less towns, to 
repair unto to seek for succor. The barbarians that Paul the 
apostle fell amongst in his shipwreck, at the isle Melita, 
showed him no small kindness, Acts xxviii,, but these savage 
barbarians, when they met with them (as after will appear), 



* Oi'tliis plot between tlic Dutcli and Mr. Jones, I have bad late and cer- 
tain iutclli^ence. — M. 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 23 

were readier to fill their sides full of arrows, than otherwise ; 
and, for the season it was winter, and they that know the 
winters of the country, know them to be sharp and violent, 
subject to cruel and fierce storms, dangerous to travel to 
known places, much more to search unknown coasts. Be- 
sides, what could they see but a hideous and desolate wilder- 
ness, full of wild beasts and wild men ? And what multi- 
tudes of them there were, they then knew not ; neither could 
they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, to view from this 
wilderness a more goodly country to feed their hopes ; for 
which way soever they turned their eyes (save upward to 
heaven), they could have little solace or content in respect of 
any outward object, for summer being ended, all things stand in 
appearance with a weather-beaten face, and the whole country 
full of woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage 
hue ; if they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean 
which they had passed, and was now as a main bar and gulf 
to separate them from all the civil parts of the world. The 
mast^ of the ship and his company pressing with speed to 
look a place for a settlement at some near distance, for the 
season was such that he would not stir from thence until a 
safe harbor was discovered by them with their boat ; yea, it 
was sometimes threatened, that if they would not get a place 
in time, that they and their goods should be turned on shore, 
and that the ship would leave them ; the master expressing 
himself, that provisions spent apace, and that he would keep 
sufficient for himself and his company for their return. It is 
true indeed, that the love and affections of their brethren they 
left behind them in Holland were cordial and entire towards 
them, but they had little power to help them or themselves ; 
what could now sustain them but the spirit of God and his 
grace ? Ought not, and may not the children of these fathers 
rightly say, our fathers were Englishmen, which came over 
this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this wilderness ; 
but they cried unto the Lord, and he heard their voice, and 
looked on then* adversity. Let them therefore praise the 
Lord, because he is good, and his mercy endureth for ever ; yea, 
let them who have been the redeemed of the Lord, show how 



24 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

he hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor, when 
they wandered in the desert wilderness out of the way, and 
found no city to dwell in ; both hungry and thirsty, their soul 
was overwhelmed in them : let them therefore confess before 
the Lord his loving-kindness, and his wonderful works before 
the children of men, Psal. cvii. 1, 2, 4, 5, 8.* 



Of the first planters, their combixatiox, by entering into a 
body politic togetner ; with their proceedings in discovery 
op a place for their settlejient and habitation. 

Being thus fraudulently dealt with (as you have heard), 
and brought so far to the northward, the season being sharp, 
and no hopes of their obtaining their intended port; and 
thereby their patent being made void and useless, as to 
another place : being at Cape Cod upon the eleventh day of 
November, 1620, it was thought meet for their more orderly 
carrying on of their affairs, and accordingly by mutual consent 
they entered into a solemn combination, as a body politic, to 
submit to such government and governors, laws and ordi- 
nances, as should by a general consent, from time to time, be 
made choice of, and assented unto. The contents whereof 
followetli.| 

In the name of God, amen. We whose names are under- 
written, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord, King 

* Many attempts had been made to settle tliis rough and northern country ; 
first by the French, who would fain account it part of Canada, and then by 
the English, and both from mere secular views. But such a train of crosses 
accompany the designs of both these nations, that they seem to give it over 
as not worth the planting, till a pious people of England, not allowed to wor- 
ship their Maker according to his institutions only, without the mixture of 
human ceremonies, are spirited to attempt the settlement, that here they 
might enjoy a worship purely scriptural and leave the ^mc to their 
posterity. — New Eiu/. Chron. p. 98. 

f This was the first foundation of the government of New Plimouth. — M. 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 25 

James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and 
Ireland, King, Defender of the faith, etc. Having undertaken 
for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, 
and the honor of our King and country, a voyage to plant the 
first colony in the northern parts of Virginia ; do by these 
presents solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and 
one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a 
civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, 
and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof, 
do enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, or- 
dinances, acts, constitutions, and officers, from time to time, as 
shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general 
good of the colony ; unto which we promise all due submis- 
sion and obedience. In witness whereof, we have hereunto 
subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the eleventh of Novem- 
ber, in the reign of our sovereign Lord King James, of Eng- 
land, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the 
fifty-fourth. Anno Dom. 1620.* '^^'^'^ 

* " By this instrument tliey formed themselves Into a proper democracy, 
and if they had gone no further, perhaps they would have done but little 
towards preserving order. But one great reason of this covenant seems to 
have been of a mere moral nature, that they might remove all scruples of 
inflicting necessary punishments, even capital ones, seeing all had voluntarily 
subjected themselves to them. They seem cautiously to have preserved as 
mucli of their natural liberty as could be consistent with the maintenance of 
government and order. This was rational, and every thinking man, Avhen he 
quitted the state of nature, would do the same. Lord Chief-Justice Holt said, 
in the case of Blankard v. Galdy, that in case of an uninhabited country, 
found out by English subjects, all laws in force in England, are in force there, 
and the court agreed with him. Until they should agree upon laws suited to 
their peculiar circumstances, our Plymoutheans resolved to make the laws of 
England their rule of government ; and it seems they differed much in this 
respect from the Massachusetts colonists, and never established any distinct 
code or body of laws of their own, but In such cases where the common law 
and the statutes of England could not well reach and afford them help in 
emergent difficulties, they added some particular municipal laws of their 
own, following the advice of Pacuvius to his neighbors of Capua, ' not to 
cashier their old magistrates till they could agree upon better to place In 
their room.' " — 2 Hutch. 409-412. 

3 



26 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 



[1620. 



John Carver, 
William Bradford, 
Edward Winslow, 
William Brewster, 
Isaac AUerton, 
Miles Standisb, 
Jolm Alden, , 
Samuel Fuller-, 
Christopher Martin, 
William ]\IullinS, 
William White, 
Richard Warren, 
Jolm Ilowland, 
Stephen Hopkins, 



Edward Tilly, 
John Tilly, 
Francis Cooke, 
Thomas Rogers, 
Thomas Tinker, 
John Ridgdale, 
Edward Fuller, 
John Turner, 
Francis Eaton, 
James Chilton, 
John Craxton, 
John Billington, 
Joses Fletcher, 
John Goodman, 



Digery Priest, 
Thomas Williams, 
Gilbert Winslow, 
Edmund Margeson, 
Peter Brown, 
Richard Bitteridge, 
George Soule, 
Richard Clark, 
Richard Gardiner, 
John Allerton, 
Thomas English, 
Edward Doten, 
Edward Leister.* 



After this they chose Mr. John Carver, a man godly and 



* The following corrected list is from Prince's Annals, p. 172. Morton 
has given the names in the following order: but their names connected with 
their titles and families, I take from the list at the end of Gov. Bradford's 
folio manuscript. Only this I observe that out of modesty he'omits the title 
of Mr. to his own name, which he ascribes to several others. 

Those with this mark (*) bi'ought their wives with them ; those with this 
(t), for the i^resent, left them either in Holland or England. Some left be- 
hind them jmrt, and others all their children. Those with this mark (ss) 
deceased before the end of March. 



NAMES. 

1. ]Mr. Jolm Carver,* 

2. William Bradford,* 

3. ]Mr. Edward Winslow,* 

4. Mr. William Brewster,* 

5. ]\Ir. Isaac Allerton,* 
G. Capt. Miles Standish,* 

7. John Alden, 

8. ]\Ir. Samuel Fuller,! 
0. Mr. Christopher Martin,* ss 4 

10. Mr. AVilliam Mullins,* ss 

11. ]\Ir. William AVhite,* ss 

12. Mr. Richard Warren,t 

13. John Ilowland,^ 



NO. IN 




FAMILY. 




8 


14. 


2 


15. 


5 


IG. 


6 


17. 


G 


18. 


2 


19. 


1 


20. 


2^ 


21. 


ss4 


22. 


5 


23. 


5- 


24. 


1 


25. 




2C. 



NO. IN 

NAMES. FAMILY. 

Mr. Stephen Hopkins,* 8* 

Edward Tilley,* ss 4 

John Tilley,* ss 3 

Francis Cook,f 2 

Thomas Rogers, ss 2 

Thomas Tinker,* ss 3 

John Ridgdale,* ss 2 

Edward Fuller,* ss 3 

John Turner,* ss 3 

Francis Eaton,* 3 

James Chilton,* ss 3 

John Craekston, ss 2' 

John Billington,* 4 



1 One of these was a servant, who died before their arriv.il. 

- Besides the son born in Cape Cod harbor, named I'crcgrine. 

^ lie was of Gov. Carver's family. 

* One of these was born at sea, and therefore named Occauus. 

^ Mr. Morton calls him Craxton. 



1620.] 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 



27 



well approved amongst them, to be their governor for that 
year. 

Necessity now calling them to look out a place for habi- 
tation, as well as the master's and mariners' importunity urging 
them thereunto ; while their carpenter was trimming up of 
their boat, sixteen of their men tendered themselves to go by 
land and discover those nearest places, which was accepted ; 
and they being well armed, were sent forth on the sixteenth 
of November, 1620,* and having marched about a mile by the 
seaside, they espied five Indians, who ran away from them, 
and they followed them all that day sundry miles, but could 



NAMES. 

27. Moses Fletcher, ss 

28. .Tolin Goodman, ss 

29. Degory Priest, ss 

30. Thomas Williams, ss 

31. Gilbert Winslow, 

32. Edmund Margeson, ss 

33. Peter Brown, 

34. Richard Britterige, ss 



NO. IN 






NO. IN 


FAMILY. 




NAMES. 


FAMILY 


^1 


35. 


George Soule,* 






3G. 


Richard Clarke, ss 


1 


1" 


37. 


Richard Gardiner, 


1 




38. 


John Allerton, ss 


1 




30. 


Thomas English, ss 


1 




40. 


Edward Dorey,'' 


1g 




41. 


Edward Leicester, 


r 


1^ 









101 



So then just 100 who sailed from Plymouth in England, and just as many 
arrived in Cape Cod harbor. 

The following number of deaths occurred during the following winter up 
to the end of March: in December 6, in Januarys, in February 17, in 
March 13 ; making 44 in all : of whom were — 

Subscribers to the foregoing agreement 21 

Dorothy, wife of Gov. Bradford, 

Rose, wife of Capt. Standish, 

Mary, wife of Mr. Allerton, 

Elizabeth, wife of Edward Winslow, 

Women, children, and servants, names not known . . .19 

44 
* Capt. Standish commanded on this expedition ; among his associates 
were William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley. 



1 Sir. Morton seems to mistake in calling him Jose. 

" ]\rr. jMorton calls him Digery. 

^ Jlr. Morton calls him Bittcricl<ie. 

* He was of Gov. Winslow's family. 

^ ]\Ir. Morton seems to mistake in calling him Doten. 

^ They were of Mr. Hopkins's fi^mily. 



28 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

not come to speech with them ; so night coming on, they be- 
took themselves to their rendezvous, and set out their sentinels, 
and rested in quiet that night ; and the next morning they 
followed the Indians' tracks, but could not find them nor their 
dwellings, but at length lighted on a good quantity of clear 
ground near to a pond of fresh water,* where formerly the 
Indians had planted Indian corn, at which place they saw 
sundry of their graves ; and proceeding further they found 
new stubble where Indian corn had been planted the same 
year; also they found where lately an house had been, where 
some planks and a great kettle was remaining, and heaps of 
sand newly paddled with their hands, which they digged up 
and found in them divers fair Indian baskets filled with corn, 
some whereof was in ears, fair and good, of divers colors, 
which seemed to them a very goodly sight, having seen none 
before,! of which rarities they took some to carry to their 
friends on shipboard, like as the Israelites' spies brought from 
Eshcol some of the good fruits of the land ; but finding little 
that might make for their encouragement as to situation, they 
returned, being gladly received by the rest of their com- 
pany. 

After this, their shallop being ready, they set out the second 
time for a more full discovery of this place, especially a place 
that seemed to be an opening as they went into the said har- 
bor some two or three leagues off, which the master judged 
to be a river ; about thirty of them went out on this second 

* In Trnro. 

f The place where the graves were seen is now known by the name of the 
Great Hollow; south of the Great Hollow is a hill terminating in a cliff, now 
called the Hopkins' Cliff, supposed to be the place where they found the bas- 
kets of Indian corn, and on that account named Cornhill. 

" The basket was round, and narrow at the top. It held three or four 
bushels, which was as much as two of us could lift up from the ground, and 
was very handsomely and cunningly made. We were in suspense what to 
do with it and the kettle ; and at length, after much consvdtation, we con- 
cluded to take the kettle, and as much of the corn as we could carry away 
with us, and when our shallop came, and if we could find any of the people, 
we would give them the kettle again, and satisfy them for their corn." — 3Iass. 
Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p. 209, 210. 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 29 

discovery, the master of the ship going with them ; but upon 
the more exact discovery thereof, they found it to be no har- 
bor for ships, but only for boats. There they also found two 
of their houses covered with mats, and sundry of their imple- 
ments in them ; but the people ran away and could not be 
seen. Also there they found more of their corn and beans of 
various colors ; the corn and beans they brought away, pur- 
posing to give them full satisfaction when they should meet 
with any of them.* And here is to be noted, a special and 
a great mercy to this people, that here they got them seed 
to plant them corn the next year, or otherwise they might 
have starved, for they had none, nor any likelihood to get any 
until the season had been past, (as the sequel did manifest,) 
neither is it likely that they had had this, if the first discovery 
had not been made, for the ground was now all covered with 
snow, and hard frozen ; but the Lord is never wanting unto 
those that are his, in their greatest needs. Let his. holy name 
have all the praise. 

Having thus discovered this place, it was controverted 
amongst them what to do, touching their abode and settling 
there. Some thought it best for many reasons to abide there. 

1st. Because of the convenience of the harbor for boats, 
though not for ships. 

2d. There was good corn ground ready to their hands, as 
was seen by experience in the goodly corn it yielded, which 
again would agree with the ground, and be natm'al seed for 
the same. 

3d. Cape Cod was like to be a place for good fishing, for 
they daily saw great whales of the best kind for oil. 

4th. The place was likely to be healthful, secure, and de- 
fensible.! 

5th, and lastly. The especial reason was, that now the 



* About six months after they gave them full satisfaction to their con- 
tent. — M. 

t It has been supposed by some that our ancestors were not fortunate in 
the selection of their plantation, and that they would have found much better 
land on the other side of the bay. But this is a mistake, for no part of 

3* 



30 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

heart of the winter and unseasonable weather was come upon 
them, so as they could not go upon coasting and discovery 
without danger of losing both men and boat, upon which 
they would follow the overthrow of all, especially considering 
what variable winds and sudden storms do there arise ; also 
cold and wet lodging had so tainted their people, as scarce 
any of them were free from vehement coughs, as if they 
should continue long, it would endanger the lives of many, 
and breed diseases and infection amongst them. Again, 
that as yet they had some provisions, but they would quickly 
be spent, and then they should have nothing to comfort them 
in their labor and toil that they were like to undergo. At the 
first it was also conceived, whilst they had competent victuals, 
that the ship would stay, but when that grew low, they 
would be gone, and let them shift for themselves. 

Others again urged to go to Agawam, alias Angawam,* a 
place about twenty leagues off to the northward, which they 
had heard to be an excellent harbor for ships, better ground 
and better fishing. 

Massachusetts could be better suited to their condition. Had they settled 
down upon a hard and heavy, though rich soil, what could they have done 
with it ? They had no plows, nor beasts of the plow, and yet their chief 
subsistence was to be derived from the ground. The Plymouth lands were 
free, light, and easy of tillage, but hard enough for poor pilgrims to dig and 
plant. And there is perhaps no place in New England where Indian corn 
could have been raised to better advantage with the same labor. The land 
yielded well, being new and unworn. And for fish, they could scarcely have 
been better supplied; and the forests were as well supplied with game as 
elsewhere. Here they were also favored by the Prince of the country. The 
character of Massasoit was humane, and his friendship sincere. The treaty 
which he made with them, he faithfully performed all his life long, whereas, 
in other locations, they might have fallen by savage violence. And, more- 
over. Divine Providence seems to have opened the door to the pilgrims at 
Plymouth by removing the native inhabitants, so as to make a place for their 
settlement there. 

For many particulars relative to this expedition contained in Mourt's 
Relation, but omitted in this narrative, see Masx. Hist. Coll. vol. viii. 
p. 203-213. 

* This was probably Ipswich ; although this was the Indian name of part 
of Wareham, and the village there is still so called. 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 31 

Secondly. For any thing they knew there might be hard by 
us a better seat, and it would be a great hinderance to seat 
where they should remove again. 

But to omit many reasons and replies concerning this 
matter, it was in the end concluded to make some discovery 
within the bay, but in no case so far as Angawam. Besides, 
Robert Coppin, their pilot, made relation of a great navigable 
river and good harbor in the other headland of the bay, almost 
right over against Cape Cod, being in a right line not much 
above eight leagues distant, in which he had once been, and 
beyond that place they that were to go on discovery, were 
enjoined not to go.* 

The month of November being spent on these affairs, and 
having much foul weather; on the 6th of December they 
concluded to send out their shallop again on a third discovery.- 
The names of those that went on this discovery, were Mr. 
John Carver, Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. John Rowland, Mr. Richard War- 
ren, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, Mr. Edward Tilly, Mi'. John Tilly, 
Mr. Clark, Mr. Coppin, John Allerton, Thomas English, 
Edward Doten, with the master gunner of the ship, and three 
of the common seamen ; these set sail on Wednesday the 
sixth of December, 1620, intending to circulate the deep bay 
of Cape Cod, the weather being very cold, so as the spray of 
the sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been 
glazed, notwithstanding that night they got down into the 
bottom of the bay, and as they drew near the shore they saw 
some ten or twelve Indians, and landed about a league off 
them, (but with some difficulty, by reason of the shoals in 
that place,) where they tarried that night. 

In the morning they divided their company to coast along, 
some on shore and some in the boat, where they saw the 



* About this time Mrs. Susanna White was delivered of a son, -who was 
named Peregrine ; he was the first of the Enghsh that was born in New 
England, and still surviveth, [A. D. 1GC9,] and is the Lieutenant of the mil- 
itary company of Marshfield. — M. lie died at Marshlield, July 20, 1704, 
aged 83 years. 



32 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

Indians had been the day before cutting up a fish like a 
grampus ; and so they ranged up and down all that day ; but 
found no people, nor any place they liked, as fit for their set- 
tlement ; and that night they on shore met with their boat at a 
certain creek where they make them a barricado of boughs 
and logs, for their lodging that night, and, being weary, betook 
themselves to rest* The next morning, about five o'clock, 
(seeking guidance and protection from God by prayer,) and 
refreshing themselves, in way of preparation, to persist on 
their intended expedition, some of them carried their arms 
down to the boat, having laid them up in their coats from 
the moisture of the weather; but others said they w^ould not 
carry theirs until they went themselves. But presently all on 
a sudden, about the dawning of the day, they heard a great 
and strange cry, and one of their company being on board, 
came hastily in, and cried, Indians ! Indians ! and withal, 
their arrows came flying amongst them ; on which all their 
men ran with speed to recover their arms ; as by God's good 
providence they did. In the mean time some of those that 
were ready, discharged two muskets at them, and two more 
stood ready at the entrance of their rendezvous, but were 
commanded not to shoot until they could take full aim at 
them ; and the other two charged again with all speed, for 
there were only four that had arms there, and defended the 
barricado which was first assaulted. The cry of the Indians 
was dreadful,! especially when they saw their men run out of 
their rendezvous towards the shallop, to recover their arms ; 
the Indians wheeling about upon them ; but some running 
out with coats of mail, and cuttle-axes in then- hands, they 
soon recovered their arms, and discharged amongst them, and 
soon stayed their violence. Notwithstanding there was a 
lusty man, and no less valiant, stood behind a tree within 
half a musket shot, and let his arrows fly amongst them ; he 
was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided, and 

* Tliis is thought to be a place called Namskcket. — M. 
f "Their note was after this manner, Woach, woach, ha hacli woach." — 
Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p. 219. 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 33 

stood three shot of musket, until one taking full aim at him, 
made the bark or splinters of the tree fly about his ears ; after 
which he (gave an extraordinary shriek, and away they went 
all of them ; * and so leaving some to keep the shallop, they 
followed them about a quarter of a mile, that they might con- 
ceive that they were not afraid of them, or any way dis- 
couraged. f 

Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and to give 
them deliverance, and by his special providence so to dispose, 
that not any one of them was either hurt or hit, though their 
arrows came close by them ; and sundry of their coats, which 
hung up in the barricado, were shot through and through. 
For which salvation and dehverance they rendered solemn 
thanksgiving unto the Lord. 

From hence they departed, and coasted all along, but dis- 
cerned no place likely for harbor, and therefore hasted to the 
place the pilot (as aforesaid) told them of, who assured them 
that there was a good harbor, and they might fetch it before 
night; of which they were glad, for it began to be foul 
weather. 

After some hours sailing it began to snow and rain, and 
about the middle of the afternoon the wind increased, and 
the sea became very rough, and they broke their rudder, and 
it was as much as two men could do to steer the boat with a 
couple of oars ; but the pilot bid them be of good cheer, for 
he saw the harbor ; but the storm increasing, and night draw- 
ing on, they bore what sail they could to get in while they 
could see, but herewith they brake their mast in three pieces, 
and their sail fell overboard in a very grown sea, so as they 
had like to have been cast away ; yet by God's mercy they 
recovered themselves, and having the flood with them, struck 
into the harbor. But when it came to, the pilot was deceived, 
and said, Lord be merciful to us, my eyes never saw this place 



* " We took up eighteen of their arrows, which we had sent to England, 
by Master Jones ; some whereof were headed with brass, others with hart's 
horn, and others with eagle's claws." — Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p. 219. 

t This place, on this occasion, was called the First Encounter. — M. 



34 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

before : and he and the master's mate would have run the 
boat ashore in a cove full of breakers before the wind,* but a 
lusty seaman, who steered, bid them that rowed, if they were 
men, about with her, else they were all cast away, the which 
they did with all speed ; so he bid them be of good cheer, and 
row hard, for there was a fair sound before them, and he 
doubted not but they should find one place or other where they 
might ride in safety. And although it was very dark, and 
rained sore, yet in the end they got under the lee of a small 
island, and remained there all night in safety.f But they 
knew not this to be an island until the next morning, but 
were much divided in their minds, some would keep the boat, 
doubting they might be amongst the Indians, others were so 
wet and cold they could not endure, but got on shore, and 
with much difficulty got fire, and so the whole were refreshed, 
and rested in safety that night. The next day rendering 
thanks to God for his great deliverance of them, and his con- 
tinued merciful good providence towards them ; and finding 
this to be an island, it being the last day of the week, they 
resolved to keep the sabbath there. 

On the second day of the week following,^ they sounded 
the harbor, and found it fit for shipping, and marched into the 



* This was between the place called the Gurnet's Nose and Sagaquab 
by the mouth of Plymouth harbor. — M. 

f This was afterwards called Clark's Island, because Mr. Clark, the mas- 
ter's mate, first stepped on shore thereon. — M. 

J " On Monday we found a very good harbor for our shipping. We 
marched also into the land and found divers cornfields and little running 
brooks ; a place very good for situation. This harbor is a bay greater than 
Cape Cod [harbor] compassed with goodly land, and in the bay two fine 
Islands uninhabited, wherein are nothing but woods, oaks, pines, walnut, 
beech, sassafras, vines, and other trees which we know not. This bay is a most 
hopeful place ; innumerable store of fowl and excellent good ; and cannot 
but be fish in their seasons ; skate, cod, turbot, and herring we have tasted 
of; abundance of muscles, the greatest and best we ever saw ; crabs and 
lobsters in their time infinite : it is in fashion like a sickle or fish-hook." — 
Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p. 220. 

After making the rcscarcliest examinations, which have been related, the 
Pilgrims fixed on Plymouth, called by the natives Patuxet, for their perma- 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 35 

land, and found divers cornfields, and little running brooks, a 
place (as they supposed) fit for situation, at least it was the 
best that they could find, and the season and their present 
necessity made them glad to accept of it. So they returned 

nent liome ; and on a day corresponding with the twenty-second day of 
December, according to the present way of reckoning time, effected a land- 
ing, which has ever since been commemorated by their posterity. There 
were incidents connected with the disembarkation, preserved by tradition, 
which we cannot detail here, but must refer the curious to the books of the 
antiquarians. But the " Rock " on which they first planted their feet for 
permanent settlement, (whether it were INIiss Chilton or John Alden who 
made the first successful leap,) is well ascertained, and will probably never 
be forgotten. Indeed the sight of it commands an annual pilgrimage as a 
memento of the faith, patience, inflexible virtue, and persevering labor of 
" The Forefathers," who, as Pi-esident Dwight says, " "Were inferior to no 
body of men whose names are recorded in history during the last 1700 
years." De Tocqueville says, " This Kock has become an object of venera- 
tion in the United States. I have seen bits of it carefully preserved in sev- 
eral towns of the Union. Does not this sufficiently shoAv that all human power 
and greatness is in the soul of man ? Here is a stone which the feet of the 
outcasts pressed for an instant, and this stone becomes famous ; it is treasured 
by a great nation ; its very dust is shared as a relic. And what has become 
of the gateways of a thousand palaces ? who cares for them?" 

When the purposes of commerce and navigation called for a location upon 
the " Rock," the inhabitants of the place removed a considerable part of it, 
which is now resting in the front of "Pilgrim Hall," with an iron inclosure, 
bearing the names of the " Pilgrim Fathers of our race." The Hall is built of 
rough granite, 70 feet by 4-1, and contains many deposits of the heirlooms of 
the Pilgrims, and other memorials of the olden time, and affords convenient 
rooms for the annual celebrations. A picture of the landing and full length 
portraits of the boat's company, and of their friend Samoset, adorns one side 
of the hall, the gift of the artist. Col. Seargeant. 

It is in contemplation to erect a monument to the memory of the Fathers, 
the expense of which is not to exceed $100,000, at the place of the original 
landing, and where the most considerable part of the " Rock " still rests ; and 
generous subscriptions are already made for that purpose. The celebration 
of the landing on " Forefathers' Day," is not only attended at Plymouth, but 
at Boston, New York, Cincinnati, New Orleans, Charleston, Buffalo, Detroit, 
and perhaps some other places. 

We have said the " Rock " is well ascertained. At the commencement of 
the present century, an aged Deacon of the Plymouth Church was living, 
who remembered " Elder Founce," the son of a Pilgrim, and who died in 
174C, aged ninety-nine years, and who well remembered many of the "Fii'st 



36 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

to their ship with this news to the rest of their people, which 
did much comfort their hearts.* 

On the fifteenth of December they weighed anchor, to go to 
the place they had discovered, and arrived the sixteenth day 
in the harbor they had formerly discovered, and afterward 
took better view of the place, and resolved where to pitch 
their dwellings ; and on the five and twentieth day of Decem- 
ber began to erect the first house for common use, to receive 
them and their goods. And after they had provided a place 
for their goods and common store (which was long in un- 
lading for want of boats, and by reason of foulness of the 
winter weather, and sickness of divers) they began to build 
some small cottages for habitation, as time would admit; 
and also consulted of laws and orders both for their civil and 
military government, as the necessity of their present con- 
dition did require.! But that which was sad and lamentable, 
in two or three months' time half their company died, es- 
pecially in January and February, being the depth of winter, 
wanting houses and other comforts, being infected with the 
scurvy and other diseases, which this long voyage and their 
incommodate condition had brought upon them, so as there 



Comers," and knew tlae " Rock," on -which they first landed. When so aged 
that he could not be abroad, the Elder was informed that the " Rock " Avas 
covered, or about to be covered, by the erection of a store and wharf; and he 
•was so affected by the information, that he wept grievously. Out of respect 
to the feelings of the Elder, and perhaps veneration for the place, the "Rock " 
was not covered. The writer of this note had these facts of the Deacon 
himself, and they are also substantially so related by Dr. Holmes. — Annals, 
vol. i. p. 1G8. 

* December 4, dies Edward Thomson, servant of Mr. White. The 
first that dies since their arrival. December 6, dies Jasper, a boy of Mr. 
Carver s. December 7, Dorothy, wife of Mr. William Bradford ; she fell 
from the ship and was drowned, while her husband was absent ou this explor- 
ing expedition. — 'New Eng. Chron. 1G5. 

t Here, as in subsequent parts of the Memorial, the inquisitive reader will 
desire to see a more extended and full account of the daily employments of 
the Pilgrims, we refer him to the Appendix, where we have extracted 
from Prince's Chronology and Bradford's History all such matter as may be 
needful to give information additional to what is contained in the Memorial. 



1620.J NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 37 

died, sometimes two, sometimes three, on a day, in the afore- 
said time, that of one hundred and odd persons, scarce fifty 
remained. Amongst others in the time fore named, died Mr. 
William Mullins, a man pious and well deserving, endowed 
also with a considerable outward estate ; and had it been the 
will of God that he had survived, might have proved an useful 
instrument in his place, with several others who deceased in 
this great and common affliction, whom I might take notice 
of to the like effect. Of those that did survive in this time of 
distress and calamity that was upon them, there was some- 
times but six or seven sound persons, who (to their great com- 
mendation be it spoken) spared no pains night nor day to be 
helpful to the rest, not shunning to do very mean services to 
help the weak and impotent.* In which sickness the seamen 
shared also deeply, and many died, to about the one half of 
them before they went away. Thus being but few, and very 
weak, this was an opportunity for the savages to have made 
a prey of them, who were wont to be most cruel and treacher- 
ous people in all these parts, even like lions ; but to them 
they were as lambs, God strildng a dread in their hearts, so 
that they received no harm from them. The Lord also so 
disposed, as aforesaid, much to waste them by a great mor- 
tality, together with which were their own civil dissensions, 
and bloody wars, so as the twentieth person was scarce left 
alive when these people arrived, there remaining sad specta- 
cles of that mortality in the place where they seated, by many 
bones and skulls of the dead lying above ground ; whereby it 
appeared that the living of them were not able to bury their 
dead. Some of the ancient Indians, that are surviving at the 
writing hereof, do affirm, that about some two or three years 
before the first English arrived here, they saw a blazing star, 
or comet | which was a forerunner of this sad mortality, for 

* Two of the seven, says Mr. Bradford, were Mr. Brewster, their reverend; 
elder, and Mr. Standish, their captain. — New Eng. Chron. 

t This secmeth to be the same that was seen about that time in 
Europe. — M. 

4 



38 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1620. 

soon after it came upon them in extremity.* i Thus God 
made way for his people, by removing the heathen, and plant- 
ing them in the land ; yet we hope in mercy to some of the 
posterity of these blind savages, by being a means, at least 
stepping-stones, for others to come and preach the gospel 
among them ; of which afterwards in its more proper place. 
But to return, j 

The Indians, after their arrival, would show themselves afar 
off, but when they endeavored to come near them they would 



* In 1617 the country of the Pawkunnawkuts was nearly depopulated by 
the great plague. It is certainly remarkable that the Pilgrims should have 
selected a location which was made vacant for them by the hand of Provi- 
dence, while unaware of the fact. The fact itself is also remarkable, as it 
opened a way for colonizing the country, which we cannot suppose could 
have been done by so small a number of persons, if the immediate region had 
been filled with savages. But the wasting sickness among them can hardly 
be connected with the comet which appeared in 1618 ; the sickness was three 
or four years at least before the arrival of the Pilgrims. The pestilence was 
not extensive; it was not on the Cape, nor far into Massachusetts, and scarcely 
reached the interior. As to the suggestion of a special providence in this 
sickness, Hutchinson says, " Should we not go into the contrary extreme if 
we were to take no notice of the extinction of this people in all parts of the 
continent ? In some, the English have made use of means the most likely to 
have prevented it, but all to no purpose. They waste, they moulder away, 
they disappear." 

The poets knew how to use this superstition of the baneful influence of 
comets to advantage : — 

" Like a comet burned, 



That fires the length of Ophiuchus huge 
In th' arctic sky, and from its horrid hair 
Shakes pestilence and war." 

Milton. 

" Comets, importing change of time and states, 
Brandish your crystal tresses in the sky." 

Shakspeare. 

Mr. Oliver was the first among us who seems to have viewed the " mys- 
terious strangers " with a true philosophical spirit and ken : " they are now 
received with a cordial welcome, and arc looked upon with calm com- 
placence." — Trea. Com. 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S JklEMOEIAL. 39 

run away. But about the sixteenth of March, 1621, a certain 
Indian called Samoset, came boldly among them and spoke 
to them in broken English, which yet they could well under- 
stand, at which they marvelled ; but at length they under- 
stood that he belonged to the eastern parts of the country, 
and had acquaintance with sundry of the English fishermen, 
and could name sundry of them, from whom he learned his 
language. He became very profitable to them, in acquaint- 
ing them with many things concerning the state of the country 
in the eastern parts, as also of the people here ; of their names, 
number, and strength, of their situation and distance from 
this place, and who was chief amongst them. He told them 
also of another Indian called Squanto, alias Tisquantum, one 
of this place, who had been in England, and could speak bet- 
ter English than himself: and after courteous entertainment 
of him he was dismissed. Afterwards he came again with 
some other natives, and told them of the coming of the great 
Sachem, named Massasoiet,* who (about four or five days 

* Gov^ Winslow spells his name Massassowat ; lie resided at Sowams, or 
Sowampset, at the confluence of two rivers in Rehoboth or Swazey, though 
occasionally at Mont Haup, or Mount Hope, the principal residence of his 
son Phillip. The region round about was called Pawcawnawkit, or Paca- 
noiket, and the Sachemdom by that name included the -whole of what is now 
the Old Colony. He was called King (or Sachem) of the Wonipanaogs, the 
first being the name of the territory and the last the people. The first we 
learn of him is in 1G19, when Capt. Dermer met him at Namasket, and de- 
livered to him the kidnapped Tisquantum. We next find him with the pil- 
grims, and the manner of the meeting is specially described in the Appendix, 
from Prince. The treaty which he made with them, mentioned in the text, 
was faithfully kept, and he was their fast friend while he lived. We have an 
account of two visits at his place, first by Gov. Winslow and Mr. Hopkins, 
and afterwards by Gov. Winslow and Mr. Hampden, of which some accoimt 
may be given in the Appendix. It seems that, in about ten years he changed 
his name to Woosamequen, and in 1639 this treaty, or league, was renewed 
by his special desire, his son Wamsutta, or Mooanam (the heir apparent), 
being a party ; he was afterwards named Alexander. Governor Hutchinson 
says, Massasoit died about the year 1656, and Wamsutta succeeded him 
in the Sachemdom, ^s he is said to have been " in his best years " when 
the treaty was made, he must have been full 70 years of age when he 
died. We have the authority of Mr. Callender for the place of this Sachem's 
residence, (p. 30). 



40 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

after) came, with the chief of his friends and other attendants, 
with the aforesaid Squanto, with whom (after friendly enter- 
tainment and some gifts given him) they made a league of 
peace with him, which continued with him and his successors 
to the time of the writing hereof. The terms and conditions 
of the said league are as followeth;* 

I. That neither he nor any of his, should injure or do hurt 
to any of their people. 

II. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he 
should send the offender that they might punish him. 

III. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, 
he should cause it to be restored, and they should do the like 
to his. 

IV. That if any did unjustly war against him, they would 
aid him ; and if any did war against them, he should aid 
them. 

V. That he should send to his neighbor confederates, to in- 
form them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might 
be likewise comprised in these conditions of peace. 

VI. That when his men came to them upon any occasion, 
they should leave their arms (which were then bows and 
arrows) behind them. 

VII. Lastly. That so doing their sovereign Lord King 
James would esteem him as his friend and ally. 

All which he liked well, and withal at the same time ac- 
knowledged himself content to become the subject of our 
sovereign Lord the King aforesaid, his heirs and successors; 
and gave unto them all the lands adjacent, to them and their 
heirs for ever. 

After these things he returned to his place called Sowams, 
about forty miles distant from Pli mouth, but Squanto | con- 

* Of this see more in the year 1639. — M. 

t He is variously called Squanto, Squantum, and Tisquantum. There is 
some disagreement in the narratives of the contemporary writers in respect to 
this chief, which shows either that some of them are in error, or that there 
were two of the same name, — one carried away by Waymouth, and the other 
by Hunt. From a critical examination of the accounts, it is believed there 
was but one, and that he was carried away by Waymouth, as Sir Ferdinand 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 41 

tinued with them, and was their interpreter, and proved a 
special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond expecta- 
tion; he directed them in planting their corn, where to take 
their fish, and to procm-e their commodities ; and also was 
their pilot to bring them to unknown places for their profit, 
and never left them until his death. / He was a native of this 
place where Plimouth is, and scarce any left besides himself. 
He was carried away (with divers others) by one named 
Hunt, a master of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves 
in Spain, but he got away for England, and was entertained 
by a merchant in London,* and employed to Newfoundland 
and other parts ; and at last brought hither into these parts 
by one Mr. Dermer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges and others, for discovery and other designs in these 
parts ;lof whom I shall say something, because it is mentioned 
in a book set forth, anno 1622, by the president and council 
for New England, that he made the peace between the sav- 
ages of those parts and the English, of which this plantation 
(as it is intimated) had the benefit : and what a peace it was 
may appear from what befell him and his men. 



Gorges relates. He says, " It so pleased our great God that Waymouth on 
his return to England, came into the harbor of Plymouth, where I then com- 
manded. Three of whose natives, namely, Manida, Skettwarroes, and Tis- 
quantum, I seized upon. They were all of one nation, but of several parts 
and several families." It is impossible that Sir Ferdinando should have been 
mistaken in the names of those he received from Waymouth. The names of 
those carried off by Hunt arc not given, or but few of them, nor were they 
kidnapped until nine years after Waymouth's voyage. It is therefore possible 
that Sqiiantum having returned home from the service of Gorges, went again to 
England with some other person, or perhaps even with Hunt., But we are 
inclined to think there was but one of the name, and his being carried away 
an error of inadvertence. 

Squanto died December, 1622, while acting as pilot for the colonists. He 
desired the Governor to pray for him, that he might go to the Englishman's 
God. To him the Pilgrims were greatly indebted, though he often, through 
shortsightedness, gave them, as well as himself, great trouble, as will appear 
in the lives of Massasoit and Hobamak. — Drake's Hist, of the Indians , 
p. 71-79. 

* This merchant's name was Mr. Slaney. — M. 

4* 



42 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

This Mr. Dermer was here the same year that these people 
came, as appears by a relation written by him, bearing date 
June oO, anno 1620, and they arrived in the country in the 
month of November following, so that there was but four 
months difference. In which relation to his honored friend, 
he hath these passages of this very place where New Plimouth 
is ; "I will first begin (saith he) with that place from whence 
Squanto, or Tisquantum, was taken away, which in Captain 
Sznith's map is called Plimouth,* and I would that Plimouth 
had the like commodities. I would that the first plantation 
might here be seated, if there come to the number of fifty per- 
sons, or upwards ; otherwise at Charlton, because there the sav- 
ages are less to be feared. The Pocanakets, which live to the 
west of Plimouth, bear an inveterate malignity to the English, 
and are of more strength than all the savages from thence to 
Panobskut. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an 
Englishman, who having many of them on board, made great 
slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when 
(as they say) they offered no injury on their parts. Whether 
they were English or no, it may be doubted ; yet they believe 
they were, for the French have so possessed them : for which 
cause Squanto cannot deny but they would have killed me 
when I was at Namassaket,f had not he entreated hard for 
me. The soil of the borders of this great bay may be com^ 
pared to most of the plantations which I have seen in Vu*- 
ginia. The land is of divers sorts ; for Patukset J is an heavy 
but strong soil ; Nauset § and Satuket |I are for the most part 
a blackish and deep mould, much like that where groweth 



* This name of Plimouth was so called not only for the reason here named, 
but also because Plimouth in O. E. was the last town they left in their native 
country ; and for that they received many kindnesses from some Christians 
there. — M. 

f This Indian settlement was in Middleborough, about 15 miles from 
Plymouth. 

X This description of the soil could apply to only small parts of Plymouth, 
in low places. 

§ Nauset — Eastham. 

II Satuket, or Sawkatucket, the west part of Brewster. 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 43 

the best tobacco in Virginia. In the bottom of the bay is 
great store of cod, bass, or mullet, etc." And above all he 
commends Pacannaket " for the richest soil, and much open 
ground, likely and fit for English grain. Massachusetts is 
about nine leagues from Plimouth, and situate in the midst. 
Between both is many islands and peninsulas, very fertile 
for the most part." With sundry such relations which I for- 
bear to transcribe, being now better known than they were to 
him. 

This gentleman was taken prisoner by the Indians at Man- 
namoset, (a place not far from Plimouth, now well known,) 
he gave them what they demanded for his liberty ; but when 
they had got what they desired, they kept him still, and en- 
deavored to kill some of his men, but he was freed by seizing 
on some of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a 
canoe load of corn : of which see Purch. lib. 9, fol. 1778. But 
this was anno 1619. 

After the writing of the former relation, he came to the isle 
Capewjak,* which lieth south from this place, in the way to 
Virginia, and the aforesaid Squanto with him ; where he 
going on shore amongst the"]Indians to trade as he used to do, 
was assaulted and betrayed by them, and all his men slain, 
but one that^ kept the boat ; but himself got on board very 
sore wounded, and they had cut off his head upon the cuddy 
of the boat, had not his man rescued him with a sword, and 
so they got him away, and made shift to get into Virginia, 
where he died, whether of his wounds, or the diseases of the 
country, or both, is uncertain. By all which it may appear 
how far this people were from peace, and with what danger 
this plantation was begun, save as the powerful hand of the 
Lord did protect them. 

These things were partly the reasons why the Indians kept 
aloof, ,as aforesaid, and that it was so long ere they could 
come to speech with any of them. Another reason (as after- 
wards themselves made known) was, how that about three 
years before these first planters arrived, a certain French ship 

* Now called Martin's Vineyard. 



44 KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1620. 

was cast away at Cape Cod, but the men got on shore, and 
saved their lives, and much of their victuals and other goods ; 
but afterwards the Indians heard of it, and gathered together 
from these parts, and never left watching and dogging therti 
until they got advantage, and killed them all but three or four, 
which they kept and sent from one Sachem to another to 
make sport with them, and used them worse than slaves ; 
and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it. 
Two of the said French so used were redeemed by the afore- 
said Mr. Dermer, the other died amongst the Indians ; and as 
the Indians have reported, one of them lived amongst them 
until he was able to discourse with them, and told them, that 
f God was angry with them for their wickedness, and would 
destroy them, and give their country to another people, that 
should not live like beasts as they did, but should be clothed, 
etc. But they derided him and said, that they were so many 
that God could not kill them. His answer was, that though 
they were never so many, God had many ways to destroy 
them that they knew not.* j Shortly after his death came the 
plague, a disease they never heard of before, and mightily 
swept them away, and left them as dung upon the earth (as 
you have heard). Not long after came the English to New 
Plimouth, and then several of the Indians began to mind the 
Frenchman's words, thinking him to be more than an ordi- 
nary man. And as the first part of his speech had proved true, 
they began to be apprehensive of the latter, namely, the loss 
of their country. This relation the first planters at Plimouth, 
after they came to be acquainted with them, several of them 
heard from divers of their ancient and gravest Indians, and 
have often seen the place where the French were surprised 
and taken; which place beareth the name of Frenchman's 
Point with many to this day. This relation, for the verity 
thereof, being also very observable, was thought meet to be 
here inserted, and let me add a word hereunto ; that it is very 
observable likewise, that God hath very evidently made way for 

* A memorable passage of God's punishing of the heathen for their noto- 
rious blasphemy, and other sins. — M. 



1620.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 45 

the English, by sweeping away the natives by some great mor- 
talities ; as first, by the plague here in Plimouth jurisdiction ; 
secondly by the smallpox in the jurisdiction of the Massa- 
chusetts, a very considerable people a little before the English 
came into the country ; as also at Connecticut, very full of 
Indians a little before the English went into those parts ; and 
then the Pequots by the sword of t^e English (as will appear 
in its place) and the country now mostly possessed by the 
English. I might also mention several places in the jurisdic- 
tion of New Plimouth, peopled with considerable companies 
of proper able men, since the first planters thereof came over, 
even in our sight, before they were in a capacity to improve 
any of their land, that have by the same hand of Providence 
been cut off, and so their land even cleared for them, and now 
so replenished with their posterity, that places are too strait 
for them. By little and Kttle (saith God of old to his people) 
will I drive them out from before thee, till thou be increased, 
and inherit the land, Exod. xxiii. 28-30. 

But before I pass on, let the reader take notice of a very 
remarkable particular, which was made known to the planters 
at Plimouth, some short space after their arrival, that the 
Indians, before they came to the English to make friendship 
with them, they got all the powaws in the country, who, for 
three days together, in a horrid and devilish manner did curse 
and execrate them with their conjurations ; which assembly 
and service they held in a dark and dismal swamp.* But to 
return. 

The spring being now come, it pleased God that the mor- 
tality which had taken away so many of the first planters at 
Plimouth ceased, and the sick and lame recovered apace, 
which was, as it were, new life put into them ; they having 
borne this affliction with much patience, being upheld by the 
Lord. And thus we are come unto the twenty-fifth of March, 
1621.t 



* Behold how Satan labored to hinder the gospel from coming into New 
England. — M. > 

t See Prince, Chron. in Appendix, for the time. 



46 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 



[1621. 



1621.* 

This year several of the Indian Sachems (besides Mas- 
sasoiet, before named) came into the government of New. 
Plimouth, and acknowledged themselves to be loyal subjects 
of our sovereign Lord King James, and subscribed unto a 
writing to that purpose with their own hands ; the tenor of 
which said writing followeth, with their names annexed there- 
unto. It being conceived, by some that are judicious, that it 
may be of use in succeeding times, I thought meet here to 
insert it. 

September 13, Anno Dom. 1G21. 

Know all men by these presents, that we, whose names are 
underwritten, do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal sub- 
jects of King James, King of Great Britain, France, and 
Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. In witness whereof, and 
as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names 
or marks, as followeth : — 



Ohquamehud, 

Cawnacome, 

Olbaiinnua, 



Nattaicalmnt, 

Caunbatant, 

CliikkaiabaJc, 



Quadaquina, 
Huttmoiden, 
Apannow. 



Now FOLLOWETH SEVERAL PASSAGES OF THE PROVIDEXCE OF GoD 
TO, AND THE FURTHER PROGRESS OF, THE FIRST PLANTERS AT PlI- 
MOUTH, APPERTAINLNG TO THE YEAR 1621. 

They now began to hasten the ship away, which tarried so 
long by reason of the necessity and danger that lay on them, 
because so many died both of themselves and the ship's com- 
pany likewise ; by which they became so few, as the master 
durst not put to sea until those that lived recovered of their 
sickness and the winter over. 



* See in Appendix, Prince Chronology for this j'ear. 



1621.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 47 

The spring of this year they planted their first corn in New 
England, being instructed in the manner thereof by the fore- 
named Squanto ; they likewise sowed some English grain 
with little success, by reason partly of the badness of the seed, 
and lateness of the season, or some other defect not then 
discerned. 

In the month of April, in this year, their governor, Mr. 
John Carver, fell sick, and within a few days after died, 
whose death was much lamented, and caused great heaviness 
amongst them, and there was indeed great cause. He was 
buried in the best manner they could, with as much solemnity 
as they were in a capacity to perform, with the discharge of 
some volleys of shot of all that bare arms. This worthy gen- 
tleman was one of singular piety, and rare for humility, as 
appeared by his great condescendency, when as this poor 
people were in great sickness and weakness, he shunned not 
to do very mean services for them, yea the meanest of them. 
He bare a share liliewise of their labor in his own person, ac- 
cordingly as their extreme necessity required ; who being one 
also of a considerable estate, spent the main part of it in this 
enterprise, and from first to last approved himself not only as 
their agent in the first transacting of things, but also all along 
to the period of his life, to be a pious, faithful, and very bene- 
ficial instrument, and now is reaping the fruit of his labor 
with the Lord.* 

His wife, who was also a gracious woman, lived not six 
weeks after him ; she being overcome with excessive grief for 
the loss of so gracious an husband, likewise died. 

In some short distance of time after this, Mr. William Brad- 
ford was chosen Governor of Plimouth in his stead, being not 

* Gov. Carver -was taken sick In the field, while they were engaged in 
their planting. Many able pens have been employed in portraying his 
character. One of his grandsons lived to the age of one hundred and two 
years ; and about the middle of the last century (1775) that descendant, with 
Lis son, grandson, and great-grandson, were all at the same time at work, in 
the same field, whilst an infant of the fifth generation was within the house at 
Marshfield. — Belknap's Amer. Biog. ii. 216. 



48 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1621. 

as yet well recovered of his weakness, having been at the 
point of death, and ]\Ii-. Isaac Allerton likewise was chosen 
to be his assistant. 

The second of July in this year they sent Mr. Edward 
Winslow and Mr. Stephen Hopkins, unto the great Sachem 
Massasoit aforesaid, with a gi-atuity, to congratulate with 
him and to view his country, and likewise to take notice of 
what strength of men he had, etc., having Squanto for their 
guide, who found his place to be about forty miles from New 
Plimouth, his people few in comparison of what they had 
been, by reason of the mortality amongst the Indians fore- 
mentioned. These brought word, upon their return, of the 
Narragansets, a people that lived on the other side of that 
great bay, which are a people strong and many in number, 
living compact together, and had not at all been touched 
with the wasting plague before specified. They also brought 
a full intelligence in reference unto the particulars they were 
sent about, and so returned in safety. 

Thus their peace being well established with the natives 
about them, which was much furthered by an Indian named 
Hobamak,* who came to live amongst the English, he being 
a proper lusty young man, and one that was in account 
amongst the Indians in those parts for his valor, continued 
faithful and constant to the English until his death. He, 
with the said Squanto, being sent amongst the Indians about 
business for the English, were surprised by an Indian Sachem 
named Corbitant, who was no friend to the English ; he met 
with him at Namassaket, and began to quarrel with him, and 
offered to stab Hobamak, who, being a strong man, soon 
cleared himself of him ; and with speed came and gave intel- 
ligence to the Governor of Plimouth, saying he feared that 
Squanto was slain, for they were both threatened, and for no 
other cause, but that they were friends to the English, and 



* Hobamak -was a Chief Captain of Massasoit ; he continued to Hve with 
the English till his death, and gave some good hopes that his soul went to 
rest. — N. E. First Fruits. 



1621.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 49 

serviceable to them. On which it was thought meet to vin- 
dicate their messengers, and not to suffer them to be thus 
wronged, and it was concluded to send some men to Namas- 
saket well armed, and to fall upon them ; whereupon four- 
teen men being well prepared, were sent, under the conduct 
of Capt. Miles Standish, who, when they came thither, beset 
the house, and the said captain entered into the same to look 
for the said Corbitant, but he was fled, and so they missed of 
him ; but understood that Squanto was alive ; so they with- 
held and did no hurt, save three of the natives, pressing out 
of the house when it was beset, were sorely wounded ; which 
they brought home to their town with them, and were dressed 
by their surgeon and cured. 

After this they had many congratulations from divers Sa- 
chems, and much firmer peace, yea those of the isle of Cape- 
wak sent to make friendship with them, and this Corbitant 
himself used the mediation of Massasoit to make his peace, 
but was shy to come near them a long time after. 

After this, on the eighteenth of September, they sent out 
their boat to the JMassachusetts with ten men, and Squanto 
for their interpreter, to discover and view that bay, and to 
trade with the natives ; and found kind entertainment with 
them, who expressed themselves to be much afraid of the 
Tarateens, a people in the eastern part of New England, 
which used to come in harvest time and take away their corn, 
and many times kill some of their people ; who after they had 
accomplished their business, returned in safety, and made 
report of the place, wishing they had been there seated. But 
the Lord, who assigns to all men the bounds of their habita- 
tions, had appointed it for another end and use. 

And thus they found the Lord to be with them in all their 
ways, and to bless their outgoings and incomings ; for which 
let his holy name have the praise for ever. 

Being now well recovered in respect of health (as hath been 
said), they began to fit up their buildings against winter, and 
received in their first harvest, and had great plenty of fowl 
and fish, to their great refreshing. 

About the ninth of November came in a small ship, to 

5 



50 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1621. 

them unexpected,* in which came Mr. Robert Cushman, who 
was both a godly man, and an active and faithful agent, and 
useful instrument in the common interest of this first design ; 
and there came with him in that ship thirty-five persons, to 
remain and live in the plantation ; which did not a little re- 
joice the first planters. And these when they came on shore, 
and found all well, and saw plenty of provisions beyond their 
expectation, were also satisfied and no less glad ; for coming 
in at Cape Cod, before they came to Plimouth, and seeing 
nothing there but a barren place, they then began to think wha;t 
should become of them, if the people were dead, or cut off by 
the Indians; and began to consult upon some passages, 
which some of the seamen had cast out, to take the sails from 
the yards, lest the ship should get away and leave them; 
but the master hearing thereof, gave them good words, and 
told them, if any thing but well should have befallen the peo- 
ple at Plimouth, he hoped he had provisions enough to carry 
them to Vu-ginia, and whilst he had any, they should have 
their part, which gave them good satisfaction. 

This ship stayed at Plimouth not above fourteen days, and 
returned ; and soon after her departure, the people called the 
Narragansets, aforesaid, sent messengers unto the plantation, 
with a bundle of arrows, tied together with a snake's skin, 
which their interpreter Squanto told them was a threatening, 
and a challenge ; upon which the governor of Plimouth sent 
them a rough answer, namely, that if they loved war rather 
than peace, they might begin when they would, they had 
done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor should 
they find them unprovided ; and by another messenger sent 
the snake's skin back again, with bullets in it, but they would 
not receive it, but sent it back again. It is probable the rea- 
son of this their message to the English was their own am- 
bition, who, since • the death of so many Indians, thought to 
domineer and lord it over the rest, and conceived the English 



* This ship was called the Fortune, in which came no provisions, which 
was one cause of a great famine that befel the plantation of New Plimouth 
soon after. — ^I. 



1622.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 51 

would be a bar in the way, and saw that Massasoit took shel- 
ter already under their wings. But this made the English 
more carefully to look to themselves, so they agreed to close 
their dwellings with a good strong pale, and made flankers in 
convenient places, with gates to shut, which were every night 
locked, and a watch kept, and when need required, there was 
also warding in the daytime ; and the company was, by the 
governor and captain's advice, divided into four squadrons, 
and every one had their quarter appointed them, unto which 
they were to repair ; and if there should be any cry of fire, a 
company was appointed for a guard with muskets, whilst 
others quenched the fire ; the same to prevent Indian treach- 
ery. And herewith I shall end the passages of this year. 



1622.* 

At the spring of this year, the English having certified the 
Indians of the Massachusetts, that they would come again 
unto them, they accordingly prepared to go thither ; but upon 
some rumors which they heard from Hobamak their friend 
forenamed, who feared that the Massachusetts were joined 
with the Narragansets, and might betray them if they were 
not careful; and intimated also his jealousies of Squanto, by 
what he gathered from some private whisperings between him 
and other Indians, that he was not really cordial to the Eng- 
lish in what he pretended, made them cautious. Notwith- 
standing, they sent out their boat, with ten of their principal 
men, about the beginning of April, and both Squanto and 
Hobamak with them, in regard of the jealousy between them; 
but they had not been gone long, ere that an Indian belong- 
ing to Squanto's family came running, seeming to be in great 
fear, and told them that many of the Narragansets, with 
Corbitant, (and he thought Massasoit,) was coming against 
them ; at which they betook themselves to their arms, and 
supposing that the boat was not yet out of call, they caused 

* See Prince's Cliron. for this year in the Appendix. 



52 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1622. 

a piece of ordnance to be discharged, to call them in again ; 
but this proved otherwise, for no Indians came. After this 
they went to the Massachusetts, and had good trade, and re- 
turned in safety, God be praised. 

But by the former passages and things of like nature, they 
began to see that Squanto sought his own ends, and played 
his own game, by putting the Indians in fear, and drawing 
gifts from them to enrich himself; making them believe he 
could stir up war against them when he would, and make peace 
for them when he would; yea, he made them believe that the 
English kept the plague buried in the ground ;* and could send 
it amongst whom they would, which did much terrify the In- 
dians ; and made them more depend on him and seek more 
to him than to their great sachem Massasoit; which procured 
him envy, and had like to have cost him his life ; for after 
the discovery of these practices, the said Massasoit sought it 
both privately and openly ; which caused him to stick close 
to the English, and never after durst go from them until his 
death. They also made good use of the emulation that grew 
between Hobamak and him, which made them both carry 
more squarely ; and the governor seemed to countenance the 
one, and their captain the other; by which they had the bet- 
ter intelligence, and made them both the more diligent. 

About the latter end of May they espied a vessel at sea, 
which at the first they thought to be a Frenchman, but it 
proved one that belonged to Mr. Thomas Weston, a mer- 
chant ; which came from a ship which he and another had 
sent out on fishing to a place called Damarel's Cove, in the 
eastern parts of New England. This boat brought seven 
men, and some letters, but no provisions to them, of which 
they were in continual expectation from England, which ex- 
pectations were frustrated in that behalf; for they never had 
any supply to any purpose after this time, but what the Lord 
helped them to raise by their industry among themselves ; for 
all that came afterwards was too short for the passengers that 
came with it. 

* This was said to be a barrel of gunpowder buried in tbe ground. — M. 



1622.] WE.W ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 53 

After this the same year, the above-named Mr. Thomas 
Weston, who had formerly been one of the merchant adven- 
turers to the plantation of New Plimouth (but had now broken 
off and deserted the general concerns thereof) sent over two 
ships, the one named the Sparrow,* the other the Charity, on 
his own particular interest ; in the one of them came sixty 
lusty men, who were to be put on shore at Plimouth, for the 
ship was to go with other passengers to Virginia ; these were 
courteously entertained (with the seven men forenamed, be- 
longing to the said Weston), at Plimouth aforesaid, until the 
ship returned from Virginia, which was the most part of that 
summer; many of them being sick, and all of them destitute 
of habitation, and unacquainted with this new beginning ; at 
the ship's return from Virginia, by the direction of the said 
INIr. Weston, their master, or such as he had set over them, 
they removed into the Massachusetts Bay, he having got a 
patent for some part there, yet they left all their sick folks at 
Plimouth, until they were settled and fitted for housing to re- 
ceive them. These were an unruly company, and no good 
government over them, and by disorder fell into many wants 
as afterwards will appear. 

But before I pass on, I may not omit the mentioning of a 
courteous letter that came in the vessel above named, in 
which the above said seven men came, being directed to the 
governor of Plimouth, with respect unto the whole planta- 
tion, from a captain of a ship at the eastward, who came 
thither on a fishing voyage ; the which for the ingenuity of 
the man, and his courtesy therein expressed, may not unfitly 
be here inserted, being inscribed as foUoweth : — 

To ALL HIS GOOD FrIENDS IN PlIMOUTH, 

Friends, countrymen, and neighbors, I salute you, and wish 
you all health and happiness in the Lord. I make bold with 
these few lines to trouble you, because unless I were inhuman, 
I can do no less. Bad news doth spread itself too far, yet I 
will so far inform, that myself with many good friends in the 

* According to Prince, the Swan. ■ 

5* 



54 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1622. 

south colony of Virginia have received such a blow, that four 
hundred persons large will not make good our losses. There- 
fore I do entreat you, although not knowing you, that the old 
rule which I learned when I went to school, may be sufficient, 
that is, " Happy is he who other men's harms do make to be- 
ware." And now again and again, wishing all those that 
willingly would serve the Lord, all health and happiness in 
this world, and everlasting peace in the world to come. 

I rest yours, 

John Hudston. 

In the same vessel the governor returned a thankful answer, 
as was meet, and sent a boat of their own with them, which 
was piloted by them ; in which Mr. Edward Winslow was 
sent to procure what provisions he could of the ship, who 
was kindly received by the aforesaid gentleman, who not 
only spared what he could, but wrote to others to do the like ; 
by which means the plantation had a good quantity of pro- 
visions.* 

This summer they built a fort with good timber, both 
strong and comely, which was of good defence, made with a 
flat roof and battlements ; on which fort their ordnance was 
mounted, and where they kept constant watch, especially in 
time of danger. It served them also for a meeting-house, 
and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great work 
for them to do in their weakness, and times of want ; but the 
danger of the time required it ; there being continual rumors 
of the Indians, and fears of their rising against them, es- 
pecially the Narragansets ; and also the hearing of that great 
and sad massacre in Virginia above named.f 

* Although this was not much amongst them all, yet it was a very season- 
able blessing and supply, they being now in a low condition for want of 
food. — M. 

f Here, in the first edition of Morton, is an account of a severe drought, of 
a fast, and of a thanksgiving. But it seems from Prince that ]\Iorton was 
mistaken in regard to the date of these occurrences, and that they took place 
the next year. Following Prince therefore, as has Judge Davis in his 
edition, we transfer two paragraphs that were originally here inserted, to 
Iheir proper location in 1623. 



1622.] KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL, 55 

Now the welcome harvest approached, in the which all had 
some refreshment, but it arose but to a little in comparison of 
a whole year's supply; partly by reason they were not yet well 
acquainted with the manner of the husbandry of the Indian 
corn (having no other), and also their many other employ- 
ments ; but chiefly their weakness for want of food, so as to 
appearance, famine was like to ensue, if not some way pre- 
vented. Markets there was none to go unto, but only the 
Indians ; but they had no trading stuff. But behold now 
another providence of God ; a ship came into the harbor, one 
Capt. Jones being chief in her, set out by some merchants to 
discover all the harbors between Cape Cod and Virginia, and 
to trade along the coast. This ship had store of English 
beads (which were then good trade), and some knives, but 
would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantity 
together ; yet they were glad of the occasion, and fain to buy 
at any rate : they were fain to give after the rate of cent, per 
cent., if not more, and yet pay away coat beaver at three 
shillings per pound. By this means they were fitted again to 
trade for beaver and other things, and so procured what corn 
they could. 

But here let me take liberty to make a little digi-ession. 
There was in the ship sent by JMr. Weston forenamed (in 
which his men came) a gentleman named Mr. John Porey, he 
had been secretary in Virginia, and was now going home 
passenger in this ship. After his departure he wrote a letter 
to the governor of Plimouth, in the postscript whereof he hath 
these expressions following : — 

" To yourself and Mr. Brewster I must humbly acknowl- 
edge myself many ways indebted, whose books I would have 
you think very well bestowed, who esteems them such jewels. 
My haste would not suffer me to remember, much less to beg 
Mr. Ainsworth's elaborate work on the five books of Moses ; 
both his and Mr. Robinson's do highly commend the authors, 
as being most conversant in the Scriptures of all others ; and 
what good who knows it may please God to work by them 
through my hands, though most unworthy, who find such 



56 KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1622. 

high content in them. God have you all in his keeping. 
Your unfeigned and firm friend, John Porey. 

August 28, 1622." 

These things I here insert, partly for the honor's sake of 
the author's memory, which this gentleman doth so inge- 
niously acknowledge, and also the credit and good that he 
procured unto the plantation of Plimouth after his return, and 
that amongst those of no mean rank. But to return. 

Mr. Weston's people forenamed, who were now seated in 
the bay of the Massachusetts, at a place called by the Indians 
Wesagusquaset,* and by disorder (as it seemed) had made 
havoc of their provision ; they began now to conceive that 
want would come upon them ; and hearing that their neigh- 
bors at Plimouth had bought trading stuff, as aforesaid, 
and intended to trade for corn, they wrote to the governor, 
and desired that they might join with them, and they would 
employ their small ship f in this service ; and also requested 
to lend or sell them so much of theu" trading stuff as their 
part might come to; which was agreed- unto on equal terms; 
so they went out in the expedition, with an intention to go 
about Cape Cod to the southward, but meeting with cross 
winds, and other crosses, went in at Mannomoik,^ where the 
aforesaid Squanto, being then' guide and interpreter, fell sick, 
and within a few days died. A little before his death, he de- 
sired the governor of Plimouth (who then was there) to pray 
for him, that he might go to the Englishman's God in heaven ; 
and bequeathed divers of his things to sundry of his English 
friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom they had a 
great loss.§ 

Here they got a considerable quantity of corn, and so re- 
turned. After these things, John Saunders, who was left 
chief over IVIr. "Weston's men at Wesagusquaset, in the month 



* Now by the English called Weymouth. — M. 
f The Swan. J Chatham. 

§ His conduct was generally good, and his services useful to the infant 
colony. 



1623.] KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 57 

of February, sent a messenger, showing the great wants they 
were fallen into, and would have borrowed corn of the Indians, 
but they would lend him none ; and desired advice whether 
he might take it from them by force to succor his men, until 
return from the eastward, whither he was now going. But 
the governor and the rest dissuaded him by all means from it, 
for it might so exasperate the Indians, as might endanger 
their safety, and aU of them might smart for it ; for they had 
already heard how they had wronged the Indians, by stealing 
their corn, etc., so as the natives were much incensed against 
them ; yea, so base were some of their own company, as they 
went and told the Indians, that their governor was purposed 
to come and take their corn by force, which, with other things, 
made them enter into a conspiracy against the English. And 
herewith I end the relation of the most remarkable passages 
of God's providence towards the first planters, which fell out 
in this year. 

1623. 

Mr. Weston's people forenamed, notwithstanding aU helps 
they could procure for supply of provisions, feU into great ex- 
tremity; which was occasioned by their excessive expence 
while they had it, or could get it; and after they came 
into want, many sold away their clothes and bed coverings ; 
others were so base as they become servants to the Indians, 
and would cut them wood, and fetch them water for a cap 
full of corn ; others fell to stealing, both night and day, from 
the Indians, of which they grievously complained. In the 
end they came to that misery that some starved and died with 
hunger ; and one, in gathering of shell-fish, was so weak, as he 
stuck fast in the mud, and was found dead in the place ; and 
most of them left their dwellings, and were scattered up and 
down in the woods by the water-side, where they could find 
groundnuts and clams, here six and there ten, by which their 
carriages they became contemned and scorned of the Indians, 
insomuch as they began greatly to insult over them in a most 



58 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1623. 

insolent manner, so as if they had set on such victuals as 
they had gotten to dress it, when it was ready the Indians 
w^ould come and eat it up ; and when night came, when as 
possibly some of them had a sorry blanket, or such like, to lap 
themselves in, the Indians would take it, and let the other lie 
all night in the cold, so as their condition was very lamen- 
table ; and in the end they were fain to hang one of their 
company, w4iom they could not reclaim from steahng, to give 
the Indians content. 

Whilst things went on in this manner with them, the gov- 
ernor and people of Plimouth had notice that the sachem 
Massasoit, their friend, was sick, and near unto death, and 
they sent to visit him, and sent him some comfortable things, 
which gave him content, and was a means of his recovery ; 
upon which occasion he discovered the conspiracy of these 
Indians, how they were resolved to cut off Mr. Weston's com- 
pany,* for the continual injuries they had done them, and 
would now take opportunity of their weakness, and do it ; 
and' for that end had conspired with other Indians their 
neighbors thereabout. And thinking the people here would 
revenge their death, they therefore thought to do the like by 
them, therefore [advised] to prevent it, and that speedily, by 
taking some of the chief of them before it was too late, for he 
assured them of the truth thereof. 

This did much trouble them, and they took it into serious 
consideration, and found upon examination, and other evi- 
dences to give light thereunto, that the matter was really so, 
as the said sachem had told them. In the mean time came 
an f Englishman from the Massachusetts, from the said com- 

* The conspiracy, as related to Winslow, was to an alarming extent, 
embracing tribes in every direction. The Massachusetts Indians were the 
principals, and had engaged, it was said, those of Nauset, Pamet, Succonet, 
Mattachiest, Manomet, Agawaywam, and the isle of Capawack to cooperate 
•with them. 

•j- This man's name was Phinehas Pratt, who has penned the particulars of 
his perilous journey, and some other things relating to this tragedy. — M- 
This man was living in 1G77, when Mr. Hubbard wrote his history. 



1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAE. 59 

pany in misery, as hath been above related, with a pack at his 
back ; and although he knew not a foot of the way, yet he 
got safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him, for 
he was pursued by two Indians, who by God's providence, 
missed of him by that means ; and he related how all things 
stood with them there, and that he durst stay no longer, for 
he apprehended by what he observed they would be all slain 
erelong. This made them make the more haste, and they 
despatched a boat away with some men, under the conduct 
of Capt. Standish, who found them in a miserable condition ; 
out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some re- 
lief, cut off some of the chief conspirators against them, and 
according to his order, offered to bring them all to Plimouth, 
to be there until Mr. Weston came, or some other way should 
be presented for their help. They thanked him and the rest, 
but they rather desired that he would help them with some 
corn, and they would go with their small ship to the east- 
ward, to look out a way for themselves, either to have relief 
by meeting with Mr. Weston, or if not, to work with the 
fishermen for their supply, and their passage for England ; so 
they "shipped what they had of any worth, and he helped 
them with as much corn as he could, and saw them out of the 
bay under sail, and so came home, not taking the worth of a 
penny of any of them. 

This was the end of these that sometimes boasted of their 
strength, being all able, lusty men, and what they would do 
and bring to pass, in comparison of the people at Plimouth, 
who had many women and children, and weak ones ; and 
said at their first arrival, when they saw the wants at Plim- 
outh, that they would take another course and not fall into 
such a condition as this simple people were come to. But a 
man's way is not in his own power ; God can make the weak 
stand. Let him that thinketh he standeth (in such respect as 
well as other), take heed lest he fall.* 

Shortly after, Mr. Weston came over with some of the 
fishermen, where he heard of the ruin of his plantation, and 

* Here see tlie effects of pride and vainglory. — M. 



60 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. [1623. 

got a boat, and with a man or two came to see how things 
were ; but by the way (for want of skill), in a storm, he cast 
away his boat in the bottom of the bay, between Merrimack 
and Piscataqua, and hardly escaped with life ; and afterwards 
fell into the hands of the Indians, who pillaged him of all 
that he had saved from the sea, and stripped him of all his 
clothes to his shirt. At last he got to Piscataqua, and bor- 
rowed a suit of clothes, and got means and came to Plimouth. 
A strange alteration there was in him, to such as had seen 
and known him in his former flourishing condition ; so uncer- 
tain are all things of this uncertain world. 

But to return to the state and condition of the planters at 
Plimouth, all this while no supply heard of, so they began to 
think how they might raise as much corn as they could ; so 
as they might not languish in misery as formerly they had 
done, and at the present they did, and it was thought the 
best way, and accordingly given way unto, that every one 
should plant corn for his own particular, and in that regard 
provide for themselves, and, in other respects, continue the 
general course and way as before ; and so they ranged all 
their youth under some family, and set upon such a course, 
which had good success, for it made all hands very industri- 
ous, so as much corn was planted. 

This course being settled, by that time all their corn was 
planted, all their victuals was spent, and they were only to 
rest on God's providence ; many times at night not knowing 
where to have any thing to sustain nature the next day, and 
so, (as one well observed,) had need to pray that God would 
give them their daily bread, above all people in the world ; 
yet they bear those wants with great patience and alacrity of 
spirit, and that for so long a time as the most part of two 
years. Which brings to mind what Peter Martyr writes in 
his magnifying of the Spaniards: (in his first Decade, p. 208). 
" They (said he) led a miserable life for five days together, 
with parched grain of maize only, and that not to satiety ; " 
and then concludes, that " such pains, such labors," he thought 
" none living, who is not a Spaniard, could have endured." 

But alas ! those men when they had maize (that is Indian 



1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 61 

corn) they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted, not 
only for five days together, but sometimes for two or three 
months together, and neither had bread or any kind of corn. 

Indeed, in another place in his second Decade, p. 94, he 
mentions how others of them were worse put to it, where they 
were fain to eat dogs, toads, and dead men, and so almost all 
of them died. From these extremities the Lord in his good- 
ness preserved both their lives and healths ; let his holy name 
have the praise. Yet let me here make use of his conclusion, 
which in some sort may be applied to this people, that " with 
their miseries they opened a way to those new lands ; and 
after storms, with what ease, other men came to inhabit in 
them, in respect to the calamities these men suffered ; so as 
they seemed to go to a bride feast, where all things are pro- 
vided for them." 

They having one boat left, and she none of the best, with a 
net which they bought, improved them for the taking of bass, 
which proved a good help to them, and when those failed 
they were fain all hands to go dig shell-fish out of the sands 
for their living ; in the winter season groundnuts and fowl 
were the principal of their refreshing, until God sent more set- 
tled and suitable supplies, by his blessing upon their industry.* 

At length they received some letters from the adventurers, 
which gave them intelligence of a ship set out to come hither 
unto Plimouth, named the Paragon. This ship was bought 
by Mr. John Pierce, and set out on his own charge, upon hopes 
of great matters ; the passengers and goods, the company sent 
in her, he took in for freight, for which they agreed with him 
to be delivered here ; this was he in whose name their first 
patent was taken, for this place where Plimouth is, by reason 
of acquaintance, and some alliance that some of their friends 
had with him, but his name was only used in trust, but when 



* " We begin to set our corn, the setting season being good, till the latter 
end of May. But by the time our corn is planted, our victuals are spent ; 
not knowing at night where to have a bit in the morning, and have neither 
bread nor corn for three or four months together ; yet bear our wants with 
cheerfuhiess and rest on Providence." — Gov. Bradford's MS. 

6 



62 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1623. 

he saw they were here hopefully seated, and by the success God 
gave them, had obtained favor of the council of New England, 
he goes and sues to the said council, for another patent of 
much larger extent, in their names, which was easily obtained, 
but he meant to keep it to himself, and to allow them what 
they pleased to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his courts 
as chief lord. But the Lord marvellously crossed him in his 
proceedings ; for when the ship above named set out from the 
Thames, she sprang aleak by that time she got to the Downs, 
and also by reason of a chop that accidently befell one of her 
cables, it broke in a stress of wind while she there rode, and 
was in danger to have been driven on the sands, and there- 
upon was constrained to return back to London, and there 
arrived in fourteen days after, and was haled up into the dock, 
and an hundred pounds more bestowed on her to mend her 
leaks and bruises, which she received in the aforesaid storm ; 
and when she was again fitted for the voyage, he pestered his 
ship, and takes in more passengers, and those some of them 
not very good, to help to bear his losses, and sets out the 
second time ; and when he was half-way, or thereabouts, to 
New England, was forced back again by an extreme tempest, 
wherein the goodness and mercy of God appeared in their 
preservation, being one hundred and nine souls. This ship 
suffered the gi-eatest extremity at sea, at her second setting 
forth, as is seldom the like heard of. It was about the mid- 
dle of February that the storm began, and it continued for 
the most part of fourteen days, but for two or three days and 
nights together, in most violent extremity. At the beginning 
of the storm, their boat being above decks, was thrown over- 
board; they spent their mainmast, then- roundhouse was 
beaten oif with the storm, and all the upper works of their 
ship ; he that stood to give direction for the guiding of her 
before the sea, was made fast, to prevent his washing over- 
board, and the seas did so overrake them, as that many times 
those upon the deck knew not whether they were within 
board or without; and by her extreme leaking, being a very 
rotten ship, and the storm increasing, she was once very near 
foundering in the sea, so as they thought she would never 



1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 63 

rise again: notwithstanding the Lord was pleased of his 
gi-eat mercy to preserve them ; and after great weather-beat- 
ing and extraordinary danger, they arrived safe at Portsmouth 
in Hampshire, to the wonderment of all that beheld in what 
condition they were, and heard what they had endured.* 

Upon the return of the said Mr. John Pierce for England, 
(he being personally in this his ship in the so sad storm) ; 
the other merchant adventurers got him to assign over the 
grand patent to the company, which he had taken in his own 
name, and made quite void their former patent. 

About the latter end of June, came in a ship f at Plimouth 
with Capt. Francis West, who had a commission to be ad- 
miral of New Ilngland, to restrain interloper^, and such fish- 
ing ships as came to fish and trade without license from the 
council of New England, for which they should pay a great 
sum of money ; but he could do no good of them, for they 
were too strong for him, and he found the fishermen to be re- 
fractory, and their owners, upon complaint made to the Par- 
liament, procured an order that fishing should be free. He 
told the governor of Plimouth that they spoke with a ship at 
sea, and were on board her, that was coming to the said 
plantation of Plimouth, in which were sundry passengers, 
and they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some mis- 
carriage ; for they lost her in a storm that fell shortly after 
they had been on board; which relation filled them full of 
fears, yet mixed with hope. The master of the ship had two 
hogsheads of peas to sell, but seeing their wants, held them 
at nine pounds sterling and hogshead, and under eight he 
would not take, and yet would have beaver at an underrate ; 
but they told him they had lived so long without, and would 
do still, rather than give so unreasonably; so the said ship 
went from Plimouth to Virginia. 

I It may not here be omitted, that notwithstanding all their 

* This relation was made by Mr. William Pierce, the master of the said 
ship, and some passengers of good credit. — M. 

t This was the ship called the Paragon aforesaid. 

X The two following paragraphs were inserted by Morton as belonging to 
the previous year. See note on page 54. 



64 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1623. 

great pains and industry, and the great hopes they had of a 
large crop, the Lord seemed to threaten them with more and 
sorer famine by a great drought, which continued from the 
third week in May, until the middle of July, without any 
rain, and with great heat of weather for the most part, inso- 
much that their corn began to wither away, although it was 
planted with fish, according to the usual manner in those 
times ; yet at length it began to languish sore, and some of 
the dryer grounds was parched like withered hay, part whereof 
was never recovered. Upon which they set apart a solemn 
day of humiliation, to seek the Lord by humble and fervent 
prayer in this great distress ; * and he was pleased to give 
them a gracious and speedy answer, both to their own and 
the Indians' admiration, that lived amongst them ; for all the 
morning and the greatest part of the day, it was clear weather, 
and very hot, and not a cloud nor any sign of rain to be seen, 
yet towards evening it began to be overcast, and shortly after 
to rain, with such sweet and gentle showers, as gave them 
cause of rejoicing and blessing God. It came without either 
wind or thunder, or any violence, and by degrees in that 
abundance, as that the earth was thoroughly wet and soaked 
therewith, which did so apparently revive and quicken the 
decayed corn and other fruits, as was^onderful, and made 
the Indians astonished to behoid.f A Hme before the Lord 
sent this rain of liberalities upon his people, one of them hav- 
ing occasion to go to the house of the aforenamed Hobamak, 
the Indian, he, the said Hobamak, said unto him, " I am much 
troubled for the English, for I am afraid they will lose all 
then- corn by the drought, and so they will be all starved; as 
for the Indians, they can shift better than the English, for 
they can get fish to help themselves." But afterwards the 
same man having occasion to go again to his house, he said 



* It is mentioned by Smith, tliat tlie religious exercises on this occasion, 
continued eight or nine hours. — New England's Trials. 

•j- This is a specimen of their constant recognition of Divine Providence, of 
their faith and prayer ; as also of God's readiness to hear and answer those 
•who sincerely repair to Him in time of need. 



1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 65 

to him, " now I see that the Englishman's God is a good God, 
for he hath heard you, and sent you rain, and that without 
storms and tempests and thunder, which usually we have with 
our rain, which breaks down our corn, but yours stands whole 
and good still ; surely your God is a good God ; " or with 
words to the like effect.* 

And after this gracious return of prayers, in this so season- 
able a blessing of the rain, the Lord sent them such seasonable 
showers, with interchange of warm weather, as (through his 
blessing) caused in its time a fruitful and liberal harvest, to 
their great comfort and rejoicing; for which mercy, in time 
convenient, they also solemnized a day of thanksgiving unto 
the Lord. 

About fourteen days after came in the ship, called the Ann, 
whereof Mr. William Pierce was master. Two of the prin- 
cipal passengers that came in this ship were Mr. Timothy 
Hatherly, and Mr. George Morton; the former, namely, Mr. 
Timothy Hatherly, soon after his arrival met with some 
cross providences by burning of his house, whereby he was 
much impoverished and much discouraged, and returned the 
winter following for England ; and afterwards the Lord was 
pleased to renew his estate, and he came again into New 
England, and proved a very profitable and beneficial instru- 
ment, both in church and commonwealth, being one of the 
first beginners, and a good instrument to uphold the church 
and town of Scituate ; and also served God and the jurisdic- 
tion of Plimouth in the place of magistracy, and retained his 
integrity in the profession of the ways of Christ unto old age ; 
still surviving at the penning hereof. 

The latter of the two forenamed, namely, Mr. George 

* The person that made this relation Is still surviving, (1669,) and a prin- 
cipal man in the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. — M. 

John Alden must have been the person here intended. He was one of the 
signers of the original compact In 1620, being then about twenty-two years 
of age. He died at Duxbury, In 1687, eighteen years after the first publica- 
tion of the Memorial, in the eighty-ninth year of his age; having been an 
assistant in the administration of every governor for sixty-seven years. — 
Hist. Coll. ii. 6. Allen's Biog. and Hist. Diet. 

6* 



66 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1623. 

Morton, was a pious, gracious servant of God, and very faith- 
ful in whatsoever public employment he was betrusted withal, 
and an unfeigned well wilier, and, according to his sphere anti 
condition, a suitable promoter of the common good and 
growth of the plantation of New Plimouth ; laboring to still 
the discontents that sometimes would arise amongst some 
spirits, by occasion of the difficulties of these new beginnings ; 
but it pleased God to put a period to his days soon after his 
arrival in New England, not surviving a full year after his 
coming ashore. With much comfort and peace he fell asleep 
in the Lord, in the month of June, anno 1624. 

About ten days after the arrival of the ship called the Ann, 
above named, there came in another small ship of about forty- 
four tons, named the James, Mr. Bridges being master thereof; 
which said ship the Ann had lost at sea by reason of foul 
weather; she was a fine new vessel, built to stay in the 
country. One of the principal passengers that came in her 
was Mr. John Jenny, who was a godly, though otherwise a 
plain man, yet singular for publicness of spmt, setting himself 
to seek and promote the common good of the plantation of 
New Plimouth ; who spent not only his part of this ship 
(being part owner thereof) in the general concernment of 
the plantation, but also afterwards was always a leading man 
in promoting the general interest of this colony. He lived 
many years in New England, and fell asleep in the Lord, 
anno 1644. In the two ships last named, came over many 
other persons, besides those before recited, who proved of 
good use in their places. 

These passengers, seeing the low and poor condition of 
those that were here before them, were much daunted and 
dismayed, and, according to their divers humors, were diversely 
affected. Some wished themselves in England again ; others 
fell on weeping, fancying their own misery in what they saw 
in others ; other some pitying the distress they saw their 
friends had been long in, and still were under. In a word, all 
were full of sadness ; only some of their old friends rejoiced 
to see them, and that it was no worse with them, for they 
could not expect it should be better, and now hoped they 



1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 67 

should enjoy better days together. And truly it was no mar- 
vel they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low 
condition, both in respect of food and clothing at that time. 

To consider seriously how sadly the Scripture speaks of 
the famine in Jacob's time, when he said to his sons, go buy 
us food, that we may live and not die ; and that the famine 
was great and heavy in the land, and yet they had gi-eat herds 
and store of cattle of sundry kinds, which, besides their flesh, 
must needs produce other useful benefits for food, and yet it 
was accounted a sore affliction. But the misery of the plant- 
ers at Plimouth, at the first beginning, must needs be very 
great therefore, who not only wanted the staff of bread, but 
all the benefits of cattle, and had no Egypt to go to, but God 
fed them out of the sea for the most part ; so wonderful is his 
powerful providence over his in all ages ; for his mercy endur- 
eth for ever. 

About the middle of September arrived Capt. Robert 
Gorges, in the bay of the Massachusetts, with sundry passen- 
gers and families, intended there to begin a plantation, and 
pitched upon that place, which INIr. Weston forenamed had 
forsaken. He had a commission from the council of New 
England to be general governor of the country; and they 
appointed, for his council and assistants, Capt. Francis West, 
the aforesaid admiral, Christopher Levet, Esq., and the gov- 
ernor of Plimouth for the time being. Also they gave him 
authority to choose such others as he should find fit. Also 
they gave, by their commission, full power to him and his 
assistants, or any three of them, (whereof himself was always 
to be one,) to do and execute what to them should seem good, 
in all cases, capital, criminal, and civil ; with divers other in- 
structions ; of which, and his commission, it pleased him to 
suffer the governor of Plimouth to take a copy. 

He, meeting with the aforesaid Mr. Weston at Plimouth, 
called him before him and some other of the assistants, with 
the governor of Plimouth aforesaid, and charged him with 
the ill carriage of his men at the Massachusetts, by which 
means the peace of the country was disturbed, and himself 
and the people which he had brought over to plant in that 



68 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1623. 

bay, thereby much prejudiced. To which the said Weston 
easily answered, that what was done in that behalf, was done 
in his absence, and might have befallen any man. He left 
them sufficiently provided, and conceived they would have 
been well governed; and for any error committed he had 
sufficiently smarted. 

Another particular was, an abuse done to his father. Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, and to the state. The thing was this ; 
he used him and others of the council of New England, to 
procure him a ficense for the transporting of many great pieces 
of ordnance for New England, pretending great fortification 
here in the country ; for which when he had obtained, he sold 
them beyond sea for his private profit. At which the state 
was much ofiended, and his father suffered a shrewd check, 
and he had order to apprehend him.* 

The said Weston excused it as well as he could, but could 
not wholly deny it ; but after much speech about it, by the 
mediation of the governor of Plimouth, and some other 
friends, the said Capt. Gorges was inclined to gentleness, 
(though he apprehended the abuse of his father deeply,) 
which when the said Weston perceived, he grew the more 
presumptuous, and gave such cutting and provoking speeches, 
as made the said captain rise up in great indignation and 
distemper, vowing, that he would either curb him, or send 
him home for England. At which the said Weston was 
daunted, and came privately to the governor of Plimouth, to 
know whether they would suffer him to send him for England ? 
It was answered him, they could not hinder it ; and much 
blamed him, that after they had pacified things, he should 
thus break out by his own folly and rashness, and bring 
trouble upon himself and others. He confessed it was his 
passion, and prayed the governor aforesaid to entreat for him, 
and procure a pacification for him if he could ; the which at 



* The said ^Ir. Thomas "Weston was a man of parts, and a merchant of 
good account in London. Sometime after these passages, he went for Eng- 
land, and died in the city of Bristol ; he proved but a staff of reed to the 
plantation of Plimouth. — M. 



1623.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 69 

last he did obtain with much difficulty. So he was called 
again, and the said Capt. Gorges was content to take his own 
bond to be ready to make further answer, when either he or 
the lords of the council should send for him ; and at last he 
took only his own word, and so there was a friendly parting 
on all hands. 

Soon after this, the said Capt. Gorges took his leave and 
went to the Massachusetts by land, being very thankful for 
his kind entertainment. His ship stayed at Plimouth, and 
fitted for to go to Virginia, having some passengers to deliver 
there, and with her returned sundry of those from Plimouth, 
which came over on their particular account ; some out of 
discontent and dislike of the country, and others by reason of 
fire that burnt their houses and all their provisions, so as they 
were necessitated thereunto. 

* This fire was by some of the seamen, that were roystering 
in an house where it first began, making a great fire, the 
weather being cold, which broke out of the chimney into the 
thatch, and burnt three houses, and consumed aU then* goods 
and provisions. The house in which it began, was right 
against the storehouse at Plimouth, which they had much 
ado to save ; in which was the common store of the provisions 
of the plantation, which had it been lost, the same had been 
overthrown ; but through God's mercy it was saved by the 
diligence of the people, and care of the governor and those 
about him. Some would have had the goods thrown out, 
but if they had, there would have been much lost by the rude 
company belonging to the two forenamed ships, which were 
almost all on shore at this time ; but a trusty company were 
placed within, as well as such as were meanwhile employed 
in quenching the fire without, that if necessity required, they 
might have them all out with speed ; for they suspected some 
malicious dealing, if not plain treachery ; and whether it was 
only suspected or no, God knows ; but this is certain, that 
when the tumult was greatest, there was a voice heard (but 
from whence it came is uncertain), that bade them look well 

* This was on tlie fifth of November, 1624. — M. 



70 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. [1624. 

about them, for all were not friends that were then about 
them.* And soon after, when the vehemency of the fire was 
over, smoke was seen to arise within a shed that was joined 
to the end of the aforesaid storehouse, which was wattled up 
with boughs, in the withered leaves whereof the fire being kin- 
dled ; which some running to quench, found a long firebrand 
of about an ell long, lying under the wall on the inside, which 
could not come thither by casualty, but must be laid there by 
some hand, in the judgment of all that saw it. But God 
kept them from this danger, whatever might be intended. 

But to return again, to speak something of the aforesaid 
Capt. Gorges, after he had been at the eastward, and expedited 
some occasions there, he and some that depended upon him 
returned for England, having scarcely saluted the country in 
his government, finding the state of things not to answer his 
quality and condition ; his people dispersed themselves, some 
for England, others for Virginia, some few remained, and 
were helped with supplies from Plimouth. Amongst the rest 
the said captain brought over a minister with him, one ]Mr. 
MoiTel, who returned for England about a year after him, he 
took ship at Plimouth, and had a certain power and authority 
of superintendency over other churches granted him, and in- 
structions for that end ; but he never showed it, or made any 
use of it, but only spoke of it to some of Plimouth, at his 
going away. This was in effect the end of the second plan- 
tation, in the forenamed place called Wesagusquaset. 

There were also some scattering beginnings made in other 
places, as at Piscataqua, by Mr. David Thompson, and at 
Monhegin, and some other places, by sundry others. 



1624. 

The time of new election of officers being come, for this 
year at Plimouth, the number of their people being increased, 
and their troubles and occasions therewith; the governor 

* A very remarkable preservation. — M. 



1624.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL, 71 

desired them to change the persons, as well as renew the 
election, and also to add more assistants to the governor for 
help and counsel, and the better carrying on of public affairs, 
showing that it was necessary it should so be ; for if it were 
an honor or benefit, it was fit that others should be made 
partakers of it ; if it was a burden (as doubtless it was) it 
was but equal that others should help to bear it, and that this 
was the end of yearly elections.* 

The conclusion was, that whereas there was before but one 
assistant, they now chose five, giving the governor a double 
voice ; f and afterwards they increased them to seven, which 
course hath continued in that colony until this day.J 



* January 1, 1624, Lord Sheffield grants a patent to Robert Cuslimau 
and Edward Winslow, and associates of Cape Ann, for the Plymouth Colo- 
nists. He empowers them to build a town, and, through permission from him, 
to enact laws for the colony. 

January 24. Eobert Cushman in London, sends word to Mr. Bradford, 
that the adventurers had sent a carpenter to build ships, a person to make 
salt, and a preacher. The preacher is John Lyford, whose coming was pro- 
moted by members of the company, who opposed the emigration of Robinson. 
He also remarks, " We have taken a patent for Cape Anne." Under this 
patent a colony was established at Cape Anne, in the spring of the year 1624, 
which is now expanded into the commonwealth of Massachusetts. It was dated 
January 1, 1623, O. S. The original was recently discovered, by J. Win- 
gate Thornton, Esq., and will soon be published, edited by him. Under it 
Roger Conant was appointed governor. The mutations of the companies in 
England do not affect the historical identity of the colony, nor the chrono- 
logical order of the incidents in its civil history, which may be considered 
independently of the authority under which they transpired, and merely with 
reference to its internal history. In this view the reader will readily trace 
the series of governors or rulers of the people, from Roger Conant, governor 
at Cape Anne, under the grant of Lord Sheffield, through John Endicott, 
the first governor under the Massachusetts Charter, and Winthrop, the 
second governor under this charter, and Sir William Phipps, Knight, the 
first governor under the third, or Provincial Charter of 1692. 

I Governor Bradford's request was not granted, he was reelected, 

X " This spring the people requesting the governor to have some land for 
continuance, and not by yearly lot as before ; he gives every person an acre, 
to them and theirs, as near the town as can be ; and no more till the seven 
years expire, that we may keep close together for greater defence and safety." 
— Bradford's MS. Hist. Prince's Chron. 226. 



72 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1624. 

In the month of March, in this year, Mr. Edward Winslow 
arrived at Plimouth, in New England, having been employed 
as agent for that plantation, on sundry occasions, with the 
merchant adventurers in England, who brought a considera- 
ble supply with him, the ship being bound on a fishing voy- 
age ; and with him came Mr. John Lyford, a minister, which 
was sent over by some of the adventurers. 

There came over likewise in this ship, three heifers and a 
bull, which were the first neat cattle that came into New 
England. 

The aforesaid John Lyford, when he came first on shore, 
saluted them of the plantation of Plimouth with that rever- 
ence and humility, as is seldom to be seen ; and indeed made 
them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and 
would have kissed their hands, if they would have suffered 
him ; yea, he wept and shed many tears, blessing God that 
had brought him to see their faces ; and admiring the things 
they had done in their wants, as if he had been made all of 
love, and the humblest person in the world ; but in the end 
proved more like those mentioned by the Psalmist, Psal. x. 10, 
that crouched and bowed, that heaps of the poor may fall by 
them ; or like unto dissembling Ishmael, who when he had 
slain Gedaliah, went out weeping, Jer. xli. 6 ; and met those 
that were coming to offer incense in the house of the Lord, 
saying, come to Gedaliah, when he meant to slay them. 
They gave him the best entertainment they could, in all sim- 
plicity, and as their governor had used, in all weighty affairs, 
to consult with their elder, Mr. Brewster, together with his 
assistants, so now he called Mr. Lyford alscJ on such like 
occasions. After some short time, he desired to join himself 
a member to their church, and was accordingly received ; he 
made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgment 
of his former disorderly walking, and his being entangled with 
many corruptions, which had been a burden to his conscience, 
and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and lil>erty, 
with many more such like expressions. In some sliort time 
he fell into acquaintance with Mr. John Oldham, who was a 
copartner with him in his after courses ; not long after, both 



1624.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 73 

Oldham and he grew very perverse, and showed a spirit of 
great malignity, drawing as many into a faction as they 
could ; were they never so vile and profane, they did nomish 
and abet them in all their doings, so they would but cleave to 
them, and speak against the church. So as there was nothing 
but private meetings and whisperings amongst them, they 
feeding themselves and others with what they should bring to 
pass in England, by the faction of their friends there ; * which 
brought others as well as themselves into a fool's paradise, 
yet they could not so carry closely, but both much of their 
doings and sayings were discovered, although outwardly they 
set a fair face on things. 

At length when the ship he came in was ready to return 
for England, and it was observed that Lyford was long in 
writing, and sent many letters, and could nor forbear to com- 
municate to his intimates such things as made them laugh in 
their sleeves, and thought he had done their errand sufhciently. 
The governor and some of his friends, knowing how things 
stood in reference to some known adversaries in England, and 
what hurt these things might do, took a boat and went out 
with the ship a league or two, and called for all Lyford's and 
Oldham's letters. Mr. William Pierce being master of the 
ship, and knew well their evil dealings, (both in England and 
here,) afforded them all the assistance he could ; he found 
about twenty of Lyford's letters, many of them large and full 
of slanders and false accusations, tending not only to their 
prejudice, but ruin and utter subversion. Most of them they 
let pass, only took copies of them, but some of the most ma- 
terial they sent true copies of them and kept the originals, 
lest he should deny them, and that they might produce his 
own hand against him. Amongst these letters they found 
the copies of two letters which were sent in a letter of his to 
Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opposite to the 
plantation ; these two letters, of which he took copies, were 
one of them written by a gentleman in England, to INIr. 

* That is, some of the adventurers, who proved in the issue adversaries to 
the plantation. — M. 

7 



74 IS^EW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1624. 

Brewster here, the other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson in 
Holland; at his coming away, as the ship lay at Gravesend, 
they lying sealed in the great cabin, whilst Mr. Winslow was 
busy about the affau's of the ship, this sly merchant opens 
them, takes copies of them, and seals them up again, and not 
only seals the copies of them thus. To his friend and their 
adversary, but adds thereto in the margin many scurrilous 
and flouting annotations. In the evening the governor re- 
turned, and they were something blank at it ; but after some 
weeks, when they heard nothing, were then as brisk as ever 
thinking nothing had been known, but all was gone current, 
and that the governor went out but to despatch his own 
letters. 

The reason why the governor and the rest concealed these 
things, was to let things ripen, that they might the better dis- 
cover their intents, and see who were their adherents ; because, 
amongst the rest, they found a letter of one of their confeder- 
ates, in which was written, that Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford 
intended a reformation in church and commonwealth, and as 
soon as the ship was gone they intended to join together and 
have the sacrament; a few of Oldham's letters were found in 
the aforesaid search, being so bad a scribe as his hand was 
scarce legible, yet he was as deep in the mischief as the other; 
and thinking they were now strong enough, they began to 
pick quarrels at every thing. Oldham being called to watch, 
(according to order,) refuseth to come, fell out with the cap- 
tain, called him rascal, and beggarly rascal, and resisted him, 
and drew his knife at him, though he offered him no wrong, 
nor gave him any ill terms, but with all fairness required him 
to do his duty ; the governor hearing the tumult, sent to quiet 
it ; but he ranted with great fury, and called them all traitors ; 
but being committed to prison, after a while he came to him- 
self, and with some slight punishment was let go upon his 
behaviour, for further censure. But to cut things short, at 
length it grew to this issue, that Lyford, with his accomplices, 
without eitlier speaking one word either to the governor, 
church, or elder, withdrew themselves, and set up a public 
meeting apart on the Lord's day, with sundry such insolent 



1624.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 75 

carriages, too long here to relate, beginning more publicly to 
act that which they had been long plotting. 

It was now thought high time, to prevent further mischief, 
to call them to account ; so the governor called a court, and 
summoned the whole company together, and they charged 
Lyford and Oldham with such things as they were guilty of 
respecting the premises ; but they were stiff, and stood reso- 
lutely upon the denial of most things, and required proof; they 
first alleged what was writ compared with their practices 
here ; that it was evident they joined in plotting against them, 
and disturbed their peace in their civil and church state, 
which was most injurious, for both they and all the world 
knew they came hither to enjoy the liberty of their con- 
sciences, in the free use of God's ordinances, and for that end 
had ventured their lives, and passed through much hardship 
hitherto, and they and their friends had borne the charge of 
these beginnings, which was not small, and that he, namely, 
Lyford, for his part, was sent over on this charge, and both 
he and his great family was maintained on the same ; and 
for him to plot against them, and seek their ruin, was most 
unjust and perfidious. 

But Lyford denied, and made strange of sundry things laid 
to his charge. Then his letters were produced, at which he 
was struck mute. Oldham began to be furious, and to rage, 
because they had intercepted their letters, provoked the people 
to mutiny in such words as these ; my masters, where are 
your hearts ? Now show your courage ; you have often com- 
plained to me so and so, now is the time, if you will do any 
thing, I will stand by you, etc., thinking that every one know- 
ing his humor that had fooled and flattered him, or otherwise, 
or that in their discontent uttered any thing unto him, would 
now side with him, in open rebellion; but he was deceived, 
for not a man opened his mouth, all were silent. 

Then the governor took pains in convicting Lyford of his 
hypocrisy and treachery, in abusing his friends, in taking 
copies of their letters in an underhand way, and sending them 
abroad to their disgrace, etc., and produced them, and his 
own letters under his own hand, which he could not deny. 



76 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1624. 

and caused them to be read before all the people ; at which 
all his confederates were blank, and had not a word to say. 

But after a while, he began to say, that sundry had made 
some complaint unto him, and informed him of divers things, 
which being there present, and the particulars named to them, 
they denied. 

Then they dealt wdth him about his dissembling in the 
church, and that he professed to concur with them in all 
things, and what a large confession he had made at his ad- 
mittance, and that he held not himself a minister, till he had 
a new calling, etc., and yet now he contested against them, 
and drew a company apart, and sequestered himself, and 
w^ould go about to administer the sacraments by his former 
calling, without ever acquainting them with it. In conclusion 
he was fully convicted, and burst out into tears, and confessed, 
he feared he was a reprobate, his sins were so great that he 
doubted that God would not pardon them, he was unsavory 
salt, etc., and that he had so wronged them, as he could 
never make them amends; confessing all he had written 
against them was false and naught, both for matter and man- 
ner ; and all this he did with as much fulness as words and 
tears could express. 

After their trial and conviction, the court sentenced them 
to be expelled the plantation ; John Oldham presently to de- 
part, though his wdfe and family had liberty to stay all win- 
ter, or longer, until he could make provision to remove them 
comfortably.* Lyford had liberty to stay six months ; it was 
wdth some eye to his release, if he carried himself well in the 
mean time, and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford 
acknowledged his censure was far less than he deserved, 
and afterwards he confessed his sin pubhcly in the church, 
wdth tears, more largely than before. I shall here relate it as 
I find it penned by some who took it from his own mouth as 
himself uttered it. 

Acknowledging that he had done very evil, and slanderously 



* " There was some fi-iendly correspondence between the colony and 
Oldham, before his death." — Marginal note in Bradford's record. 



1625.] KEW ENGLAND'S I^IEMOEIAL. 77 

abused them ; and thinking most of the people would take 
part with him, he thought to have carried all by violence and 
strong hand against them ; and that God might justly lay 
innocent blood to his charge, for he knew not what hurt might 
have come by these his writings, and blessed God that they 
were stayed ; arid that he spared not to take knowledge from 
any of any evil that was spoken, but shut his eyes and ears 
against all the good ; and that if God should make him a 
vagabond in the earth, as was Cain, it was but just; and he 
confessed three things to be the causes of these his doings, 
pride, vainglory, and self-love ; amplifying these heads with 
many other expressions in the particulars of them, so as they 
began to conceive good thoughts of him, upon his repentance, 
and admitted him to teach amongst them as before ; yea, 
sundry tender-hearted persons amongst them were so taken 
with his signs of sorrow and repentance, as they professed 
they would fall on their knees to have his censure remitted 
and released. But that which made them all stand amazed 
in the end (and may do all others who shall come to hear the 
same, for a rarer precedent can scarce be named), was, that 
after two months' time, all his former confessions, convictions, 
and public acknowledgments, both in the presence of God 
and his church, and the whole company, with so many tears, 
and censures of himself, he should go again to justify what 
he had done ; for secretly he wrote a second letter to the ad- 
venturers in England, in which he justified all his former 
writings, save in some things which tended to their damage.* 



1625. 

At the time of their election court, John Oldham came 
again amongst them ; and though it was a part of his cen- 
sure, for his former mutiny, not to return without leave first 
obtained, yet he presumed, v^^ithout leave at all, to come, 
being set on and hardened by the ill counsel of others ; and 



* The copy of this letter Is extant, but too large to be here inserted. — M. 

■n * 



78 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1625. 

not only so, but suffered his unruly passion to run beyond the 
bounds and limits of all reason and modesty, insomuch that 
some strangers that were with him were ashamed of his out- 
rages, and rebuked him, but all reproofs were but oil to the 
fire, and made the flame of his choler the greater. He called 
them all to naught in his fury, an hundred rebels and traitors ; 
but in conclusion, they committed him until he was tamer, 
and then appointed a guard of musketeers, which he was to 
pass through, and every one was ordered to give him a blow 
on his hinder parts, with the butt end of his musket, and then 
he was conveyed to the water-side, where a boat was ready 
to carry him away, with this farewell. Go and mend your 
manners.* 

After the removal of his family he fell into some straits, 
and about a year after intended a voyage to Virginia ; and 
so it pleased God that himself and sundry passengers being 
in the bark, they were in great danger, so as they despaired 
of life, and fell to prayer, and to examination of their hearts 
and consciences, and confessed such sins as most burdened 
them, and the said John Oldham did make a free and large 
confession of the wrongs he had done to the church and peo- 
ple at Plimouth, in many particulars; and that as he had 
sought their ruin, so God had now met with him, and might 
destroy him ; yea, he feared that they all fared the worse for 
his sake : he prayed God to forgive him, and made vows, that 
if the Lord spared his life he would become otherwise. This 
was reported by some of good credit, not long since living in 
the Massachusetts Bay, that were themselves partners in the 
same danger, which was on the shoals of Cape Cod. 

It pleased God to spare their lives, but they lost their voy- 

* " While this is doing, Mr. Winslow and Mr. William Pierce land from 
England, and bid them spare' neither him (Oldham) nor Lyford, for they 
had played the villains with us ; and their friends in England had the like 
bickerings with ours there about Lyford's calumnious letters, etc." 

Mr. Winslow made so surprising a discovery of Lyford's carriage, when 
minister in Ireland, for which he had been forced to leave the kingdom, as 
struck all his friends mute, made them ashamed to defend him, and he was 
condemned as unmeet to bear the ministry more. — Prince's Chron. 232. 



1625.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 79 

age ; and some time afterwards, the said ]Mr. John Oldham 
carried himself fairly towards them, and acknowledged the 
hand of God to be with them, and seemed to have an honor- 
able respect of them ; and so far made his peace with them, 
as he had liberty to go and come at his pleasure, and in some 
time after went on trading in a small vessel amongst the 
Indians, and being weakly manned, upon some quarrel be- 
twixt them, they slew him with a hatchet ; this death being 
one ground of the Pequot war, of which afterwards in its 
proper place.* 

The time being expired that Mr. John Lyford's censure 
was to take place, he was so far from answering their hopes 
by amendment, as he had doubled his evil, as before men- 
tioned. But first bel^old the hand of God concerning him, 
wherein that of the Psalmist is verified, Psal. vii. 15. He 
hath made a pit, and digged it, and is fallen into the pit that 
he made. He thought to bring shame and disgrace upon 
them, but instead of that opens his own to all the world ; for 
his wife, who was a prudent, sober woman, taking notice of 
his false and deceitful carriage about the premises, in grief of 
mind expressed her fears, that God would bring upon him 
and family, some sad judgment for these and other of his 
wicked practices, and related that he had a bastard, by anoth- 
er woman, before marriage with her, which he denied to her 
with an oath, but it afterwards appeared to be so; and 
another miscarriage of the like nature, more odiously circum- 
stanced, was also discovered, for which he was forced to leave 
Ireland, and so came New England to be troubled with him. 
Being banished hence, he went first to Nantasket, then to 
Salem, and after to Virginia, where he shortly after died. 

I have been too tedious in my relating the plots of these 
Machiavelians : but to conclude, the reader may take notice, 
that God observed and brought to nought their wicked de- 
vices, was a defence to the innocent, and caught them in the 
snares they privily laid for them, punishing one sin by another, 

* He was a man of parts, but higli-spirited, and extremely passionate, 
"which marred all in point of right improvement of them. — M. 



80' NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1625. 

until he had accomplished the freedom of his Israel, by the 
overthrow of his and their enemies ; for which his mercy, let 
his holy name be praised for evermore. 

This storm was blown over, yet sundry sad effects followed, 
for the company of the merchant adventurers break in pieces 
hereupon, and the greatest part wholly deserted the colony, 
but yet Gofl took care of it ; for although sundry of them fell 
off and adventured no more towards the support thereof, but 
rather proved manifest adversaries thereunto, than otherwise ; 
and the rest partly because they were grown (some of them) 
low in their estates, and there being small hopes of returns to 
their expectations; although courteous in words and well 
wishes, yet afforded little or no help after this, so that the 
plantation was fain to stand on their ojvn legs, being indeed 
marvellously supported by the Lord, for it pleased him so to 
bless their endeavors, as that they raised great crops of Indian 
corn (about this time), so as they had enough and to spare, 
and began to have thoughts of improving part of it in a way 
of trading with the Indians, and having only two shallops 
and no bigger vessels, they laid a deck on one of them in the 
midships, to preserve the corn dry from weather, and so sent 
her laden with corn, to a place called Kennebeck, about fifty 
leagues off to the eastward;* and notwithstanding they were 
strangers to the way, and place of trade, and to the people, 
and having no seamen, and, at that season, being the latter 
end of the year and drawing on to winter ; yet it pleased God 
to preserve them, and so to bless their endeavors, as that they 
returned in safety, and with good success, it being the first 
enterprise they achieved in this kind, at least so far, and it 
proved an inlet to a further ti-ade, which was greatly beneficial 
to them afterwards. 

And here I may not omit the observable dispensation of 
God's providence, respecting his dealing with the adventurers 
aforementioned, in reference unto two ships they sent unto 
these parts about that time, on a fishing voyage only upon 
their own account, having left the plantation to shift for them- 

* Sec Priucc for the time. 



1625.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 81 

selves ; one of these ships was a small one, namely, the James, 
forenamed, which was well laden with cor-fish, and in her a 
great quantity likewise of beaver and other fm-s,* which was 
sent by the plantation to the adventurers, and returned for 
England ; the other ship was also laden with good dry fish, 
and she also returned with her ; being thus well freighted, 
they went together lovingly and joyfully away, the greater 
ship towing the lesser at her stern all the way over bound, 
and had such fair weather as they never cast her off till they 
were shot deep into the Enghsh channel, almost within sight 
of Plimouth, and yet there she was unhappily taken by a 
Turkish man-of-war, and carried into Sallee, where the mas- 
ter and men were made slaves, and many of the beaver skins 
were sold for fourpence apiece. Thus were all their hopes 
dashed in this respect, and the joyful news they went to carry 
home, turned into heavy tidings. Some thought this an 
hand of God for some unkindness showed to the plantation, 
by exaction upon them in reference to a parcel of goods they 
a little before had sent over to them on extreme rates ; but 
God's judgments are unsearchable, neither ought we to be 
too bold therewith. But, however, it shows us the uncertainty 
of all human things, and what little cause there is in joying 
in them, or trusting to them. 

In the bigger of these ships Capt. Miles Standish went 
over as agent in the behalf of the plantation, in reference unto 
some particulars yet depending betwLxt them and the adven- 
turers ; as also to the honorable council of New England ; and 
notwithstanding some difficulty he met with in his occasions 
by reason of the pestilence which was then so hot in the city 
of London,! J^t he accomplished his business so as he left 
things in a fair way for future composition, betwLxt the. said 
merchant adventurers and the plantation ; and he spake also 
with some of the honorable council, aforenamed, who prom- 



* Eight hundred weight of beaver, with other furs, a good quantity. — M. 

t " From December 22, 1624, to December 23, 1625, there die of the plague 
in London and Westminster, forty-one thousand, three hundred and thir- 
teen." — Prince. 



82 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1626. 

ised all helpfulness to the plantation, that lay in them. 
About this time it pleased the Lord likewise to give peace, 
health, and good success on their endeavors, his holy name be 
praised. 

1626. 

About the beginning of April, they heard of Capt. Stan- 
dish's arrival, and sent a boat to fetch him home ; welcome 
he was, but the news he brought was sad in many regards, 
not only in regard to the forementioned losses which their 
friends had, and some of them dead of the plague, but also 
that Mr. John Robinson, their pastor was dead, which struck 
them with much sorrow and sadness, as they had great cause ; 
his and their adversaries had been long and continually plot- 
ting how they might hinder his coming into New England,* 
but now the Lord had appointed him to a greater journey, at 
less charge, to a better place. 

* Hutchinson, ii. 454, says that " he was prevented by disappointments from 
those in England who undertook to provide for the passage of him and his 
congregation." It appears that, " Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others were at 
this time determined that New England should be settled under Episcopacy ; 
and though they would allow and encourage the people to settle here, they 
were unwilling that any Puritan ministers should accompany them. The 
bishops had prevented the crown from granting liberty to the petitions from 
Leyden ; and it was accounted a great matter in 1621, to obtain a cautious 
allowance of indulgence under the authority of the president and council for 
the affairs of New England. But they took care to obstruct the coming over 
of so important a man as Mr. Robinson, a great man, and father of the 
Independents." 

Mr. Robinson's own judgment in the case is thus expressed. In a letter to 
Elder Brewster, dated at Leyden, December 20, 1623. After speaking of the 
adventurers and classifying them, he says in relation to the body of them, 
" I persuade myself that for me they of all others are unwilling I should be 
transported, especially such as have an eye that way themselves, . . . and 
for those adversaries, if they have but half their will to their malice, they will 
stop my course, when they see it intended." Sherley, who was one of the 
adventurers, incurred the Ill-will of his associates by favoring the removal. 
" The sole cause," he observed In a letter to the Plymouth people in 1627, 
" whj' the greater part of the adventurers malign me, was, that I would not 
side with them against you and the coming over of the Leyden people." 



1626.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 83 

But before I pass things concerning this worthy servant of 
Christ, Mr. John Robinson, I shall here insert the honorable 
testimony that INIr. William Bradford, senior, hath kft behind 
him, concerning him, being greatly acquainted with his worth 
and excellency. 

Saith he, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect 
that this worthy man had to his flock and his flock to him, 
that it might be said of them, as it was once said of that 
famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and the people of Rome, 
That it was hard to judge whether he delighted more in 
having such a people, or they in having such a pastor. But 
to return.* 

Capt. Standish likewise brought the sad news of the death 

* Mr. Jolin Kobinson died at Leyden, on the 1st of March, 1625, in tlie 
fiftieth year of his age. It is but the truth to say, that many tens of thou- 
sands of Christian men hold his name in honorable remembrance. He yet 
liyes, by his example, and by the influence of his sacrifices and toils ; and in 
the third century after his death, he enjoys the singular distinction of beinc 
equally honored in the east and the ■west — in two countries separated by a 
mighty ocean. 

It was four or five years after the death of Mr. Eobinson, before provision 
could be made for the removal of his wife and children to Plymouth. In 1G29 
thirty-five families were transported from Leyden to New England, at the 
heavy expense of £500, paid by the brethren in the colony. Another com- 
pany came over the next year, at a still greater expense. In one of these 
companies were the wife and children of ]Mr. Robinson. 

We have the names of but two of his children, John and Isaac. John 
settled at, or near Cape Ann, Isaac settled near Plymouth, at Scituate, whei-e 
he was a fi-eeman in 1633. He removed in 1639 to Barnstable. The 
descendants of Kobinson are numerous, scattered over New England and 
other States of the Union, and in various respectable and useful stations in 
life. (See life of Kobinson, prefixed to his works.) 

I^KOGER WHITE TO GOVEEXOR BRADFORD. 

To Ids loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, governor of PUmouth, in Neio England, 

these he, etc- 
Loving and kind Friends, etc., 

I know not whether ever this will come to your hands, or miscarry, as 
other of my letters have done ; yet, in regard of the Lord's dealing with us 
here, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to 
bear a jjart with us, both in our joys and sorrows, as we do with you. 



84 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1626. 

of Mr. Robert Cushman, their ancient friend, whom the Lord 
took away also, this year, about the same time, who was as 

These, therefore, are to give you to understand, that it hath pleased the 
Lord to take out of this vale of tears, your and our loving and faithful pastor, 
and my dear and reverend brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was siek some 
eight days, beginning first to be sick on a Saturday morning ; yet the next day, 
being the Lord's day, he taught us twice, and the week after grew every day 
weaker than other, yet felt no pain but weakness, all the time of his sickness. 
The physic he took wi'ought kindly, in man's judgment, yet he grew every 
day weaker than other, feellnglittle or no pain, yet sensible till the very last. He 
fell sick the 2 2d of February, and departed this life on the 1st of March. He 
Lad a continual inward ague, but, I thank the Lord, was free of the plagiie, 
so that all his friends could come freely to him ; and if either prayers, tears, 
or means would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having 
faithfully finished his course, and performed his work which the Lord had 
appointed him here to perform ; he now rests with the Lord, in eternal hap- 
piness ; we wanting him, and all church governors, not having one at present 
that is a governing officer among us. Now for ourselves here left, (I mean 
the whole church,) we still, by the mercy of God, continue and hold close 
again together in peace and quietness, and so I hope we shall do, though we be 
very weak ; wishing, (if such were the will of God,) that you and we were 
again together in one, either there or here ; but seeing it is the will of the Lord, 
thus to dispose of things, we must labor with patience to rest contented, till 
it please the Lord otherwise to dispose of things. 

For news at present here, is not much worth the writing ; only as in Eng- 
land we have lost our old king James, who departed this life about a month 
ago, so here we have lost Grave Maurice, the old prince here, who both de- 
parted this life since my brother Robinson ; and as in England we have a 
new king, Charles, of whom there is great hope of good, so here likewise we 
have made Prince Hendrick, general, in his brothei''s place, who is now with 
the Grave of Mansfield with a great army, close by the enemy, to free Breda, 
if it be possible, which the enemy hath besieged now some nine or ten 
months ; but how it will fall out at last, is yet uncertain. The Lord give 
good success, if it be his will. The king is making ready about one hundred 
sail of ships ; the end is not yet certain, but they Avill be ready to go to sea 
very shortly. The king himself goes to see them once in fourt^i days. And 
thus fearing lest this will not come to your hands, hoping as soon as I hear of 
a convenient messenger to write more at large, and to send you a letter 
which ray brother Robinson sent to London, to have gone to some of you, but 
coming too late, was brought back again. And so for this time I cease fur- 
ther to trouble you, and rest 

Your assured loving friend, 

Roger White. 

Leyden, Ajml 28, 1625. 



1627.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 85 

their right hand with their friends the adventurers, and for 
divers years had done and agitated all their business with 
them, to their great advantage, of whom, occasionally, there 
hath been honorable mention formerly made in this book.* 

About this time they received divers letters from their 
friends at Leyden, in Holland, full of sad lamentation for 
their heavy loss by the death of their pastor, Mr. Robinson, 
above named ; and although their wills were good to come 
over to their brethren in New England, yet they saw no prob- 
ability of means how it might be effected, but concluded, as 
it were, that all their hopes were cut off, and many, being 
aged, began to drop away by death. All which things before 
related, being well weighed and laid together, it could not 
but strike them with great perplexity, and to look humanly on 
the state of things, as they presented themselves at this time, 
it is a marvel it did not wholly discourage and sink them, but 
they gathered up their spirits, and the Lord so helped them, 
whose work they had in hand, as now, when they»were very 
low, they began to rise again ; and being stripped, in a man- 
ner, of all human helps and hopes, he brought things about 
otherwise in his divine providence, so as they were not only 
upheld and sustained, but their proceedings both honored and 
imitated by others, as by the sequel will appear.f 



1627. 

This year they sent Mr. Isaac Allerton for England, and 
gave him orders to make a composition with the adventurers, 
in reference unto some particulars betwixt the plantation and 



* In Gov. Bradford's letter book is a letter from four of the adventurers 
to tlie " General Society of Plymouth," written 18tli December, 1G24, prob- 
ably by Mr. Cushman, ■which gives much insight into their affairs, es- 
pecially relative to their connection with the adventurers, and evidences 
the good sense and excellent spirit of the writer. 

Descendants of Cushman are numerous in Plympton, Duxbury, and 
Middleborough. 

t See Prince's Chron. in Appendix, for further particulars. 



86 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1627. 

them, which Capt. Staiidish had begun, as is before hinted, 
and at the ordinary season of the year, for the expectation of 
ships, he returned with some success in the business he was 
employed. 

Likewise this year they began to make some distribution 
of lands, having had hitherto but to every person one acre 
allowed him, as to propriety, besides their homesteads, or 
garden-plots, the reason w^as that they might keep together, 
both for more safety and defence, and the better improve- 
ment of the general employments ; which condition of theirs 
brings to mind that which may be read in Pliny, Lib. 18, 
chap. 2, of the Roman's first beginnings in Romulus's time, 
how every man contented himself with two acres of land, and 
had no more assigned them ; and, chap. 3, it was thought a 
great reward to receive, at the hands of the people of Rome, 
a pint of corn ; and long after, the greatest present given to a 
captain, that had got a victory over their enemies, was as 
much groTfend as he could till in one day ; and he was not 
accounted a good, but a dangerous man, that would not con- 
tent himself with seven acres of land ; as also how they did 
pound their corn in mortars, as these people were forced to 
do, many years before they could get a mill. 

Notwithstanding, as aforesaid, so small a portion of land 
served them at the first, yet afterwards for divers reasons mov- 
ing thereunto, they were necessitated to lay out some larger 
proportions to each person ; yet resolving to keep such a mean 
in distribution of lands, as should not hinder then- growth by 
others coming to them, and therefore accordingly allotted to 
every one in each family, twenty acres, to be laid out five 
acres in breadth, by the water-side, and four acres in length. 

I may not omit the inserting of a particular, that fell out 
this year, in reference unto a ship with many passengers in 
her, and some considerable goods, which was bound for 
Virginia, who had lost themselves at sea, either by the 
insufficiency of the master, or his illness, for he was sick and 
lame of the scurvy, so as he could but lie in the cabin door, 
and give direction, and, it should seem, was badly assisted 
either with mate or mariners, or else the fear of, and the un- 



1627.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 87 

ruliness of the passengers was such, as they made them steer 
a course between the south-west and north-west, that they 
might fall in with some land ; whatever it was they cared not, 
for they had been six weeks at sea, and had no beer nor 
water, nor wood left, but had burnt up all their empty casks, 
only one of the company had a hogshead of wine or two, 
which was also almost spent, so as they feared they should be 
starved at sea, or consumed with diseases, which made them 
run this desperate course. But it pleased God, that although 
they came so near the shoals of Cape Cod, or else ran stumbling 
over them in the night, they knew not how, they came before 
a small harbor, that lieth about the middle of Mannamoiet 
Bay, to the southward of Cape Cod, and with a small gale 
of wind, and about high water, touched upon a bar of sand 
that lieth before it, but had no hurt, the sea being smooth ; so 
they laid out an anchor ; but towards evening the wind sprang 
up at sea, and was so rough as they brake their cable, and 
beat them over the bar into the harbor, where they saved their 
lives and goods ; for, although with much beating they had 
sprung a butt end of a plank, yet they soon got over, and ran 
upon a dry flat within the harbor, close to a beach, and at 
low-water, got out their goods, and were not a little glad that 
they had saved their lives. But when they had refreshed 
themselves, not knowing where they were, nor what to do, 
were much troubled, but soon after some Indians came 
towards them in canoes, which made them stand upon their 
guard, but when they heard some of them speak English, 
they were not a little revived ; especially when they heard 
them ask, whether they were not the governor of Plimouth's 
men, or friends, and that they would bring them to the Eng- 
lish houses, or carry their letters ; and when they had feasted 
these Indians, and given them many gifts, they sent two men, 
and a letter with them to the governor of Plimouth, by which 
he had intelligence of their condition, and took order for their 
supply ; they hoping, by mending of their ship, to recover her 
to go to sea again, and accordingly did mend her; but after- 
wards having but bad mooring, was put on shore again, and 
suffered so much shipwreck as she never got off more, but all 



88 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1627. 

the company were forced to repair to Plimouth, where they 
continued the best part of the year, being courteously enter- 
tained, and so were dispersed ; the greatest part of them went 
to Virginia, and some remained in the country. The chief 
amongst them were IVIr. Fells, Mr. Sibsey, and the master's 
name was Johnston, a Scotchman. 

This year the plantation of Plimouth received messages 
from the Dutch plantation, sent unto them from the governor 
there, written both in Dutch and French. The sum of the 
letters forementioned were, to congratulate the English here, 
taking notice of much that might engage them to a friendly 
correspondency and good neighborhood, as the propinquity of 
their native country, their long continued friendship, etc., and 
desires to fall into a way of some commerce and trade with 
them.* 

To which the governor and council of Plimouth returned 
answerable courteous acceptance of their loving propositions, 
respecting their good neighborhood in general, and particularly 
for commerce. And accordingly the Dutch, not long after, 
sent their secretary, INIr. Isaac de Rosier, with letters and 
goods, who laid the foundation of a trade that continued be- 
tween them many years after, to their mutual benefit. They 
also brought the English acqviainted with the trading of 
Wampampeag,! until then little known to us, nor esteemed 
by us, but was after of good valuation and profitable. Al- 
though for the space of twenty years, it was of great esteem 

* The Dutch had trading ia those southern parts divers years before the 
English came, but they began no plantation until after the English came and 
were here seated. — M. 

t Wampampeag. The Indians are ignorant of Europe's coin, yet they 
give a name to ours and call it moneash. Their own is of two sorts, one 
white, which they make of the stem or stock of the periwinkle when the shell 
is broken off; of this sort are their small beads which they make with holes 
to string the bracelets, and are current with the English for a penny. The 
other is black, which is made of the shell of a fish, and of this sort three pass 
for a penny. One fathom of their stringed money is worth five shillings. 
The white money they call wampum, the black suchawhock. The black 
fathom is two fathom white. They hang strings of their money about their 
necks, and curiously make girdles of it. — Wiirs Ke>j. Hist. Coll. iii. 231. 



1628.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 89 

among the natives in divers parts of the country, so as it made 
the Indians, in these parts, rich, proud, and powerful; yet 
until they had store of it, they could not attain English 
ammunition, but were fain to improve their own artillery of 
bows and arrows ; but when as they learned to make store of 
wampum, they furnished themselves with guns, powder, and 
shot, which no laws can restrain, by reason of the baseness of 
sundry unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, and French, 
which may turn to the ruin of many ; for hitherto the Indians 
of these parts had no pieces, nor other arms but their bows 
and arrows and clubs, nor in many years after ; neither durst 
they scarce handle a gun ; though out of kelter, it was a .ter- 
ror to them ; but those Indians to the eastern parts, which 
had commerce with the French, got pieces of them, and they 
in the end made a common trade of it, and in time our Eng- 
lish fishermen, led with the like covetousness, followed their 
example for their own gain ; but upon corr^plaint against 
them, it pleased the king's majesty to prohibit the same by a 
strict proclamation, commanding that no sort of arms or am- 
munition should by any of his subjects be traded with them. 



1628. 

This year died Mr. Richard Warren, who hath been men- 
tioned before in this book, and was an useful instrument; 
and during his life bore a deep share in the difficulties and 
troubles of the first settlement of the plantation of New 
Plimouth.* 

Whereas about three years before this time there came 
over one Capt. Wollaston,f a man of considerable parts, and 



* The -widow of Richard Warren died in 1673, aged 90. They had seven 
children, two sons and five daughters. The late Hon. James Warren, of 
Plymouth, was a descendant from Richard Warren. 

f This gentleman's name is here occasionally used, and although he came 
over in the year 1625, yet these passages in reference to Morton, fell out 
about this year, and therefore referred to this place. — M. 

8* 



90 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. • [1628. 

with him three or four more of some eminency, who brought 
with them a great many servants, with provisions and other 
requisites for to begin a plantation, and pitched themselves 
in a place within the Massachusetts Bay, which they called 
afterwards by their captain's name. Mount Wollaston ; which 
place is since called by the name of Braintree.^ And amongst 
others that came with him, there was one Mr. Thomas Mor- 
ton, who should seem had some small adventure of his own 
or other men's amongst them, but had little respect, and was 
slighted by the meanest servants they kept. They having 
continued some time in New England, and not finding things 
to answer then- expectation, nor profit to arise as they looked 
for, the said Capt. Wollaston takes a great part of the ser- 
vants, and transports them to Virginia, and disposed of them 
there, and writes back to one JNIi*. Rasdale, of his chief part- 
ners, and accounted their merchant, to bring another part of 
them to Virginia likewise, intending to put them off there, as 
he had done the rest ; and he with consent of the said Ras- 
dale, appointed one whose name was Filcher to be his lieuten- 
ant, and to govern the remainder of the plantation, untU he or 
Rasdale should take further order thereabout, j 

But the aforesaid Morton, having more craft than honesty, 
having been a pettifogger at Furnival's Inn, he in the other's 
absence, watches an opportunity, commons being but hard 
among them, and got some strong drink, and other junkets, 
and made them a feast, and after they were merry, he began 
to tell them he would give them good counsel ; you see, said 
he, that many of your fellows are carried to Vii'ginia, and if 
you stay still until Rasdale's return, you will also be carried 
away and sold for slaves with the rest ; therefore I would advise 
you to thrust out this Lieut. Filcher, and I, having a part in 
the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociates, 
so may you be free from service, and we will converse, plant, 
trade, and live together as equals, or to the like effect. This 
counsel was easily followed, so they took opportunity and 
thrust Lieut. Filcher out of doors, and would not suffer him 
to come any more amongst them, but forced him to seek 



1628.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 91 

bread to eat and other necessaries, amongst his neighbors, till 
he could get a passage for England.* 

After this they fell to great licentiousness of life, in all pro- 
faneness, and the said Morton became lord of misrule, and 
maintained, as it were, a school of Atheism, and after they 
had got some goods into their hands, and got much by trad- 
ing with the Indians, they spent it as vainly in quaffing and 
drinking both wine and strong liquors in great excess, as some 
have reported, ten pounds' worth, in a morning, setting up a 
may-pole, drinking and dancing about it, and frisking about 
it like so many fairies, or furies rather, yea, and worse prac- 
tices, as if they had anew revived and celebrated the feast of 
the Roman's goddess. Flora, or the beastly practices of the 
mad Bacchanalians. The said Morton, likewise, to show his 
poetry, composed sundry rhymes and verses, some tending to 
lasciviousness, and others to the detraction and scandal of 
some person's names, which he affixed to his idle or idol may- 
pole ; they changed also the name of their place, and instead 
of calling it Mount Wollaston, they called it the Meny 
Mount, as if this jollity would have lasted always. But this 
continued not long, for shortly after that worthy gentleman, 
Mr. John Endicot, who brought over a patent under the broad 
seal of England, for the government of the Massachusetts, 
visiting these parts, caused that may-pole to be cut down, 
and rebuked them for their profaneness, and admonished them 
to look to it that they walked better ; so the name was 'again 
changed, and called Mount Dagon. 

Now to maintain this riotous prodigality and profuse ex- 
pense, the said Morton thinking himself lawless, and hearing 
what gain the fishermen made of trading of pieces, powder, 
and shot ; he, as head of this consortship, began the practice 
of the same in these parts ; and first he taught the Indians 
how to use them, to charge and discharge them, and what 
proportion of powder to give the piece, according to the size 
or bigness of the same, and what shot to use for fowl, and 
what for deer; and having instructed them, he employed 

* See the sad effects of the waut of good government. — M. 



92 KEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1628. 

some of them to hunt and fowl for him ; so as they became 
somewhat more active in this employment than any of the 
English, by reason of their swiftness of foot, and nimbleness 
of body, being also quicksighted, and by continual exercise, 
well knowing the haunt of all sorts of game ; so as when 
they saw the execution that a piece would do, and the benefit 
that might come by the same, they became very eager after 
them, and would not stick to give any price they could attain 
to for them ; accounting their bows and arrows but baubles 
in comparison of them. 

And here we may take occasion to bewail the mischief 
which came by this wicked man, and others like unto him ; 
in that, notwithstanding all laws for the restraint of selling 
ammunition to the natives, that so far base covetousness pre- 
vailed, and doth still prevail, as that the savages become 
amply furnished with guns, powder, shot, rapiers, pistols, and 
also well skilled in repairing of defective arms ; yea some 
have not spared to tell them how gunpowder is made, and 
all the materials in it, and that they are to be had in their 
own land, and would, no doubt, in case they could attain to 
making of saltpetre, teach them to make powder; and what 
mischief may fall out to the English in those parts thereby, 
let this pestilent fellow Morton, aforenamed, bear a greater 
part of the blame and guilt of it to future generations. But 
lest I should hold the reader too long in the relation of the 
particulars of his vile actings, when as the English that then 
lived up and down about the Massachusetts, and in other 
places, perceiving the sad consequences of his trading, so as 
the Indians became furnished with the English arms and 
ammunition, and expert in the improving of them, and fear- 
ing they should, at one time or another, get a blow thereby ; 
also, taking notice that if he were let alone in his way, they 
should keep no servants for him, because he would entertain 
any, how vile soever ; sundry of the chief of the straggling 
plantations met together, and agreed, by mutual consent, to 
send to Plimouth, who were then of more strength to join 
with them, to suppress this mischief; who, considering the 
particulars, proposed to them to join together to take some 



1628.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 93 

speedy course to prevent, if it might be, the evil that was 
accruing towards them ; and resolved, first, to admonish him 
of his wickedness respecting the premises, laying before him 
the injury he did to their common safety, and that his acting 
concerning the same was against the king's proclamation ; 
but he insolently persisted on in his way, and said the king 
was dead, and his displeasure with him, and threatened them 
that if they came to molest him, they should look to them- 
selves ; so that they saw there was no way but to take him 
by force ; so they resolved to proceed in such a way, and ob- 
tained of the governor of Plimouth, to send Capt. Standish, 
and some other aid with him, to take the said Morton by 
force, the which accordingly was done ; but they found him 
to stand stiffly on his defence, having made fast his doors, 
armed his consorts, set powder and shot ready upon the table, 
scoffed and scorned at them, and he and his accomplices being 
filled with strong drink, were desperate in their way ; but he 
himself coming out of doors to make a shot at Ca}:rt. Stand- 
ish, he stepping to him, put by his piece and took him, and 
so little hurt was done ; and so he was brought prisoner to 
Plimouth, and continued in durance, till an opportunity of 
sending him for England, which was done at their common 
charge, and letters also with him, to the honorable council for 
New England, and returned again into the country in some 
short time, with less punishment than his demerits deserved, 
as was apprehended. 

The year following he was again apprehended, and sent for 
England, where he lay a considerable time in Exeter gaol ; 
for, besides his miscarriage here in New England, he was 
suspected of having murdered a man that had ventured 
moneys with him when he first came into New England ; and 
a warrant was sent over from the lord chief-justice to appre- 
hend him ; by virtue thereof he was, by the governor of the 
Massachusetts, sent into England, and for other of his misde- 
meanors amongst them in that government, they demolished 
his house, that it might no longer be a roost for such unclean 
birds. Notwithstanding he got free in England again, and 
wrote an infamous and scurrilous book against many godly 



94 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. [1629. 

and chief men of the country, full of lies and slanders, and 
full fraught with profane calumnies against their names and 
persons, and the ways of God. But to the intent I may not 
trouble the reader any more with mentioning of him in this 
history ; in fine, sundry years after he came again into the 
country, and was imprisoned at Boston, for the aforesaid 
book and other things, but denied several things therein, 
affirming his book was adulterated. And soon after being 
grown old in wickedness, at last ended his life at Piscataqua. 
But I fear I have held the reader too long about so unworthy 
a person, but hope it may be useful to take notice how 
wickedness was beginning, and would have further proceeded, 
had it not been prevented timely. 



1629. 

This jear sundry ships came out of England, and arrived 
at Neumkeak,* where Mr. John Endicot had chief command;! 
and by infection that grew among the passengers at sea, it 
spread also among them on shore, of which many died, some 



* Now called Salem. — M. 

" August, 1C29. Thirty-five of our friends, -with their families, from 
Leyden, arrived at Plimouth. They shipped at London in May, with the 
ships that came to Salem, which bring over many pious persons to begin the 
churches there. So that their being long kept back is now recompensed by 
heaven with a double blessing ; in that we not only enjoy them beyond our 
expectation, when all hope seemed to be cut off, but with them many more 
godly friends, as the beginning of a larger harvest for Christ, in the increase 
of his people and churches in these parts of the earth, to the admiration of 
many, and almost the wonder of the world. The charge is reckoned on the 
several families ; some fifty pounds, some forty, some thirty, as their number 
and expenses were ; which our undertakers pay for gratis, besides giving them 
houses, preparing them grounds to plant on and maintain them with corn, 
etc., above thirteen or fourteen months, bcfoi-e they have a harvest of their 
own production." — Bradford in Prince, 265. 

f j\Ir. Endicot, with a small company, was sent to carry on the plantation 
at Naumkeak. He sailed from England, June 20, and arrived at Naumkeak, 
in August, 1628. Mr. Conant had before removed thither, from Cape Ann. 
The next year, 1629, five ships came. Mr. Higginson arrived in June. 



1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 95 

of the scurvy, and others of infectious fevers. Mr. Endicot 
understanding that there was one at Plimouth that had skill 
in such diseases, sent thither for him ; at whose request he 
was sent unto them. And afterwards acquaintance and 
Christian love and correspondency came on betwixt the said 
governor and the said Endicot; which was furthered by 
congratulatory letters that passed betwixt each other ; one 
whereof, because it shows the beginning of their Christian 
fellowship, I shall here insert. 



The coprj of a letter from Mr. Endicot to Mr. Bradford, asfolloweih : 

Right Worshipfui, Sir, 

It is a thing not usual, that servants to one master, and of 
the same household, should be strangers ; I assure you I de- 
su'e it not ; nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. 
God's people are all marked with one and the same mark, and 
have, for the main, one and the same heart, guided by one and 
the same spirit of truth ; and where this is, there can be no dis- 
cord ; nay, here must needs be a sweet harmony ; and the 
same request, with you, I make unto the Lord, that we may, 
as Christian brethren, be united by an heavenly and unfeigned 
love, bending all our hearts and forces in furthering a work 
beyond our strength, with reverence and fear, fastening our 
eyes always on him that is only able to direct and prosper all 
our ways. I acknowledge myself much bound to you for 
your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller amongst us, 
and rejoice much that I am by him satisfied touching your 
judgment of the outward form of God's worship ; it is, as far 
as I can gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence 
of truth, and the same which I have professed and maintained 
ever since the Lord in mercy revealed himself unto me, being 
far from the common report that hath been spread of you, 
touching that particular ; but God's children must not look 
for less here below ; and it is a great mercy of God that he 
strengtheneth them to go through with it. I shall not need, 
at this time, to enlarge unto you, for (God willing) I pur- 



96 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1629. 

pose to see your face shortly ; in the mean time, I humbly 
take my leave of you, committing you to the Lord's blessing 
and protection, and rest your assured loving friend, 

John Endicot.* 
Neumkeak, May 11, 1629. 



* Shortly after -writing this letter, came these people before mentioned, 
and quickly grew into church order, and set themselves to -walk in all the 
•ways of God, as will appear by the following narrative, and the letter from 
Mr. Gott, which we here insert. 

To the worshipful, his ivorthy and much respected friend, Mr. Bradford, Governor of 

Plymouth, these: 

Most worthy and much kespected friend, Mr. Bradford ; 

I, with my wife, remember our service unto you and yours, thanking you 
most humbly for your great kindness, when we were at Pllmouth with you : 
Sir, I make bold to trouble you with a few lines, for to certify you, how it 
hath pleased God to deal with us, since you heard from us ; how, notwith- 
standing all opposition, that hath been here and elsewhere, it hath pleased 
God to lay a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his word, in every 
thing. The 20th of July, it pleased God to move the heart of our governor, 
to set it apart for a solemn day of humiliation for the choice of a pastor and 
teacher ; the former part of the day being spent in praise and teaching ; the 
latter part was spent about the election, which was after this manner ; the 
persons thought on (who had been ministers in England) were demanded 
concerning their callings ; they acknowledged there was a twofold calling, 
the one an inward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of man to take 
that calling upon him, and fitted him with gifts for the same ; the second (the 
outward calling) was from the people, when a companyof believers are joined 
together in covenant, to walk together in all the ways of God, every member 
(being men) are to have a free voice in the choice of their oflicers, etc. Now, 
we being persuaded that these two were so qualified as the apostle speaks of 
to Timothy, where he saith a bishop must be blameless, sober, apt to teach, 
etc., I think I may say as the eunuch said unto Philip, what should let him 
from being baptized, seeing there was water, and he believed ; so these two 
servants of God clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus fitted,) 
we saw no reason but that we might freely give our voices for their election 
after this trial. Their choice was after this manner, every fit member wrote, 
in a note, his name whom the Lord moved him to think was fit for a pastor, 
and so likewise, whom they would have for teacher; so the most voice was 
for Mr. Skelton to be pastor, and Mr. Higginson, to be teacher ; and they 
accepting the choice, ]\Ir. Higginson, with three or four more of the gravest 



1629.] NEW ENGLxVND'S MEMORIAL. 97 

In the three ships that came over this year to Salem, in the 
month of June, besides many godly Christians, there came 
over three ministers, two of them, Mr. Skelton and Mr. Hig 
ginson, were non-conformists, who, having suffered much in 
their native land upon that account, they came over with a 
professed intention of practising church reformation ; the third 
minister, Mr. Bright, was a conformist, wdio, not agreeing 
in judgment with the other two, removed to Charlestown, 
where also, not agreeing with those godly Christians there, 
that were for reformation, after one year's stay in the country, 
he returned for England : but Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skel- 
ton, in pursuance of the ends of their coming over into this 
wilderness, acquainted the governor, INIr. Endicot, and the 
rest of the godly people whom they found inhabitants of the 
place, and the chief of the passengers that came over with 
them, with their professed intentions, and consulted with them 
about settling a reformed congregation; from whom they 
found a general and hearty concuiTcnce, so that, after some 
conference together about this matter, they pitched upon 
the 6th of August for their entering into a solemn covenant 
with God and one another, and also for the ordaining of their 
ministers ; of which they gave notice to the church of Plim- 
outh, that being the only church that was in the country 
before them. The people made choice of Mr. Skelton for 

members of the cburcli, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayers there- 
with. This being done, then there was imposition of hands on Mr. Higgin- 
son. Then there was proceeding in election of elders and deacons, but they 
were only named, and laying on of hands deferred, to see if it pleased God 
to send us more able men over ; but since Thursday, (being, as I take it, the 
5th of August,) is appointed for another solemn day of humiliation for the 
full choice of elders and deacons, and ordaining them ; now, good sir, I hope 
that you and the rest of God's people (who are acquainted with the ways of 
God), with you, will say that here was a right foundation laid, and that these 
two blessed servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not at the window. 
And thus I have made bold to trouble you with these few lines, desiring you 
to remember us to Mr. Brewster, INIr. Smith, Mr. Fuller, and the rest of the 
church ; so I rest, at your service in what I may till death, 

CnARLES GOTT. 

Salem, July 30, anno 1G29. 

9 



98 NE"W ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1629. 

their pastor, and Mr. Higginson for their teacher.* And ac- 
cordingly it was desired of Mr. Higginson to draw up a con- 
fession of faith and covenant in scripture language ; which 
being done, was agreed upon. And because they foresaw 
that this wilderness might be looked upon as a place of 
liberty, and therefore might in time be troubled with erro- 



* April 8. — At another meeting of the Massachusetts Company in Lon- 
don, Llr. Francis Higginson, Mr. Samuel Skclton, another non-conformist 
minister of Lincolnshire, and Mr. Francis Bright, entertained by said com- 
pany, as ministers for the plantation, to labor both among the English and 
Lidians. Mr. Higginson, having eight children, is to have ten pounds a year 
more than the others ; Mr. Ealph Smith, a minister, is also to be accommo- 
dated in his passage thither. 

April 16. — Sixty "women and maids, twenty-six children, and three hun- 
dred men, with victuals, arms, apparel, tools, and one hundred and forty head 
of cattle, etc., in the lord-treasurer's warrant (to go to Xew England). 

It is interesting to notice with what care they provided for the ministry. 
The following is a true note of the allowance that the New England Company 
gave by common consent and order of their court and council, granted unto 
Mr. Francis Higginson, minister, for his maintenance in New England, 
April 8, 1G29. 

1. Imprimis, that £30 in money shall be forthwith paid him by the com- 
panye's treasurer towards the chardges of fitting himself with appai-ell and 
other necessaryes for his voyage. 

2. Item, that £10 more shall be paid over by the said treasurer, towards 
the providing of books for present use. 

3. Item, that he shall have £30 yearly paid him for three years, to beginne 
from the tyme of his first arrival in New England ; and so to be accounted 
and paid him at the end of every yeare. 

4. Item, that during the said tyme the company shall provide for him and 
his family necessaryes of diett, housing, and firewood ; and shall be att 
charges of transporting him into New England. And at the end of the said 
three years, if he shall not like to continue there any longer, to be at the 
charge of transporting him back for England. 

5. Item, tliat in convenient tyme an house shall be built, and certayne 
lands allotted tliei'cunto, which during his stay in the country and continu- 
ance in the ministry, shall bee for his use ; and after his death, or removal, the 
same to be for succeeding ministers. 

C. Item, at the expiration of the said three years an hundred acres of land 
shall be assigned to him and his heirs for ever. 

7. Item, that in case he shall depart this life in that country, the said com- 
pany shall take care for his widow during her Avidowhood and aboade in that 



1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 99 

neous spirits, therefore they did put in one article into the 
confession of faith, on purpose, about the duty and power of 
the magistrate in matters of religion. Thirty copies of the 
aforesaid confession of faith and covenant being written out 
for the use of thirty persons, who were to begin the work. 
When the 6th of August came, it was kept as a day of 
fasting and prayer, in which, after the sermons and prayers 
of the two ministers, in the end of the day, the aforesaid con- 
fession of faith and covenant being solemnly read, the fore- 
named persons did solemnly profess their consent thereunto ; 
and then proceeded to the ordaining of Mr. Skelton pastor, 
and Mr. Higginson teacher of the church there. Mr. Bradford, 
the governor of Plimouth, and some others with him, coming 
by sea, were hindered by cross winds, that they could not be 
there at the beginning of the day, but they came into the as- 
sembly afterward, and gave them the right-hand of fellowship, 
wishing all prosperity, and a blessed success unto such good 
beginnings. After which, at several times, many others joined 
to the church in the same way. The confession of faith and 
covenant, forementioned, was acknowledged only as a direc- 
tion,* pointing unto that faith and covenant contained in the 
Holy Scripture, and therefore no man was confined unto that 
form of words, but only to the substance, end, and scope of 
the matter contained therein. And for the circumstantial 
manner of joining to the church, it was ordered according to 
the wisdom and faithfulness of the elders, together with the 
liberty and ability of any person. 

country and plantation, and the like for liis clilldi-en whilst they remain upon 
the said plantation. 

8. Item, that the milk of two kyne shall be appointed towards the chardges 
of diett for him and his familye as aforesaid, and half the inci'ease of calves 
during the said three years: But the said two kyne, and the other half of 
the increase to return to the company at the end of the said three years. 

9. Item, that he shall have liberty of carrying over bedding, linen, brass, 
iron, pewter, of his owne, for his necessary use during the said tyme. 

10. Item, that if he continue seven years ujion the said plantation, that 
then one hundred acres of land more shall be allotted him for liim and his 
for ever. 

* For a copy of this confession and covenant, see the Appendix, A. 



100 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1629. 

Hence it was, that some were admitted by expressing their 
consent to that written confession of faith and covenant ; 
others did answer to questions about the principles of religion 
that were publicly propounded to them ; some did present 
their confession in writing, which was read for them ; and 
some, that were able and willing, did make their confession 
in their own words and way ; a due respect was also had 
unto the conversations of men, namely, that they were with- 
out scandal. But some of the passengers that came over at 
the same time, observing that the ministers did not at all use 
the book of common prayer, and that they did administer 
baptism and the Lord's supper without the ceremonies, and 
that they professed also to use discipline in the congregation 
against scandalous persons, by a personal application of the 
word of God, as the case might require, and that some that 
were scandalous were denied admission into the church, they 
began to raise some trouble ; of these Mr. Samuel Brown 
and his brother were the chief, the one being a lawyer, the 
other a merchant, both of them amongst the number of the 
first patentees, men of estates, and men of parts and port in 
the place. These two brothers gathered a company together, 
in a place distinct from the public assembly, and there, sun- 
dry times, the book of common prayer was read unto such as 
resorted thither. The governor, Mr. Endicot, taking notice of 
the disturbance that began to gi'ow amongst the people by 
this means, he convented the two brothers before him. They 
accused the ministers as departing from the orders of the 
church of England, that they were separatists, and would be 
anabaptists, etc., but for themselves, they would hold to the 
orders of the church of England. The ministers answered 
for themselves, they were neither separatists nor anabaptists, 
they did not separate from the church of England, nor from 
the ordinances of God there, but only from the corruptions 
and disorders there ; and tha.t they came away from the com- 
mon prayer and ceremonies, and had suffered much from 
their non-conformity in their native land, and therefore being 
in a place where they might have their liberty, they neither 
could nor would use them, because they judged the imposi- 



1629.1 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 101 

tion of these things to be sinful corruptions in the worship of 
God. The governor and council, and the generality of the 
people, did well approve of the ministers' answer ; and there- 
fore finding those two brothers to be of high spirits, and their 
speeches and practices tending to mutiny and faction, the 
governor told them, that New England was no place for such 
as they ; and therefore he sent them both back for England, 
at the return of the ships the same year ; and though they 
breathed out threatenings both against the governor and min- 
isters there, yet the Lord so disposed of all, that there was no 
further inconvenience followed upon it. 

The two ministers there being seriously studious of refor- 
mation, they considered of the state of their children, together 
with their parents ; concerning which, letters did pass between 
Mr. Higginson and Mr. Brewster, the reverend elder of the 
church at Plimouth, and they did agree in their judgments, 
namely, concerning the church membership of the children 
with their parents ; and that baptism was a seal of their mem- 
bership ; only when they were adult, they being not scan- 
dalous, they were to be examined by the church officers, and 
upon their approbation of their fitness, and upon the children's 
public and personally owning of the covenant, they were to 
be received unto the Lord's supper. Accordingly, Mr. Hig- 
ginson's eldest son, being about fifteen years of age, was 
owned to have been received a member together with his 
parents, and being privately examined by the pastor, Mr. 
Skelton, about his knowledge in the principles of religion, he 
did present him before the church when the Lord's supper 
was to be administered, and the child, then publicly and per- 
sonally owning the covenant of the God of his father, he was 
admitted unto the Lord's supper ; it being then professedly 
owned, according to 1 Cor. vii. 14 ; that the children of the 
church are holy unto the Lord as well as their parents, ac- 
cordingly the parents owning and retaining the baptism, 
which they themselves received in their infancy, in their na- 
tive land, as they had any children born, baptism was admin- 
istered unto them, namely, to the children of such as were 
members of that particnlar church. 

9* 



102 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1G29 

Mr. Iligginson lived but one year after the settling of the 
church there, departed this life about the same time the next 
year, in the month of August, 1630.* Mi". Skelton lived until 
the year 1634, when he also quietly slept in the Lord, and 
were both buried at Salem. As it is an honor to be in Christ 
before others, as in Rom. xvi., so also to be first in the Lord's 
work, and to be faithful in it, as these two holy men were, 
who made such a beginning in church reformation, as was 
afterwards followed by many others. 

In the year 1634, Mr. Roger Williams removed from Plim- 
outh to Salem ; he had lived about three years at Plimouth, 
where he was well accepted as an assistant in the ministry to 
Mr. Ralph Smith, then pastor of the church there, but by de- 
grees venting of divers of his own singular opinions, and seek- 
ing to impose them upon others, he not finding such a con- 
currence as he expected, he desired his dismission to the 
church of Salem, which though some were unwilling to, yet 
through the prudent counsel of Mr. Brewster, the ruling elder 
there, fearing that his continuance amongst them might cause 
divisions, and there being many abler men in the bay, they 
would better deal with him than themselves could, and fore- 
seeing, what he professed he feared concerning ]\Ir. Williams, 
which afterwards came to pass, that he would run the same 
course of rigid separation and anabaptistry, which Mr. John 
Smith, the se-baptist at Amsterdam had done ; the church of 
Plimouth consented to his dismission, and such as did adhere 
to him were also dismissed, and removed with him, or not long 
after him, to Salem. He came to Salem in the time of Mi*. 
Skelton's weakness, who lived not long after Mr. Williams was 
come, whereupon after some time, the church there called him 

* Eev. Francis Iligginson received his education at Emanuel College, 
Cambridge. His talents, acquirements, and character brought him the offer 
of some of the best livings in England, but his scruples of non-conformity 
■would not suffer him to accept them. He was a man of eminent talents, in- 
dued with grace, apt to teach, mighty in the Scriptures, learned in the tongues, 
able to convince gainsayers. He was courteous and obliging, and uncom- 
monly popular as a preacher. He died at the age of forty-three. — Annals 
of Salem, p. 43. 



1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 103 

to office ; but he having in one year's time, filled that place with 
principles of rigid separation, and tending to anabaptistry, the 
prudent magistrates of the JMassachusetts jurisdiction sent to 
the church of Salem, desiring them to forbear calling him to 
office, which they hearkening to, was a cause of much dis- 
turbance ; for Mr. Williams had begun, and then being in 
office, he proceeded more vigorously to vent many dangerous 
opinions, as amongst many others these were some ; that it 
is not lawful for an unregenerate man to pray, nor to take an 
oath, and in special, not the oath of fidelity to the civil gov- 
ernment ; nor was it lawful for a godly man to have com- 
munion, either in family prayer, or in an oath, with such as 
they judged unregenerate; and therefore he himself refused 
the oath of fidelity, and taught others so to do ; also, that it 
was not lawful so much as to hear the godly ministers of Eng- 
land, when any occasionally went thither, and therefore he 
admonished any church members that had done so, as for 
heinous sin; also he spake dangerous words against the 
patent, which was the foundation of the government of the 
Massachusetts colony ; also he affirmed, that the magistrates 
had nothing to do in matters of the first table, but only the 
second ; and that there should be a general and unlimited 
toleration of all religions, and for any man to be punished for 
any matters of his conscience, was persecution. 

And further, he procured the church of Salem's consent 
unto letters of admonition, which were written and sent by 
him, in their name, to the churches at Boston, Charlestown, 
Newtown, (now Cambridge,) etc., accusing the magistrates, 
that, were members of the respective churches, of sundry 
heinous offences, which he laid unto their charge ; and though 
divers did acknowledge their error . and gave satisfaction, yet 
Mr. Williams himself, notwithstanding aU the pains that was 
taken with him by Mi-. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, and many others, 
to bring him to a sight of his errors and miscarriages, and, 
notwithstanding all the court's gentle proceedings with him, 
he not only persisted, but grew more violent in his way, in- 
somuch as he staying at home in his own house, sent a letter, 
which was delivered and read in the public church assembly, 



104 KEW EXGLAIND'S MEMORIAL. [1629. 

the scope of which was to give them notice, that if the church 
of Salem would not separate not only from the churches of 
Old England, but the churches of New England too, he would 
separate from them. The more prudent and sober part of the 
church, being amazed at his way, could not yield unto him ; 
whereupon he never came to the church assembly more, pro- 
fessing separation from them as antichristian, and not only so, 
but he withdrew all private religious communion from any 
that would hold communion with the church there, inso- 
much as he would not pray nor give thanks at meals with 
his own wife nor any of his family, because they went to 
the church assemblies. Divers of the weaker sort of the 
church members, that had been thoroughly leavened with 
his opinions, of which number were divers women that were 
zealous in their way, did by degrees fall off to him, inso- 
much as he kept a meeting in his own house, unto which a 
numerous company did resort, both on the Sabbath day and 
at other times in way of separation from, and opposition to 
the church assembly there ; which the prudent magistrates 
understanding, and seeing things grow more and more towards 
a general division and disturbance, after all other means used 
in vain, they passed a sentence of banishment against him 
out of the Massachusetts colony, as against a disturber of the 
peace, both of the church and commonwealth.* 

After which Mr. Williams sat down in a place called Prov- 
idence, out of the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and was fol- 
lowed by many of the members of the church at Salem, who 
did zealously adhere to him, and who cried out of the perse- 



* The riymoutli colonists seemed to have more consistent views of religious 
liberty and toleration tlian the Massachusetts'. Gov. Hutchinson says, " When 
]\Irs. Hutchinson and her adherents were banished from that colony, they 
applied to the colony of Plymouth for leave to settle upon Aquidnick, or 
Rhode Island, which was then acknowledged to be within Plymouth patent, 
and it was readily granted, although their tenets were no more approved by 
Plymouth than ISIassachusetts. Some of the Quakers also fled to Plymouth 
bounds, and probably saved their lives, for although they made laws severe 
enough against erroneous opinions, yet in no case capital. — See Gov. Hutch. 
inst.\o\. 2, p. 421. 



1629.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 105 

cution that was against him ; some others also resorted to 
him from other parts. They had not been long there together, 
but from rigid separation they fell to anabaptistry, renouncing 
the baptism which they had received in their infancy, and 
taking up another baptism, and so began a church in that 
way ; but Mr. Williams stopped not there long, for after some 
time he told the people that followed him, and joined with 
him in a new baptism, that he was out of the way himself, 
and had misled them, for he did not find that there was any 
upon earth that could administer baptism, and therefore their 
last baptism was a nullity, as well as their first ; and therefore 
they must lay down all, and wait for the coming of new 
apostles ; and so they dissolved themselves and turned Seek- 
ers, keeping that one principle, that every one should have 
liberty to worship God according to the light of their own 
consciences ; but otherwise not owning any churches or or- 
dinances of God anywhere upon earth. 

Thus much was thought meet to be inserted here concern- 
ing the great and lamentable apostasy of Mr. Williams, that 
it may be a warning to all others to take heed of a gradual 
declining from, and forsaking the churches of Christ, .and 
ordinances of God in them, lest they be left of God to run 
such a course as he hath done; wherefore let him that 
thinks he stands, take heed lest he fall, 1 Cor. x. 12 ; as also 
to be a motive to the saints to remember him unto God in 
their fervent prayers for his return, he having been sometimes 
an able dispenser of the word of God, and, in several respects 
of an exemplary conversation. 

And yet that there may be a standing evidence of the care 
that was had in those times to prevent the growth of errors, 
and of the exercises of the communion of churches for that 
end, it is thought meet further to insert this passage ; that 
before the putting forth of the civil power of the magistrate 
for the removing of Mr. Williams from Salem, and besides 
other means also used, there was a public admonition sent in 
writing from the church of Boston to the church of Salem, for 
the reducing of Mr. Williams, and the erring part of the 
church. The title of the writing was, 



106 NEW ENGLAND'S ME:\I0EIAL. [1629. 



Errors in doctrine maintained hy some of the IretJiren of the church of Salem, 
tending to the disturbance of religion and peace, in family, church, and 
commomcealth, namely, 

1. That it is not lawful to call upon an unregenerate man 
to pray for himself. 

2. It is not lawful for a regenerate man to pray with his 
carnal family. 

3. It is not lawful for magistrates to take an oath of fidelity 
from unregenerate men. 

4. It is not lawful for magistrates to take an oath of fidelity 
from the body of their subjects, though regenerate, and mem- 
bers of churches. 

5. It is not lawful for magistrates to punish the breaches of 
the first table, unless thereby the civil peace of the common- 
wealth be disturbed. 

Whence also it follows, and is confessed. 

That a church wholly declining into arianism, papism, 
familism, or other heresies, being admonished, and convinced 
thereof by other churches, and not reforming, may not be re- 
formed by the civil magistrate, in a way of civil justice, unless 
it break the civil peace. 

These errors were solidly confuted, and the contrary truths 
asserted, by the word of God, in that writing which was sub- 
scribed by 

John Cotton, Teacher of the church of Boston. 

Thomas Oliver, ) t^,-, ^,, , , 

rp T [ hlders of the same church. 

inOMAS LiEVERETT, \ •' 

INIr. Wilson the pastor of the church being at that time 
absent upon a voyage to England.* 



* As of Gorton, so of Eoger Williams, tlie early narratives vary, and it is 
difficult for us, at this day, to form a correct estimate of the character of these 
men. Some allowance is doubtless to be made from the false notions then 
generally prevalent on toleration, and the connection of civil and religious 
affairs, as also from the excitement arising from their ^^ccullar state and cir- 



1630.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 107 



1630. 

This year it pleased God, of his rich grace, to transport 
over into the bay of the IVIassachusetts divers honorable per- 
sonages, and many worthy Christians, whereby the Lord 
began in a manifest manner and way to make known the 
great thoughts which he had of planting the gospel in this 
remote and barbarous wilderness, and honoring his own way 



cumstances. Looking at them from our standpoint, we qualify somewhat the 
early statements on both sides. While w^ are led to believe that Koger 
Williams's conduct was sometimes censurable, and that he gave just occasion 
for suspicions and complaints, we must also think that the complaints and 
treatment of him were quite too severe. With his faults, it must be admitted 
also, that there was much to approve and to admire in his character. On 
the question of religious liberty and toleration, he was doubtless greatly in 
the advance of his day. 

But he advanced some sentiments on religious subjects, and in regard to 
the patent, which occasioned him great opposition and trouble. And as 
Judge Davis says, " His opinions had reference to topics of so much intei-est, 
that we must expect to meet a bias of considerable strength in those who 
oppose, and in those who defend him." Gov. Bradford's statement regarding 
Williams is as reliable and correct probably as any that can be found. On 
the whole he thought well of Williams. 

As found on the church records at Plymouth, Bradford says, " Koger 
Williams, a man godly and zealous, having many precious parts, but very 
unsettled in judgment, came over first to the Massachusetts, but upon some 
discontent, left the place and came hither (to Plymouth), when he was freely 
entertained according to our poor ability, and exercised his gifts among us, 
and after some time, was admitted a member of the church, and his teaching 
well approved, for the benefit whereof I still bless God, and am thankful to 
him even for his sharpest admonitions and reproofs, so far as they agree with 
the truth. He this year fell into some strange opinions, and from opinions to 
practice, which caused some controversy between the church and him, and 
iu the end some discontent on his part, by occasion whereof he left them 
something abruptly ; yet afterwards sued for his dismission to the church of 
Salem, which was granted with some caution to them concerning him ; but 
he soon fell into more things there both to their and the government's trouble 
and disturbance. I shall not need to name pai'tlculars, they are too well 
known now to all, though for a time the church here went imder some hard 
censures by his occasion from some that afterwards smarted themselves, but 
he is to be pitied and prayed for, and so I shall leave the matter, and desire 



108 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1630. 

of instituted worship, causing such and so many to adhere 
thereunto, and fall upon the practice thereof ;| among the rest, 
a chief one amongst them was that famous pattern of piety 
and justice, Mr. John Winthrop, the first governor of the 
jurisdiction, accompanied with divers other precious sons of 
Sion, which might be compared to the most fine gold.* 
Amongst whom, also, I might name that reverend and worthy 
man, INIr. John Wilson, eminent for love and zeal ; he like- 
wise came over this year, and bare a great share of the diffi- 
culties of these new beginnings, with great cheerfulness and 
alacrity of spirit. They came over with a fleet of ten ships, 
three of them arriving first at Salem, in which several of the 
chiefest of them came, who repaired, sundry of them, in some 
short time, into the bay of the Massachusetts ; the other 
seven ships arrived at Charlestown, where it pleased the Lord 
to exercise them with much sickness, and being destitute of 
housing and shelter, and lying up and down in booths, some 
of them languished and died. Yea, it pleased God to take 
away amongst the rest that blessed servant of Christ, Mr. 
Isaac Johnson, with his lady, soon after their arrival, with 
sundry other precious saints. 



the Lord to sliow him his errors, and reduce him into the way of truth, and 
give him a settled judgment and constancy in the same, for I hope he be- 
longs to the Lord." 

For further particulars of "Williams, see Hutchinson's Hist. vol. i. 40, 41, 
113,131; Winthrop's Journal; Mass. Hist. Coll.; Callender's Hist. R. L; 
Felt's Eccl. History of New England and Memoir, by Prof. Knowles. 

* March 8, 1630. Mr. Sherlcy of London writes to Gov. Bradford, 
" Those who came in May and those now sent, must some while be charge- 
able to you and us." " This is another company of our Leyden friends, who 
arrived at the latter end of May, and the charge of this last company comes 
to above £550, for transporting them from Holland to England, their lying 
there, with clothing and passage hither, besides the fetching them from 
Salem and the bay, where they and their goods are landed, all which the 
New Plymouth undertakers pay gratis, besides providing them housing, pre- 
paring them ground, and maintaining them with food sixteen months before 
they have a harvest of their own, which comes to near as much more ; a rare 
example of brotherly love and Chi-istian care in performing their promises to 
their brethren, even beyond their power." — Bradford in Prince, 272. 



1630.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 109 

This sickness being heavy upon them, caused the principal 
of them to propose to the rest to set a day apart to seek the 
Lord, for the assuaging of his displeasure therein, as also for 
direction and guidance in the solemn enterprise of entering 
into church fellowship ; which solemn day of humiliation was 
observed by all, not only of themselves, but also by their 
brethren at Plimouth in their behalf ; * and the Lord was en- 
treated not only to assuage the sickness, but also encouraged 
their hearts to a beginning, and in some short time after to a 
further progress in the great w^ork of erecting a way of wor- 
shipping of Christ in church fellowship, according to primitive 
institution. Those choice and eminent servants of Christ did 
not despise then- poor leaders and fellow-soldiers that they 
found in the same work of the Lord with them, at Plimouth, 
but treated them as brethren, much pitying their great straits 
and hardships they had endured in the first beginning of 
planting this wilderness, promising all helpfulness even out of 
their own estates, according to their power ; and their said 
brethren at Plimouth were persuaded they spake as they 
thought in their hearts; for, such was the simplicity of those 
times, as that divers faces were not carried under a hood ; 
pride, covetousness, profaneness, and sinful self, were ashamed 
to be seen, except in obscure places and persons. O poor 
New England ! consider what thou wast, and what thou now 
art ! Repent and do thy first works, saith the Lord ! So 
may thy peace be as a river, and thy righteousness as the 
waves of the sea, Isa. xlviii. 18, 19. So be it. But to 
return. 

The first that began in the work of the Lord above men- 
tioned, were their honored governor, JMr. John Winthrop, IMr. 
Johnson, forenamed, that much honored gentleman, IVIi-. Tho- 
mas Dudley, and Mr. John Wilson, aforesaid ; these four 
were the first that began that honorable church of Boston, 
unto whom there joined many other. The same year also 

* The day of humiliation was Friday, July 30. Mr. Winslow and Mr. 
Fuller, being on a mission at Salem, from Plymouth church, with ]\Ir. Aller- 
ton, write to their friends on this subject, July 26, 1630. — Hist. Coll. lii. 76. 

10 



110 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1630. 

Mr. George Phillips,* who was a worthy servant of Christ and 
dispenser of his word, began a church fellowship at Water- 
town ; as did also Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham at Dor- 
chester, the same day. 

Thus, out of small beginnings, greater things have been 
produced by his hand that made all things of nothing ; and, 
as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light here 
kindled hath shone unto many, yea, in some sort, to our 
whole nation. Let the glorious name of Jehovah have all the 
praise in all ages.f 

* See Appendix for his descendants. 

f Mr. Prince transcribes from " The Book of Charters," a patent granted 
January 13, 1630, from " the Council for New England," to " William Brad- 
ford and his associates and assigns, all that part of New England between 
Cohasset rivulet towards the north, and Narraganset river towards the south, 
the Western Ocean towards the east, (the Atlantic was then so called,) and 
between a straight line directly extending up into the main land towards 
the west, from the mouth of Narraganset river to the utmost bounds of a 
country in New England called Pacanokit, alias Sawamset westward, and 
another like straight line extending directly from the mouth of Cohasset 
river towards the west, so far into the main land westward, as the utmost 
limits of the said Pacanokit or Sawamset entered ; " also a tract of laud 
fifteen miles on each side of Kennebeck river, which they afterwards sold. 

The patent recites that the grantees " had lived nine years in New Eng- 
land, had planted a town called New Plymouth, at their own charges, and 
by the special providence of God, and their extraordinary care and industry, 
had increased their plantations to near three hundred people, and are, on all 
occasions, able to relieve any new planters, or others of his majesty's subjects 
who may fall on that coast." It gives them " all the riglit and interest which 
the said council had or ought to have thereto, with liberty to trade with the 
natives, and fish in the seas adjoining," and " liberty to make orders, ordi- 
nances, and constitutions not contrary to the laws of England, for their better 
government, and to put the same in execution, by such officers as they shall 
authorize and depute." — Piince, 2G8, 269. 

The reader will be very likely to inquire what " rigid and interest " this 
council had, which they here undertook to convey ? The following is taken 
from Prince, 180 : — 

" Nov. 3, about a week before of their (the Pilgrims) arriving at Cajie Cod, 
king James signs a patent for the incorporation of the adventurers to the 
northern colonies of Virginia, between 40 and 48 degrees north, being the duke 
Lenox. The marquises of Buckingham and Hamilton, the cai'ls of Arundel 
and Warwick, and Sir F. Gorges, with thirty-four others, and their succes- 



1632.1 NETV ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. Ill 



1631. 

This year the reverend and useful instrument Mr. John 
Eliot came over, and not long after Mr. Weld, who began a 
church society at Roxbury; as lilvewise good old Mr. Ma- 
verick, and Mr. Warham began one at Dorchester.* 



1632.t 

This year one Sir Christopher Gardiner, being, as himself 
said, descended of the house of Gardiner, bishop of Winches- 



sors, styling tliem ' The Council established at Plymouth, in the county of 
Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordei'ing, and governing. New England in 
America,' -which is the great and civil basis of all the future patents and plan- 
tations Avhich divide this country." 

" Oct. 1G30. The first execution in Plymouth colony ; which is a matter 
of great sadness to us, is of one John Billington, for waylaying and shooting 
John Newcomen, a young man, in the shoulder, whereof he died. The said 
Billington was one of the profanest among us. He came from London, and 
I know not by what friends, shuffled into our company. We used all 
due means about his trial ; he was found guilty both by grand and^ petty 
jury, and we took the advice of Mr. Winthrop and others, the ablest gentle- 
men in Massachusetts Bay, who all concurred with us that he ought to die, 
and the land be purged from blood." — Ihid. 320. 

* The Rev. John Warham, first minister of Windsor, Ct., was an eminent 
preacher at Exeter ; the Rev. John Maverick, lived about forty miles from that 
city. Mr. Maverick died at Boston, In February, 1636 ; a large part of his 
society had, just before, removed to Windsor, in Connecticut, and it was his in- 
tention to follow them. Mr. Warham accompanied those of his people who 
removed to Connecticut, and died at Windsor in 1670. "I suppose," says Dr. 
Mather, " the first preacher that ever preached with notes, in our New England, 
was the reverend Warham, who, though he were sometimes faulted for it, by 
some judicious men, who had never heard him, yet, when once they came to 
hear him, they could not but admii-e the notable energy of his ministry. He 
was a more vigorous preacher than the most of them, who have been ap- 
plauded for never looking into a book in their lives." — Allen's Biog. Diet., 
Hist. Coll. ix. 127-199; Life of John Eliot; Hist. Coll. viii. 5-36. 

t This year (1632), the general court of Plymouth colony make an extra- 
ordinary act, that whoever refuses the office of governor shall pay twenty 



112 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIiVL. [1632. 

ter, who was so great a persecutor of God's saints in Queen 
Mary's days, arrived in New England ; he being a great trav- 
eller received his first honor of knighthood at Jerusalem, being 
made a knight at the sepulchre there. He came into these 
parts in pretence of forsaking the world, and to live a private 
life in a godly course, not unwilling to put himself upon any 
mean employment, and take any pains for his living, and 
sometimes offered himself to join to the church in sundry 
places ; he brought over with him a servant or two, and a 
comely young woman, whom he called his cousin ; but it was 
suspected that, after the Italian manner, she was his concu- 
bine. He living at the Massachusetts, for some miscarriages 
for which he should have answered, fled away from authority, 
and got amongst the Indians in the jm-isdiction of New 
Plimouth. The governor of the Massachusetts sent after him, 
but could not get him, and promised some reward to those 
that should find him. The Indians came to the governor of 
Plimouth, and told where he was, and asked if they might kill 
him, but the said governor told them no, they should not kiU 
him by no means, but if they could take him alive and bring 
him to Plimouth, they should be paid for their pains ; they 
said he had a gun and a rapier, and he would kill them if 
they -went about it, and the Massachusetts Indians said they 
might kill him, but the governor aforesaid told them no, they 
should not kill him, but watch their opportunity and take him 
and so they did, for when they light on him by a river side, 
he got into a canoe to get from them, and when they came 
near him, whilst he presented his piece at them to keep them 
off, the stream carried the canoe against a rock, and threw 
both him and his piece, and the rapier into the water, yet he 
got out, and having a little dagger by his side, they durst not 
close with him ; but getting long poles, they soon l^eat the 
dagger out of his hand ; so he was glad to yield, and they 



pounds sterling, unless lie ■were chosen two years going, and -wliocver refuses 
the oflice of councillor or magistrate, ten pounds." — Prince, 411. 

" Mr. Bradford having been governor near twelve years, now, by impor- 
tunity, gets otr (1 633)." — iVi/ice, 411, 423. 



1632.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 113 

brought him to the governor at Plimouth, but his hands and 
arms were swelled very sore with the blows they had given 
him ; so he used him kindly, and sent him to a lodging where 
his arms were bathed and anointed, and he was quickly well 
again, and blamed the Indians for beating him so much. 
They said they did but a little whip him with sticks. In his 
lodging, those that made his bed found a little note-book, that 
by accident had slipped out of his pocket, or some private 
place, in which was a memorial what day he was reconciled 
to the Pope or church of Home, and in what university he 
took his scapula, and such and such a degree ; it being 
brought to the governor, he kept it and sent it to the governor 
of the Massachusetts, with word of his taking, who sent 
for him ; but afterwards he went for England and showed his 
malice against New England, but God prevented him; of 
which I thought meet to insert a letter from Mr. Winthrop, 
governor of the Massachusetts, to Mr. Bradford, the governor 
of Plimouth, in reference to this matter, as also the copy of 
an order relating to the same as followeth. And first of the 
letter : — 

Sir, 

Upon a petition exhibited by Sir Christopher Gardiner, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, Captain Mason, etc., against you and us, 
the cause was heard before the Lords of the Privy Council, 
and afterwards reported to the king; the success whereof 
makes it evident to all, that the Lord hath care of his people 
here ; the passages are admirable and too long to write. I 
heartily wish for an opportunity to impart them unto you, 
being many sheets of paper ; but the conclusion was, against 
all men's expectation, an order for our encouragement, and 
much blame and disgrace upon the adversaries, which calls 
for much thankfulness from us all, which we purpose, God 
willing, to express in a day of thanksgiving to our merciful 
God,* (I doubt not but you will consider if it be not fit for you 

* The thanksgiving proposed by Governor Winthrop, "was kept on the 
lOth of June. — Winth. Jour. 

10* 



114 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1632. 

to join in it,) who, as he hath humbled us by his late cor- 
rection, so he hath lifted us up by an abundant rejoicing in 
our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so as that 
which our enemies built their hopes upon to ruin us by, he 
hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall 
further acquaint you when occasion shall serve. The copy 
of the order follows. 

At the Court at Whitehall^ January 19, 1632. 

Sigillum Crescent. 

Lord Privy Seal, Mr. Trevers, 

Earl of Dorset, Mr. Vice Chamberlain, 

Lord Viscount Falkland, Mr. Secretary Cook, 

Lord Bishop of London, ]Mr. Secretary Windebank. 
Lord Cottington, 

Whereas his majesty hath lately been informed of great 
distraction and much disorder in the plantations in the parts 
of America, called New England, which if they be true, and 
suffered to run on, would tend to the dishonor of this king- 
dom, and utter ruin of that plantation ; for prevention whereof, 
and for the orderly settling of government, according to 
the intention of those patents which have been granted by 
his majesty, and from his late royal father, king James ; it 
hath pleased his majesty, that the lords and others of his 
most honorable privy council should take the same into con- 
sideration ; their lordships, in the first place, thought fit to 
make a committee of this board, to take examination of the 
matters informed ; which committee having called divers of the 
principal adventurers in that plantation, and heard those that 
are complainants against them ; most of the things informed 
being denied, and resting to be proved by parties that must be 
called from that place, which required a long expense of time, 
and at present their lordships finding they were upon despatch 
of men, victuals, and merchandise for that place, all which 
would be at a stand if the adventurers should have discour- 
agement, or take suspicion that the state here had no good 



1633.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOHIAL. 115 

opinion of that plantation ; their lordships not laying the 
fault or fancies (if any be) of some particular men upon the 
general government, or principal adventurers, which in due time 
is further to be inquired into ; have thought fit, in the mean 
time, to declare, that the appearances were so fair, and hopes 
so great, that the country would prove both beneficial to this 
kingdom, and profitable to the particulars, as that the adven- 
turers had cause to go on cheerfully with their undertakings, 
and rest assured, if things were carried as was pretended 
when the patents were granted, and accordingly as by the 
patents it is appointed, his majesty would not only maintain 
the liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but supply any 
thing further that might tend to the good government, pros- 
perity, and comfort of his people there of that place, etc.* 

William Trumball. 

1633. 

This year Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. William Brad- 
ford, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. John Howland, Mr. John 
Alden, Mr. John Doan, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Mr. Wil- 
liam Gilson, were chosen to be his assistants in govern- 
ment.! 



* See Prince, October 25, 1632. 

f " Mr. Edward Winslow cliosen governor of Plimoutli, Mr. Bradford hav- 
ing been governor about ten years, and now by importunity got off." — Winth. 
Jour. 47. 

The great swamp mentioned in this narrative was in Pembroke. The 
great river is supposed to be what is now called North river. Ludham's ford 
was probably in Hanover, about fourteen miles from Plymouth. Massagas- 
cus was probably written Wissagasscus ; and indicates the place which was 
commonly called Wessagussett. In August, 1635, " "VVessagasscus was made 
a plantation, and Mr. Hall a minister, and twenty-one families with him, 
allowed to sit down there — after called Weymouth." — Winth. Jour. 84. 
The term prophesying, in the sense intended by Governor Winthrop, in his 
account of the religious exercises at Plymouth, has become obsolete. It 
originated in the reign of Elizabeth, when the Puritans maintained frequent 
religious exercises, in which texts of Scripture were interpreted or discussed, 



116 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL, [1633. 

The plantation of Plimouth, having had some former con- 
verse with the Dutch, as hath been hinted, they seeing them 
seated in a barren quarter, told them of a river called by them 
the fresh river,* which they often commended unto them for 
a good place, both for plantation and trade, and wished them 
to make use of it; but their hands being full otherwise, they 
let it pass ; but afterwards, there coming a company of In- 
dians into these parts, that were driven out of their country 
by the potency of the Pequots, they solicited them to go 
thither. These Indians not seeing them very forward to en- 
tertain the motion, which they moved with great ardency, 
they solicited them of the government of the Massachusetts 
in like sort, but they being then not fit to entertain the motion, 
in respect that they were newly come into the country, did not 
much regard it. Notwithstanding, some of the chief made a 
motion to join some here in a way of trade at the same river; 
on which a meeting was appointed to treat concerning the 
same matter, and some of Plimouth appointed to give them 
meeting, whicli they did, but they cast in the way many fears 
of danger and loss, and the like, on which they of the Massa- 
chusetts declined the thing, and did not proceed therein. 
Whereupon those of Plimouth went alone, and prepared a 
frame of an house, and stowed it into a bark, ready to rear at 
their landing, and went up the said river and reared their said 
house, and fenced it about with a palisado, which was done 
with great difficulty, not only of the Dutch, but also of the 
Indians ; notwithstanding the place they possessed themselves 
of was such as the Dutch had nothing to do with, and like- 
wise was bought of the Indians which they carried with 
them. And this was Plimouth's entrance there, who deserved 
to have held it, and not by friends to have been thrust out, as 
in a sort they afterwards were. 

This year it pleased God to visit Plimouth with an infectious 



one speaking to fhe subject, after another, in an orderly method. This was 
called prophesying, in reference to 1 Cor. xv. 31. Ye all may prophesy, 
that all may learn, and all may be comforted. — NeaVs Hist. Puritans, i. 184. 
* Which is the same called Connecticut river. — M. 



1633.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 117 

fever, of which many fell very sick, and upwards of twenty 
died, men, women, and children, and sundry of them were of 
their ancient friends ; * amongst the rest, Mr. Samuel Fuller 
then died, after he had much helped others, and was a com- 
fort to them ; he was their surgeon and physician, and did 
much good in his place, being not only useful in his faculty, 
but otherwise, as he was a godly man, and served Christ in 
the office of a deacon in the church for many years, and for- 
ward to do good in his place, and was much missed after 
God removed him out of this world. 

This sickness caused much sadness amongst them, and, ac- 
cording to their duty, they besought the Lord by fasting and 
and prayer, and he was entreated of them, and towards win- 
ter the sickness ceased. This sickness, being a kind of pesti- 
lent fever, swept away also many of the Indians from places 
near adjoining to Plimouth. 

It is to be observed, that the spring before this sickness, 
there was a numerous company of flies, which were like for 
bigness unto wasps or bumblebees ; they came out of little 
holes in the ground, and did eat up the green things, and 
made such a constant yelling noise as made the woods ring 
of them, and ready to deafen the hearers ; they were not any 
of them heard or seen by the English in the country before 
this time ; but the Indians told them that sickness would fol- 
low, and so it did, very hot, in the months of June, July, and 
August of that summer.f 



* One of these " ancient friends," who died at this time, was Mr. Thomas 
Blossom. — Prince, ii. 96. Some of his letters from Leyden may be seen 
in Hist. Collections, vol. iii. On his arrival at Plymouth, he was elected a dea- 
con of the church. — Cotton's Hist, of Pbjmoutli Church ; Hist. Coll.iv. 111. 
LIr. Cotton places his death, with that of his associate, Mr. Masterton, before 
1630. But Mr. Prince, who quotes Governor Bradford's MS. relative to the 
sickness of 1633, is probably correct. 

t Prince says, " they are known by the name of locusts." The prevailing 
opinion is, that they make their appearance Septem deceniaUij, and this 
seems to be confirmed by long observation. Their chrysalis state seems not 
to be known, and probably they have several transmutations during the long 
interval of their appearance. By what means they make " such a yelling 



118 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1634. 

This year there arrived in New England, those three 
worthy instruments, Mr. John Cotton, Mr. Thomas Hooker, 
and Mr. Samuel Stone, who were gospel preachers, of excel- 
lent worth and use in their places, until God took them out 
of the world unto himself. 

This year likewise, IMr. William Collier arrived with his 
family in New England, who, as he had been a good bene- 
factor to the colony of New Plimouth, before he came over, 
having been an adventurer unto it at its first beginning, so, 
also, he approved himself a very useful instrument, in that 
jurisdiction, after he arrived, being frequently chosen, and for 
divers years serving God and the country in the place of 
magistracy, and lived a godly and holy life, until old age, 
which to him is a crown of glory, being found in the way of 
righteousness.* 

1634. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. His assistants in government 
were Mr. William Bradford, Mr. Edward Winslow, Capt. 
Miles Standish, Mr. William Collier, Mr. John Alden, Mr. 
John Howland, and JNIr. Stephen Hopkins. 

In the spring of this year there fell a very great sickness of 
the smallpox amongst the Indians, so as they died most mis- 
erably of it ; for a sorer disease cannot come amongst them, 

noise" seems not to be well agreed. But as to their " eating up tlie green 
things," this is a mistake. They pitch upon the young branches of oak trees 
generally, and with a kind of chisel in their posterior, they penetrate and 
split the limb and deposit their ova In the pith, and In a short time the limb 
breaks, and the leaves die, and give the appearance of being eaten. The 
end of the limb falls to the ground, the ova produces the worm, which enters 
the earth, and the locusts in due time return. It does not appear that they 
have any kind of nourishment during their appearance, unless It be the dew 
or rain. See Dobson's Encyclopa'dia. 

* " This year a small gleane of rye was brought to the court, (in Massa- 
chusetts,) as the first-fruits of English graine, at which the poor people 
greatly rejoiced, to sec the land would bear It." — Jolnisoii's Wond. Work. 
Prov. 61. 



1634.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL, 119 

and they dread it more than the plague itself; for, usually, 
those of them which have this disease, have them in abun- 
dance, and for want of bedding and linen, and other neces- 
saries, fall into a lamentable condition ; for, as they lie on 
their hard mats, the pock breaking and running one into 
another, their skin cleaving by reason thereof to the mats 
they lie on, when they turn them, much of their skin flays off 
at once, and they will be all on a gore of blood, most sad and 
grievous to behold ; and then, being very sore, what with 
cold and other distempers, they die lilvc rotten sheep. 

This year one Capt. Stone, who had sometimes lived at 
Christophers, in the West Indies, came into these parts ; of 
whom I have nothing to speak in the way of commendation, 
but rather the contrary. After he had been to and fro in the 
country, he returned towards Virginia, with one Capt. Nor- 
ton ; and so it was, that, as they returned, they went into 
Connecticut river, where the Indians killed the said Stone as 
he lay in his cabin, and threw a covering over him. They 
likewise killed all the rest of his company, but the said Capt. 
Norton, he defending himself a long time in the cook-room of 
the bark, until, by accident, the gunpowder took fire, which 
for readiness he had set in an open thing before him, which 
did so burn and scald him, and blind his eyes, as he could 
make no longer resistance, but was slain also by them, and 
they made a prey of his goods. 

It is to be observed, that the said Stone, being at the Dutch 
plantation, in the fore part of this year, a certain bark of 
Plimouth being there likewise on trading, he kept company 
with the Dutch governor, and made him drunk, and got leave 
of him, in his drunkenness, to take the said bark, without any 
occasion or cause given him ; and so, taking his time when 
the merchant and some of the chief of the men were on shore, 
with some of his own men, made the rest of them weigh an- 
chor, and set sail to carry her away to Virginia ; but some of 
the Dutch seamen, who had been at Plimouth, and received 
Idndness, seeing this horrible abuse, got a vessel or two and 
pursued them, and brought them back. After this he came into 
the Massachusetts Bay, where they commenced suit against 



120 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. [1634. 

him ; but by the mediation of some it was taken up,* and 
afterwards, in the company of some gentlemen, he came to 
Phmouth,and was kindly entertained; but revenge boilhig in 
his breast, as some conceived, he watched a season to have 
stabbed the governor, and put his hand to his dagger for that 
end, but by God's providence, ordering tlie vigilance of some 
that were about him, he was prevented ; but God met with 
him for these and other wickednesses, as hath been before 
related.f 

* Captain Standish repaired to Boston, to accuseStone of j^iracy, and the 
offender was required to give surety to appear in the Admiralty in England. 
" But after," says Gov. Winthrop, " those of Plimouth, being persuaded it 
would turn to their reproach, and that it would be no piracy, we withdrew 
the cognizancy." — WintJi. Jour. 50. 

•j- Mr. Bradford and Mr. Winslow, two of the magistrates of Plymouth, 
with Mr. Smith, their pastor, came to Boston by water, to confer with some 
of our magistrates and ministers about their case of Ivennebeck. There met 
hereabout Mr. Winthrop, INIr. Cotton, and Mr. Wilson, and after they had 
sought the Lord, they fell first upon some passages which they had taken 
some offence at, but those were soon cleared. Then for the matter Itself, it 
fell into these two points : first, whether their right of trade there were such, 
as they might lawfully hinder others from coming there : second, admitting 
that, whether in point of conscience they might so far stand upon their right 
as to take away or hazard any man's life in defence of it. 

For the first, their right appeared to be good ; for that, besides the king's 
grant, they had taken uj) that place as vacuum domicilium, and so had con- 
tinued without interruption or claim of any of the natives, for divers years, 
and also had, by their charge and providence, drawn down thither the great- 
est part of the trade, by carrying wampampeage thither, which none of the 
English had known the use of before. For the second, they alleged, that 
their servant did kill Hockin to save other of their men, whom he was ready 
to have shot. Yet they acknowledged that they did hold themselves under 
guilt of the breach of the sixth commandment, in that they did hazard man's 
life for such a cause, and did not rather wait to preserve their right by other 
moans, which they rather acknowledged ; because they wished it were not 
done ; and hereafter they would be careful to prevent the like. — Winthroji's 
Hist. N. E. p. 162. 

" One pleasant passage," says Gov. Winthrop, " happened, which was 
acted by the Indians this year. Mr. Winslow coming in his bark from Con- 
necticut to Narraganset, and left her there, and intending to return by land, 
he went to Osamequin, the Sagamore, his old ally, who offered to conduct 
him to Plymouth ; but before they took their journey, Osamequin sent one of 



1635.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 121 



1635. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was ciiosen governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, Capt. Miles Stan- 
dish, ]Mr. John Alden, Mr. John Howland, and Mr. Stephen 
Hopkins, were chosen to be his assistants in government. 

This year Mr. Edward Winslow took a voyage for Eng- 
land, on public occasions, and it came to pass that he had 
occasion to answer some complaints made against the country 
at the council board ; more chiefly concerning the Massachu- 
setts jurisdiction, which he did to good efiect, and further 
prosecuted such things as might tend to the good of the 
whole ; in particular, he preferred a petition to the right hon- 
orable the lords commissioners for the plantations in America, 
in reference unto some injuries done by the French and Dutch 
unto the country ; which petition found good acceptance, and 
was in a way to a satisfactory answer. But sundry adversa- 
.ries interposed, whose ends were the subversion and over- 
throw of the churches, at least to disturb their peace, and hin- 
der their growth ; but, by God's providence, it so fell out in 
the end, that although those adversaries crossed the petition 
from taking any further effect, in the end principally intended 
in it ; yet by this, as a means, the whole plot was discovered, 
and those adversaries came to nothing. The particulars 
whereof are too long here to be inserted. 

This year, on Saturday, the fifteenth day of August, was 
such a mighty storm of wind and rain,- as none now living in 
these parts, either English or Indian, had seen the like ; being 
like unto those hurricanes, or tuffins, that writers mention to 

his men to Plimouth, to toll them that Mr. Winslow Tvas dead, and directed 
him to show how and where he was killed ; whereupon there was much fear 
and sorrow at Plimouth. The next day, when Osamequin broujjht him home, 
they asked him why he sent such word, etc., he answered that it was their 
manner to do so, that they might be more welcome when they came home." — 
Winth. Hist. N. E. p. IGo. 

11 



122 NEW EXGLxVXD'S MEMORIAL. [1635. 

be in the Indies. It began in the morning a little before day, 
and grew not by degrees, but came with great violence in the 
beginning, to the great amazement of many. It blew down 
sundry houses, and uncovered divers others ; divers vessels 
were lost at sea in it, and many more in extreme danger. It 
caused the sea to swell in some places to the southward of 
Plimouth, as that it arose to twenty foot right up and down, 
and made many of the Indians to climb into trees for their 
safety. It threw down all the corn to the ground, which 
never rose more, the which, through the mercy of God, it 
being near the harvest time, was not lost, though much the 
worse; and had the wind continued without shifting, in like- 
lihood it would have drowned some part of the country. It 
blew down many hundred thousands of trees, turning up the 
stronger by the roots, and breaking the high pine trees, and 
such like, in the midst ; and the tall young oaks, and walnut 
trees, of good bigness, were wound as a withe by it, very 
strange and fearful to behold. It began in the south-east, and 
veered sundry ways, but the greatest force of it, at Plimouth, 
was from the former quarter ; it continued not in extremity 
above five or six hours before the violence of it began to 
abate ; the marks of it will remain this many years, in those 
parts where it was sorest. The moon suffered a great eclipse 
two nights after it.* 



* " In the same tempest a bai'k of Mr. Allertou's was cast away upon Cape 
Ann, and twenty-one persons drowned ; among the rest one Mr. Avery, a 
minister in Wiltshire, a godly man, with his wife and six small children, were 
drowned. None were saved but one Mr. Thatcher and his wife, who were 
cast on shore and preserved." 

The general court gave Mr. Thatcher £26 IS.s*. Ad., toward his losses, and 
divers good people gave him besides. Mr. Thatcher was the uncle of the 
Rev. Thomas Thatcher, who came over with him in the James, 1G35, and 
who was ordained pastor of the church at Weymouth, January 2, 1G45, and 
installed the first pastor of the Old South Church in Boston, February 16, 
1670. He was the progenitor of the long line of clergymen Avho have dis- 
tinguished the name of Thatcher. Cotton Mather says, that a day or two be- 
fore that fatal voyage from Newbury to Marblehead, our young Thatcher 
)the same Thomas Thatcher) had such a strong and sad impression uj^on his 



1636.] KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 123 



1636. 

This year jMi*. Edward Winslow was chosen governor of 
the jurisdiction of Plimouth; and Mr. William Bradford, Mr. 
Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, Mr. John Alden, Mr. 
Timothy Hatherly, ]\Ir. John Brown, and Mr. Stephen Hop- 
kins, were chosen to be his assistants in government. 

This year the towns on the river of Connecticut began to 
be planted,* and in transporting of goods thither, from the 
Massachusetts Bay, two shallops were cast away, loaded with 
goods to go thither, in an easterly storm, at the mouth of 
Plimouth harbor ; the boat's men were all lost, not so much 
as any of their bodies found for burial, they being five in num- 
ber in both boats. The principal of them was one Mr. William 
Cooper, an ancient seaman, of known skiU, having formerly 
been master of a ship, and had gone great voyages to the 
East Indies, and to other parts ; but the night being dark 
and stormy, they ran upon the skirt of a flat that lieth near 
the mouth of the harbor, and so were overraked ; the goods 
came on shore along the harbor, and the governor caused a 
careful course to be taken for the preservation of them, in the 
behalf of the right owners, who afterwards received so many 
of them as were saved. 

Now followeth the tragedy of the war that fell betwixt the 
English and the Pequots, which I will relate according to my 
best intelligence ; in order whereunto I thought good to men- 
mind, about the issue of tlie voyage, that he, with another, would needs go 
the journey by land, and so he escaped perishing with some of his pious and 
pi'ecious friends by sea. — Younf/'s Chron. il/as5. 594. See also Ibid. p. 486 
-495 for a full account of this shipwreck. 

* " Mr. Hooker, pastor of the church at Newto^vn, and the rest of his con- 
gregation, went to Connecticut; his wife was carried in a horse-litter; and 
they took 160 cattle, and fed of their milk by the way." — Wintli. Hist. N. E. 
p. 223. There was a previous emigration in 1635, from Dorchester and 
Watertown. Hartford Avas settled by the company from Newtown. The 
Watertown people seated themselves at Wethersfield. Those from Dorches- 
ter selected a place afterward called Windsor. 



124 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1636. 

tion some particulars first, that by discerning the whole mat- 
ter, in the several parts and circumstances, the more of the 
mercy and goodness of God may be taken notice of to his 
praise, for destroying so proud and blasphemous an enemy.* 
In the year 1634, the Pequots, a stout and warlike people, 
who had made Vv^ar with sundry of their neighbors, and being 
puffed up with many victories, grew now at variance with the 
Narragansets, a great people bordering upon them. These 
Narragansets held correspondence and terms of friendship 
with the English of the Massachusetts. Now the Pequots 
being conscious of the guilt of Capt. Stone's death, whom 
they knew to be an Englishman, as also those that were with 
him, and being fallen out with the Dutch, lest they should 
have over many enemies at once, sought to make friendship 
with the English of the Massachusetts, and for that end, sent 
both messengers and gifts unto them, as appears by some 
letters sent from the governor of the Massachusetts to the 
governor of Plimouth, as followeth : — 

Dear and worthy Sir, 

To let you know something of our affairs, you may under- 
stand that the Pequots have sent some of theirs to us, to desire 
our friendship, and offered much wampum and beaver, etc. 
The first messengers were dismissed without answer; with 
the next we had divers days' conference, and taking the advice 
of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we con- 
cluded a peace and friendship with them, upon these condi- 
tions. That they should deliver up to us those men who were 
guilty of Stone's death, etc., and if we desired to plant in 
Connecticut, they should give up their right to us, and we 
would send to trade with them as our friends, which was the 
chief thing we aimed at, they being now at war with the 

* The Pequots were the most warlike tribe of New England. Those who 
wish to examine the history of this truly barbarous war in which the whole 
tribe was extirpated, may find it well written in Trumbull's History of Con- 
necticut, oh. 5. See also Holmes's Annals, p. 297 ; and Hist. Coll. p. 273-293. 
The tribe inhabited the present county of Xew London, Conn., and their fort 
was on the river, between Stouington and Groton. 



163G.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 125 

Dutch, and the rest of their neighbors. To this they readily- 
agreed ; and that we should mediate a peace between them 
and the Narragansets, for which end they were content we 
should give the Narragansets part of the present they would 
bestow on us ; for they stood so much on their honor, as they 
would not be seen to give any thing of themselves. As for 
Capt. Stone, they told us there were but two left of those 
who had any hand in his death, and that they killed him in 
a just quarrel ; for, said they, he surprised two of our men, 
and bound them, to make them by force to show him the 
way up the river, and he, with two others, coming on shore, 
nine Indians watched them, and when they were asleep in 
the night they killed them, to deliver their own men ; and 
some of them, going afterwards to the bark, it was suddenly 
blown up. We are now preparing a bark to send unto 
them.* 

Yours, ever assured, 

John Winthrop. 
Boston, March 12, 1634. 

Not long after these things, Mr. John Oldman, of whom 
much is spoken before, being now an inhabitant of the Mas- 
sachusetts, went, with a small vessel, and slenderly manned, 
on trading on those south parts ; and, upon a quarrel between 
him and the Indians, was cut off by them, in such manner as 
hath been forenoted, at an island called by the Indians Man- 
isses, by the English, Block Island. This, with the former, 
about the death of Stone, and the baffling of the Peqiiots 
with the English of the Massachusetts, moved them to take 
revenge, and to require satisfaction for these wrongs ; but it 
took little effect ; some of the murderers of Mi-. Oldham fled 
to the Pequots, and although the English went to the Pequots, 
and had some parley with them, yet they did but delude them ; 
and the English returned without doing any thing to purpose, 



* And in another letter lie saith, " our bark is lately returned from the 
Pequots, and our men put ofF but little commodities, and found them to be a 
very false people, so we mean to have no more to do "with them." — M. 

11* 



126 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1G37. 

being frustrated of their opportunity by their deceit. After 
the English of the Massachusetts were returned, the Pequots 
took their time and opportunity to cut off some of the Eng- 
lish at Connecticut, as they passed up and down upon their 
occasions ; and tortured some of them, in putting them to 
death in the most barbarous manner, and most blasphemously, 
in this their cruelty, bade them call upon their God, or mocked 
and derided them when they so did ; and, not long after, as- 
saulted them at their houses and habitations, as will appear 
more fully in the ensuing relation. 



1637. 

In the forepart of this year, the Pequots fell openly upon 
the English at Connecticut, in the lower parts of the river, and 
slew sundry of them, as they were at work in the fields, both 
men and women, to the great terror of the rest; and went 
away in great pride and triumph with many threats. They 
also assaulted Saybrook fort, at the mouth of the river of 
^ Connecticut, although it was strong and well defended. It 
struck them with much fear and astonishment, to see their 
bold attempts in the face of danger, which made them in aU 
places to stand upon their guard, and to prepare for resistance, 
and earnestly to solicit their friends and confederates in the 
Massachusetts Bay, to send them speedy aid, for they looked 
for more forcible assaults. Mr. Vane, being then governor of 
that jurisdiction, wiit from their general court to the governor 
and court of New Plimouth, to join with them in this war, to 
which fhey were cordially willing. In the mean time, before 
things could be prepared for to set out, the Pequots, as they 
had done the winter before, sought to make peace with the 
Narragansets, and used many pernicious arguments to move 
tliem thereunto, as that the English were strangers, and began 
to overspread their country, and would deprive them thereof 
in time, if they were suffered to grow and increase ; and if 
the Narragansets did assist the English to subdue them, that 
did but make way for their own overthrow ; for if they were 



1637.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 127 

rooted out, the English would soon take occasion to subjugate 
them ; and if they would hearken to them, they should not 
need to fear the strength of the English ; for they would not 
come to open battle with them, but fire their houses, kill their 
cattle, and he in ambush for them, as they went abroad upon 
then- occasions, and all this they might easily do with little 
danger to themselves. The which course being held, they 
well saw the English would not long subsist, but they would 
either be starved with hunger, or forced to forsake the country ; 
with many like things, insomuch that the Narragansets were 
once wavering, and were half minded to have made peace with 
them, and joined against the English ; but again, when they 
considered how much wrong they had received from the 
Pequots, and what an opportunity they had now, by helping 
the English to right themselves, revenge was so sweet to them, 
as it prevailed above all the rest; so as they resolved to join 
with the English against them, and so did. The court of 
Plimouth agreed to find fifty men at their own charge, and 
with as much speed as possible they could get them in readi- 
ness, under sufficient leaders, and provided a bark to carry 
their provisions, and to tend upon them on all occasions, and 
when they were ready to march with a supply from the bay, 
they had word sent them to stay, for the enemy was as good 
as vanquished, and there would be no need. 

I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their proceedings 
in this war, because possibly it hath been done by themselves 
that were actors therein, and best knew the circumstances of 
things ; I shall therefore set them down in the main and gen- 
eral, according to my best intelligence. 

From Connecticut, who were most sensible of the hurt 
sustained, and the present danger, they set out a party of 
men, and another party met them from the Massachusetts 
Bay, at the Narragansets, who were to join them. The 
Narragansets were very earnest to be gone, before the Eng- 
lish were well rested and refreshed, especially some of them 
which came last. It should seem their deske was come upon 
the enemy suddenly and unexpectedly. There being a bark 
of Plimouth newly put in there, which was come from Con- 



128 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1637. 

necticut, they did encourage them to lay hold of the oppor- 
tunity of the Indians' forwardness, and to show as great for- 
wardness as they, for it would encourage them, and expedi- 
tion might turn to theu- great advantage. So they went on, 
and so ordered their march, as the Indians brought them to 
the fort of their enemy, in which most of their chief men were, 
before day; they approached the same with great silence, 
and surrounded it both with English and Indians, that they 
might not break out, and so assaulted them with great cour- 
age, shooting among them, and entered the fort with great 
speed ; and those that first entered found sharp resistance from 
the enemy, who both shot and grappled with them ; others 
ran into their houses, and brought out fire and set them on 
fire, which soon took in their mats, and their houses standing 
close together, with the wind all was soon on a flame, and 
thereby more were burnt to death than were otherwise slain. 
It burnt their bowstrings, and made them unserviceable. 
Those that escaped the fire were slain with the sword ; some 
hewed to pieces, some run through with their rapiers, so as 
they were quickly dispatched, and very few escaped. The 
number they thus destroyed, was conceived to be above four 
hundred. At this time it was a fearful sight to see them thus 
frying in the fire, and the streams of blood quenching the 
same; and horrible was the stink and scent thereof; but the 
victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave the praise 
thereof to God, who had wrought so wonderfully for them, 
thus to enclose their enemies in their hands, and give them 
so speedy a victory over so proud, insulting, and blasphemous 
an enemy. The Narragansets, all this while, stood round 
about aloof, off from all danger, and left the whole execution 
to the English, except it were the stopping any that brake 
away, insulting over their enemies in their ruins and misery, 
when they saw them dancing in the fire ; calling by a word 
in their own language, signifying, O brave Pequots ! which 
they used familiarly amongst themselves in their own praises, 
in songs of triumphs after their victories. 

After this service was thus happily accomplished, the Eng- 
glish marched to the water-side, where they met with some of 



1637.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 129 

their vessels, by whom they were refreshed and supplied with 
victuals and other necessaries ; but in their march, the rest of 
the Pequots drew into a body, and followed them, thinking to 
have some advantage against them by reason of a neck of 
land ; but when they saw the English prepare for them, they 
kept aloof, so as they neither did hurt nor would receive any. 
And after the English their refreshing and repairing together 
for further counsel and directions, they resolved to pursue 
their victory, and follow the war against the rest; but the 
Narragansets most of them forsook them, and such of them 
as they had with them for guides or otherwise, they found 
very cold or backward in the business, either out of envy, or 
that they thought the English would make more profit of the 
victory than they were willing they should, or else deprive 
them !of that advantage that they desired in making the 
Pequots become tributaries unto them, or the like. 

For the rest of this tragedy, I shall only relate the same as 
in a letter from Mr. Winthrop to ]\Ir. Bradford, as fol- 
loweth : — 

Worthy Sir, 

I received your loving letter, but straightness of time for- 
bids me, for my desire is to acquaint you with the Lord's 
great mercy towards us, in our prevailing against his and our 
enemies, that you may rejoice and praise his name with us. 
About fourscore of our men, having coasted along towards 
the Dutch Plantation, sometimes by water but most by land, 
met here and there with some Pequots, whom they slew, or 
took prisoners. Two sachems they took and beheaded ; and 
not hearing of Sasacus, the chief sachem, they gave a prisoner 
his life to go and find him out; he went and brought them 
word where he was ; but Sasacus suspecting him to be a spy, 
after he was gone, fled away with some twenty more to the 
Mohawks, so our men missed of him ; yet dividing themselves, 
and ranging up and down, as the providence of God guided 
them, for the Indians were all gone, save three or four, and 
they knew not whither to guide them, or else would not; 



130 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1637. 

upon the thirteenth of this month, they lighted upon a great 
company, namely, eighty strong men, and two hundred 
women and children, in a small Indian town, fast by a hideous 
swamp, which they all slipped into, before our men could get 
to them. 

Our captains were not then come together ; but there was 
Mr. Ludlow and Capt. Mason, with some ten of their men, 
and Capt. Patrick, with some twenty or more of his, who, shoot- 
ing at the Indians, Capt. Trask, with fifty more, came soon 
in at the noise. Then they gave order to surround the swamp, 
it being about a mile round ; but Lieut. Davenport, and some 
twelve more, not hearing that command, fell into the swamp 
amongst the Indians. The swamp was so thick with shrubs, 
and boggy withal, that some stuck fast, and received many 
shot. 

Lieut. Davenport was dangerously wounded about his arm- 
hole, and another shot in the head, so as fainting, they were 
in great danger to have been taken by the Indians ; but sergeant 
Riggs and sergeant Jeffery, and two or three more, rescued them, 
and slew divers of the Indians with their swords. After they 
were drawn out, the Indians desired parley, and were offered by 
Thomas Stanton, our interpreter, that if they would come out 
and yield themselves, they should have their lives that had 
not their hand in the English blood. Whereupon the sachem 
of the place came forth, and an old man or two, and their 
wives and children, and so they spake two hours, till it was 
night. Then Thomas Stanton was sent to them again, to 
call them forth, but they said they would sell their lives there ; 
and so shot at him so thick, as, if he had not been presently 
relieved and rescued, on his crying out, they would have 
slain him. 

Then our men cut off a place of swamp with their swords, 
and cooped up the Indians into a narrow compass, so as they 
could easier kill them through the thickets. So they con- 
tinued all the night, standing about twelve foot one from 
another, and the Indians, coming up close to our men, shot 
their arrows so thick, as they pierced their hat-brims, and 



1637.J NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 131 

their sleeves and stockings, and other parts of their clothes ; 
yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them, as not one 
of them was wounded, save those three w4io rashly went into 
the swamp as aforesaid. When it was near day it grew 
very dark, so as those of them that were left, dropped away, 
though they stood but twelve or fourteen foot asunder, and 
were presently discovered, and some killed in the pursuit. In 
the searching of the swamp the next morning, they found 
nine slain, and some they pulled up, whom the Indians had 
buried in the mire ; so as they do think that of all this com- 
pany not twenty did escape, for they afterwards found some 
who died in the flight, of their wounds received. The pris- 
oners were divided, some to those of the river, and the rest to 
us of these parts. We send the male children to Bermuda, 
by Ml'. William Pierce, and the women and maid children 
are disposed about in the towns. There have been now slain 
and taken in all, about seven hundred, the rest are dispersed, 
and the Indians, in all quarters, so terrified, as all their friends 
are afraid to receive them. Two of the sachems of Long 
Island came to Mr. Stoughton, and tendered themselves to be 
under our protection ; and two of the Nepannet sachems have 
been with me to seek our friendship. Among the prisoners 
we have the wife and children of Mononotto, a woman of a 
very modest countenance and behavior. It was by her me- 
diation, that the two English maids were spared from death, 
and were kindly used by her. One of her first requests was, 
that the English would not abuse her body, and that her chil- 
dren might not be taken from her. Those which were wounded 
we fetched soon off', by John Gallop, who came with his boat 
in a happy hour, to bring them victuals, and to carry their 
wounded men to the bark, where our chief surgeon was, with 
IVIr. Wilson, being about eight leagues off". Our people are 
all in health, the Lord be praised. And although they had 
marched in their arms all the day, and had been in fight all 
the night, yet they professed they found themselves so, as they 
could willingly have gone to such another business. The 
captains report, we have slain thirteen sachems, but Sasacus 



132 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1637. 

and Mononotto are still living. This is the substance of what 
I have received, though I am forced to omit many consider- 
able circumstances. So being in much straightness of time, 
the ships being to depart within this four days, and in them 
the Lord Lee and Mr. Vane; I here break off, and with 
hearty salutation, etc., I rest. 

Your assured friend, 

John Winthrop. 
July 28, 1637. 

To conclude the discourse of this matter, this Sasacus, the 
Pequot sachem, being fled to the INIohawks, they cut off his 
head, and some other of the chief of them, whether to satisfy 
the English, or rather the Narragansets, who, as I heard, 
hired them to do it, or for their own advantage, I know not. 

And thus this war took end ; the body of this people were 
wholly subdued, and their country taken from them, and such 
of its inhabitants as had escaped the heat of our revenge, by 
fire and sword, being nevertheless at the dispose of the con- 
querors, whereby the English, appointed some to the Narra- 
gansets and some to the Monhegans, under Unkas their 
sachem, who had been faithful and serviceable to them in this 
war ; yet the Narragansets were not pleased that themselves 
had not the sole government of the captives, and have since 
been continually quarrelling with the Monheags, and have 
sometimes been plotting against the English also ; but to 
conclude, the Pequots have since been taken under the im- 
mediate government of the English colonies, and live in their 
own country, being governed by such of their own, as are by 
the English substituted and appointed for that purpose. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was chosen governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mr. WiUiam Collier, Mr. Thomas 
Prince, Capt. Miles Standish, and Mr. John Jenny, were cho- 
sen to be his assistants in government. 

This year Mr. Theophilus Eaton and Mr. John Davenport, 
accompanied with divers other Christians of special eminency, 



1637.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL, 133 

began the fourth of the united colonies in New England 
called New Haven,* where they erected a church of Christ, 
which continue in gospel order until this day, in an amiable 
and exemplary manner ; notwithstanding they have met with 
divers losses and crosses, both of eminent and useful instru- 
ments, as also of a great part of their estates, as in special by 
the loss of Mr. Lamberton's ship. Of which said plantation 
and colony, I have little to insert, for want of more full and 
certain intelligence. 

About this time there arose gi*eat troubles in the country, 
especially at Boston, by the broaching of antinomian and 
familistical opinions ; the chief sect-leader thereof was one 
Mrs. Hutchinson. These carried on their abominable tenets, 
with such subtilty, under a pretence of advancing free grace, 
and crying up the covenant of grace, and down the covenant 
of works ; as they took away, by their assertions, grace from 
the covenant ; yea, so close was this mystery of iniquity car- 
ried on, as that some of the prudentest of the orthodox party, 
could not discern it at the first ; but at length, the folly of 
those that were principal therein was made manifest unto all 
men. The evil consequences thereof faced very sadly, so as 
it influenced into their civil state, and caused great disturb- 
ance ; but by God's blessing on the improvement of the faith- 
ful endeavors of his servants, the messengers of the churches, 
who were called together as a synod to help in the case ; 
together with the prudence and industry of sundry principal 
ones amongst them, both in church and state at other times, 
a right understanding of some few things, in difference 
amongst the sincere and godly, was procured.f The ring- 

* Called by the Dutch Rocabert, and by the Indians Quinnapiuk. — M. 

This colony was united with Connecticut in 1662. Mather says, " Annex- 
ation had the concurrence of some leading men, though the minds of some 
others were so uneasy about coalition, that it was some time after the arrival 
of the charter (1665) before the union took place; for the colony, like Jeph- 
thah's daughter, took time to bewail its condition, before it would quietly be 
complied withal." 

f " Behold what a great matter a little fire kindleth." " The contention," 

12 



134 NEW ENGLA^^D'S MEMORIAIi. [1637. 

leaders of the faction being thus detected were censured, not 
only by the church, but by the civil power, and were also con- 
demned to exile ; who, not knowing where they might sit 
down safely, made requests unto the government of Plimouth, 
that they might be at an island, that they had not hitherto 
improved, called by the Indians Aquetnet, and, by the Eng- 
lish inhabiting it, Rhode Island, which the government of 
Plimouth, aforesaid, considering they were their countrymen 
and fellow-subjects that were thus distressed and destitute of 
habitation, although they had their errors in as great dislike 
as those from whence they came, yet pitying them in their 
present straits, granted their request; so these, having there 
seated themselves, and finding that it was a very fruitful and 
pleasant place, such indeed as that colony or jurisdiction hath 
not any the like left within their patent, they soon drew many 

says Dr. Matlier, "spread itself Into families, and from thence into all the 
general affairs of the public." 

The questions were about the order of things in our union with our Lord 
Jesus Christ : about the influence of our faith in the application of his 
righteousness : etc. Gov. Hutchinson says, the town and country was dis- 
tracted with these subtleties, and every man and woman who had brains 
enough to form some imperfect conception, inferred and maintained some 
other point, such as these, "A man is justified before he believes ; " " faith is 
no immediate cause of justification." The fear of God and love of our neigh- 
bor seemed to be laid by and out of the question. The whole church at Bos- 
ton, with few exceptions, was under the influence of Mrs. Hutchinson. The 
account of her trial discovers nothing but what might be expected from a 
high degree of enthusiasm. Mr. Cotton seems to have been in danger when 
she was on trial. Kot long after, in a sermon at a fast, he confessed and be- 
wailed the churches, and his own security and credulity, by means of which 
so many dangerous errors had spread, and showed how he came to be de- 
ceived. (See Hutchinson, 59-74.) Many of the church were disfranchised 
and banished. Mrs. Hutchinson with others went to Rhode Island. The 
greater part were permitted to return, and filled places of honor and trust in 
church and state. Mrs. Hutchinson and her numerous fiimlly removed to 
some part of New York, where they, all but one, were slain by the Indians. 
Gov. Hutchinson says, " It is evident not only by her trial, but by many other 
public proceedings, that inquisition was made into men's private judgments, 
as well as into their declarations and practice." — vol. i. p. 75. See also 
AVinth. Jour., Mather's Mag., Cal. Hist., and Dr. Elliot's Eccl. Hist. 



1637.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 135 

more unto them, not only to fill up that island, but have also 
seated two more towns on the main ; * therein, as is judged, 
encroaching upon the rights of the aforesaid colony of Plim- 
outh, and have of late through misinformation obtained a pa- 
tent, not only for the places forementioned, but have also ex- 
tended it into the heart and bowels of the known and pos- 
sessed rights of the said colony, endeavoring to requite their 
kindness, as sometimes it is said the hedgehog did by the 
friendly coney. But it is our great happiness, that as God 
takes notice from on high of the unrighteousness and oppres- 
sion of the sons of men, so he hath given us a gracious Prince, 
who minds the peace of his meanest subjects, from whose 
justice and prudence we do confidently expect relief, and on 
that assurance, do resolve, by God's help, to contain ourselves 
from seeking to vindicate our ^^a•ongs in such a way as their 
injurious dealings might provoke unto. 

This year there was a hideous monster born at Boston, in 
New England, of one Mrs. Mary Dyer, a copartner with the 
said Mrs. Hutchinson, in the aforesaid heresies ; the said 
monster, as it was related to me, was without head, but horns 
like a beast, scales or a rough skin like the fish, called the 
thornback ; it had legs and claws like a fowl, and in other 
respects as a woman child ; the Lord declaring his detestation 
of then* monstrous errors, as was then thought by some, by 
this prodigious birth. 

Not long before these troubles, there arrived at Boston, one 
Samuel Gorton, who from thence came to Plimouth ; and 
upon his first coming thither, gave some hopes that he would 
have proved an useful instrument, but soon after, by little 
and little, discovered himself to be a proud and pestilent se- 



* Roger Williams obtained a patent for Providence Plantations in 1G43, 
but it did not extend into the heart or bounds of Plymouth colony. Probably 
the secretary -wrote by anticipation. In 1663 the colony of " Rhode Island 
and Providence Plantations" obtained a charter which did so extend, by 
■which Bristol, Tiverton, Little Comptou, and a great part of Swanzey and 
Barrington, which wore before within the chartered limits of the Old Colony, 
were made part of that government. See Hutch. Hist. Mass. and Hazard's 
Collections. 



136 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1637. 

ducer, and deeply leavened with blasphemous and familistical 
opinions ; and observing such fictions to be spread by some 
of his spirit already in the country, he takes his opportunity 
to begin to sow such seed at Plimouth, whereby some were 
seduced, in special one John Weeks and his wife, who in some 
short time became very atheists, looking for no more hap- 
piness than this world affords, not only in practice such, but 
also in opinion. But the said Gorton falling into some con- 
troversy with one Mr. Ralph Smith, was summoned to the 
court held at Plimouth, the fourth of December, 1638, to an- 
swer the said Mr. Smith's complaint ; and there he carried so 
mutinously and seditiously, as that he was for the same, and 
for his turbulent carriages towards both magistrates and min- 
isters, in the presence of the court, sentenced to find sureties 
for his good behavior, during the time he should stay in the 
jurisdiction, which was limited to fourteen days, and also 
amerced to pay a considerable fine. In some short time after 
he departed to Rhode Island, and in like manner, or worse, 
demeaned himself there, so as they were forced to sentence 
him to suffer corporal punishment by whipping, and they 
banished him likewise off the island. And from thence, he, 
with divers of his accomplices, went to Providence, and there 
he and they carried so in outrage and riotously, as they were 
in danger to have caused bloodshed, so as the inhabitants, 
some of them, namely, Mr. Roger Williams and others, were 
constrained to solicit the government of the Massachusetts 
for aid, to help them against their insolencies ; and for that 
end some of them desired to come under their jurisdiction, 
and were accepted. Moreover, several of the poor neighbor- 
ing natives were so injuriously wronged by the said Gorton 
and his company, they seeking to bereave, them of their just 
rights of land by surreptitious ways ;* in special, Ponham and 
Sokanoko, two petty sachems living not far off from Provi- 



* The answer of Mr. E. Winslow to Gorton's Pamphlet, entitled Sim- 
plicity's Defence against the seven-headed Policy, will give the reader a full 
and particular intelligence concerning all the transactions of those matters, 
and likewise of their damnable errors. — M. 



1637.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 137 

dence, who were bereaved of their just rights in lands, by 
improving the tyranny of Miantonimok, the then chief sachem 
of the Narragansets, for the procuring thereof, which necessi- 
tated the said under sachems to make their appeal to the 
court of the Massachusetts for help in their oppressed condi- 
tion, subjecting themselves and their lands unto their jurisdic- 
tion likewise ; which caused the said government to require 
their appearance at Boston, to answer the complaints of those 
oppressed English and Indians. But notwithstanding they 
several times sent to them, with all gentleness and courteous 
expressions, they neither appeared, nor sent satisfying reasons 
for their absence ; but instead thereof, many insolent, proud, 
railing, opprobrious returns; so that the said government 
saw there was no remedy, but to send force to constrain them 
to come ; which they accordingly performed, and committed 
the said Gorton and several of them to ward. And during 
the time of their imprisonment, they carried still very proudly 
and audaciously towards all in place of authority, sparing not 
to reproach, abuse, and traduce the most honorable and rev- 
erend both in church and state ; and which is yet worse, 
spared not blasphemously to fly upon the Lord Jesus him- 
self, his word and ordinances, in such a manner as scarce 
in any age any heretics or apostates have done the like ; not 
only abandoning and rejecting all civil power and authority, 
except moulded according to their own fancies, but belching 
out errors in their familistical allegories, if I may so call them, 
as, to speak with holy reverence, they rendered the Lord 
Christ no other than an imagination ; shunning not, blas- 
phemously, to say, that Christ was but a shadow, and resem- 
blance of what is done in every Christian ; that Christ was 
incarnate in Adam, and was the image of God wherein Adam 
was created ; and that his being born afterwards of the Vir- 
gin Mary, and suffering, was but a manifestation of his suffer- 
ing in Adam ; that man's losing God's image was the death 
of Christ ; that Christ is the covenant properly, and, that faith 
and Christ are all one. They call the holy word, and sermons 
of salvation, tales ; the Lord's supper, an abomination, and a 
spell ; baptism, vanity and abomination ; the ministers of the 

12* 



138 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1637. 

word, necromancers ; and by other opprobrious terms vilify 
and traduce them. Much more might be spoken and men- 
tioned of this stuff, which they have not been ashamed to 
divulge ; but a little is enough, save but to give the reader to 
see the Lord's goodness towards his poor people in New Eng- 
land, that hath delivered us, and saved us of his grace from 
their pernicious, destructive ways, and hath so detected their 
folly, as it is made manifest to all men. In fine, the said 
Gorton and his fellow-prisoners were, several of them, sen- 
tenced to remain in durance, in several of the towns in the 
jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, for six months, and after- 
wards banished. 

He was a subtle deceiver, courteous in his carriage to all, 
at some times, for his own ends, but soon moved with passion, 
and so lost that which he gained upon the simple. To shut 
up what I have to say concerning him, which is sad, he is 
since become a sordid man in his life, as he hath been de- 
clared to be in his cursed principles and opinions, and hath 
not shunned to say and affirm, that all the felicity we are like 
to have, we must expect in this life and no more, and there- 
fore advised one, with whom he had some speech, to make 
much of herself, for she must expect no more but what she 
could enjoy in this life, or words to the same effect. Thus 
evil men and deceivers grow worse and worse, deceiving and 
being deceived. 2 Tim. iii. 13.* 

* Gorton. There is some disagreement in the narratives of early historians 
respecting this man. Judge Eddy, when secretary of the state of Rhode 
Island, says, that he had read the records of the colony from the beginning 
till after the death of Gorton ; that from the first establishment of the govern- 
ment, he was almost constantly in office, and that during his long life, there 
is not an instance of any reproach or censure cast upon him, or any com- 
plaint against him. 

Mr. Callender, who wrote more than a century ago, says, " it is hard to 
tell what Gorton's religious sentiments were, as he wrote in a mysterious dia- 
lect, but that there is sufficient reason why we cannot and ought not to believe 
all that has been fathered upon him," and he says, " the treatment of him in 
Massachusetts was severe and scandalous." Gov. Hutchinson says, " the 
sentence against him was cruel." In a letter to Secretary Morton, after the 
Memorial was printed, Gorton very solemnly denies that he ever called the 



1638.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 139 



1638. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. William Bradford, Mr. 
Edward Winslow, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. John Alden, 
Mr. John Jenny, Mr. John Atwood, and Mr. John Brown, 
were chosen to be his assistants in government. 

This year three men were executed for robbing and mur- 
dering an Indian near Providence, which, besides the evi- 
dence that came against them, they did in substance confess 
against themselves, and were condemned by legal trial. Some 
have thought it great severity to hang three English for one 
Indian ; but the more considerate will easily satisfy them- 
selves for the legality of it; and, indeed, should we suffer 
their murderers to go unpunished, we might justly fear that 
God would suffer them to take a more sharp revenge. By 
such arguments was the government of Plimouth moved by 
the government of the Massachusetts to do justice in the case. 
And here may be noted, that the Massachusetts refused this 
trial, as being committed in the jurisdiction of Plimouth ; 
and they of Rhode Island, having apprehended them, de- 
livered them to the aforesaid jurisdiction of Plimouth, on the 
same grounds. 

This year, about the second of June, there was a great and 
fearful earthquake. It was heard before it came with a rum- 
bling noise, or low murmur, like unto remote thunder. It 
came from the northward, and passed southwards. As the 
noise approached near^ the earth began to quake ; and it came 



Holy Word and sermons . of salvation tales, or any of the ordinances of tlie 
Lord an abomination, or boly ministers necromancers. "I appeal," says 
he, " to God, the judge of all secrets, that there was never such a thought 
entertained in my heart." We will not decide on these conflicting state- 
ments, but refer the reader to Neal's Hist, of Purit. i. p. 227; Callender's 
Hist. 38 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. ix'. 35, 36 ; Hutch. Hist. Mass. vol. i. 112-118. 

Gorton lived to a great age, officiated as a minister, and published several 
books. He died in 1676. 



140 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1639. 

at length with that violence as caused platters, dishes, and 
such like things which stood upon shelves, to clatter and fall 
down ; yea, people were afraid of their houses ; and it was so, 
as that some, being without doors, could not stand, but were 
fain to catch hold of posts and pales to prevent them from 
falling. About half an hour after, or less, came another noise 
and shaking, but not so loud nor so strong as the former. It 
was not only on the land, but at sea also ; for some ships 
that were on the sea-coast were shaken by it. So powerful 
is the mighty hand of the Lord, as to cause both the earth 
and sea to shake, and the mountains to tremble before him. 
His way is in the whirlwind, and the storm, and the clouds 
are the dust of his feet ; the rocks are thrown down before 
him. Who can stand before his indignation ? and who can 
abide in the fierceness of his anger ? Nahum i, 3-6.* 



1639. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was chosen governor of 
PlimoLith. Mr. Thomas Prince, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. 
John Alden, Mr. John Brown, Mr. WilUam Collier, Mr. 
Timothy Hatherly, and Mr. John Jenny, were chosen assist- 
ants. 

This year Harvard College was erected at Cambridge, in 
New England, which was so called in remembrance of a 
worthy gentleman, who liberally contributed towards the 
charge of the erecting of it.f 

* " Between three and four in the afternoon, being clear weather, the 
wind westerly, there was a great earthquake. It came with a noise like a 
continued thunder, or the rattling of coaches in London, but was presently 
^gone. It was at Connecticut, at Narraganset, at. Piscat, and all the parts 
round about. It shook the ships which rode in the harbor, and all the islands. 
The noise and shaking continued about four minutes. The earth was unquiet 
twenty days after by times." — Winth. Jour. 

f " After God had carried us safe to New England, and wo had builded 
our houses, provided necessaries for our livelihood, reared convenient places 
for God's worship, and settled the civil government, one of the next things 
we longed for, and looked after, was, to advance learning, and perpetuate it 



1639.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 141 

This year the great sachem Woosamequen, sometimes 
called Massasoiet, and Mooanam his son, came into the 
court held at Plimouth, in New England, on the five and 
twentieth day of September, in their own proper persons, and 
desired that the ancient league and confederacy formerly made 
with the government of Plimouth aforesaid, wherein he ac- 
knowledged himself subject to the king of England, and his 
successors, may stand and remain inviolable. And the said 
Woosamequen, and Mooanam his son,* for themselves and 
their successors, did faithfully promise to keep and observe 
the covenants and conditions therein expressed and contained, 
which, on their parts, are likewise to be kept and observed. 
And the said Woosamequen, and Mooanam his son, did then 
also promise to the whole court aforesaid, that he nor they 
shall or will needlessly or unjustly raise any quarrels, or do 
any Awong to other natives, to provoke them to war against 
him ; and that he or they shall not give, sell, or convey any of 
his or their lands, territories, or possessions whatsoever, to 
any person or persons whomsoever, without the privity and 
consent of the government of Plimouth, aforesaid, other than 
to such as the said government shall send or appoint. All 
which conditions the said Woosamaquen and Mooanam his 

to posterity, dreading to leave an illiterate ministry to the churches, when 
our present ministers shall lie in the dust ; and as we were thinking, and 
consulting how to effect this great work, it pleased God to stir up the heart 
of one Mr. Harvard, (a godly gentleman, and a lover of learning, there living 
among us,) to give one half of his estate (it being in all about one thousand 
seven hundred pounds) towards the erecting of a college, and all his library. 
After him another gave three hundred pounds. Others after them cast in 
more ; and the public hand of the state added the rest. The college was (by 
common consent) appointed to be at Cambridge, (a place very pleasant and 
accommodate) and is called (according to the name of the first founder) 
Harvard College." — Hist. Coll. i. 242. , 

* He that is here called ]\Iooanam, is the same that, afterwards, was called 
Wamsutta ; it being usual for the Indians to change their names. — M. He 
was afterwards called Alexander. 

"A pi-intlng-house was begun at Cambridge, March, 1639, by one Daye. 
The first thing which was printed was the Freeman's oath. The next year 
was an Almanack, made for New England, by Mv. Pierce, mariner ; the next 
was the Psalms, newly turned into metre." — Winth. Jour. 



142 KEW ENGLAND'S JMEMORIAL. [1642. 

son, for themselves and their successors, did then faithfully 
promise to observe and keep. And the whole court, in the 
name of the whole government, for each town respectively, 
did then likewise ratify and confirm the aforesaid ancient 
league and- confederacy. And did also further promise to the 
said Woosamequen, and Mooanam his son, and their succes- 
sors, that they shall and will from time to time defend the said 
Woosamequen, and Mooanam his son, and their successors, 
when need and occasion shall require, against all such as shall 
unjustly rise up against them to wrong or oppress them 
unjustly. 

1640. 

Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of the jurisdic- 
tion of Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, 
Mr. John Brown, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. Timothy Hath- 
erly, and Mr. Edmund Freeman, were elected assistants. 



1641. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, Capt. Miles Stan- 
dish, Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mr. John Brown, and Mr. Ed- 
ward Freeman, were chosen assistants to him in govern- 
ment. 

1642. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, Mr. Timothy 
Hatherly, ]VIr. John Brown, Mr. William Thomas, and Mr. 
Edmund Freeman, were elected assistants to him in govern- 
ment. 

In reference unto the three years last specified, although I 
have no special providence to take notice of, particularly to 



il 



1642.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 143 

assign to each of them, save the continuance of God's mercy 
and goodness in the annual election of godly and able magis- 
trates in the jurisdiction of Plimouth, as is before noted ; yet 
notwithstanding we are to take notice of the continued peace 
and plenty, with which not only these three years, restrictively 
considered, but also for many years together, both before and 
after them, New England was so marvellously gratiated. 
But that which is more, that about these times the Lord was 
pleased of his great goodness, richly to accomplish and adorn 
the colony of Plimouth, as well as other colonies in New Eng- 
land, with a considerable number of godly and able gospel 
preachers, who then being dispersed and disposed of, to the 
several churches and congregations thereof, gave light in a 
glorious and resplendent manner, as burning and shining 
lights. Which mercy and transcendent favor, had not sin 
and Satan's envy interposed, might have rendered them 
greatly happy and prosperous ; it being observed, that where 
gospel dispensation flourisheth, there prosperity, in other re- 
spects, may usually be expected. 

In reference unto the honor of God, and due respects unto 
such worthy instruments, I thought meet to nominate some of 
the specialist of them, namely : — 

Mr. Charles Chauncy, Mr. William Hooke, Mr. Nicholas 
Street, Mr. John Laythrop, Mr. John Mayo, ]Mi-. John Reyner, 
Mr. Ralph Partridge, JNIr. Samuel Newman, Mr. William 
Leverich, Mr. Richard Blinman, Mr. Edward Bulkly, Mr. 
John Miller, Mr. INIarmaduke ]\Iatthews,* with some others 



* Of Mr. Cliauncey an account is given in the Appendix, in connection 
■with the Plymouth church, to which he preached several years, and was after- 
wards president of Harvard College. 

Of Mr. Hooke and Mr. Street, a full account may be found in " The Taun- 
ton Ministry," vol. i. Mi*. Hooke was their first pastor, and after seven years 
became pastor In New Haven, and afterwards returned to England, where 
he experienced the special favor of Cromwell. Mr. Street succeeded Mr. 
Hooke at Taunton, and also at New Haven. Dr. Bacon speaks of him as 
" pious, judicious, and modest, and no inferior iireacher." 

Mr. Lathrop is afterwards spoken of in the Memorial, and in the Appendix ; 
he was pastor'at Southwark, England, and at Scituate in Plymouth colony, 



144 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1643. 

that might be named. These some of them staid not long 
ere they removed, some into the neighbor colonies, some 
into Old England, and others to their eternal rest, whereby 
the said jurisdiction was wanting, in a great measure, for 
some time, of such a blessing. Howbeit, the Lord hath since 
graciously raised up a supply to divers of the said congrega- 
tions, and more may be expected according to his promises. 



1643. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, Mr. Timothy Hath- 
erly, Mr. John Brown, Mr. Edmund Freeman, and Mr. 
William Thomas, were chosen his assistants in government. 

This year, about the eighteenth day of April, died Mr. 
William Brewster, the ruling elder of the church of Christ at 
Plimouth ; concerning whom, I could say much of mine own 
knowledge ; but I shall content myself only to insert the hon- 
orable testimony that Mr. William Bradford, deceased, hath 
left written with his own hand, concerning him. 

Saith he, my dear friend, Mr. William Brewster, was a man 



and removed "with the cliurcli to Barnstable. (See notice of him under the 
year 1653.) 

Mr. Mayo was pastor in Barnstable, and afterwards teacher in the second 
church, Boston. 

Of INIr. Reyner an account is given in the notice of the Plymouth church, 
of which he was pastor. 

Mr. Partridge was first pastor in Duxbury. Mather says, " we had been 
hunted like a partridge on the mountains, by the ecclesiastical settlcis, and 
had no defence, neither beak nor claw, but a flight over the ocean." 

Mr. Newman was the first minister of Rehoboth, and was the author of a 
concordance, " which he revised by the light of pine knots." 

Mr. Blinman was minister of Marshfield, their first. He preached at sev- 
eral other places, and returned to England. 

Mr. Miller and IMr. Matthews were both settled at Yarmouth. 

]Mr. Bulkley was settled at Marshfield after Mr. Blinman. , 

Biographies of these ministers are in the Magnalia, and Biog. Diet. 



1643.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 145 

that had done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus, and the 
gospel's sake, and hath borne his part in weal and woe, with 
this poor persecuted church, above thirty-sLx years, in Eng- 
land, Holland, and in this wilderness; and done the Lord 
and them faithful service in his place and calling. And not- 
withstanding the many troubles and sorrows he passed 
through, the Lord upheld him to a great age ; he was four- 
score and four years of age when he died. He had this bless- 
ing added by the Lord to all the rest, to die in his bed in 
peace amongst the midst of his friends, who mourned and 
wept over him, and ministered what help and comfort they 
could unto him ; and he again recompensed them while he 
could. His sickness was not long, and until the last day 
thereof, he did not wholly keep his bed ; his speech continued 
until somewhat more than half a day before his death, and 
then failed him, and about nine or ten of the clock that even- 
ing he died without any pangs at all. A few hours before, 
he drew his breath short, and some few minutes before his 
last, he drew his breath long, as a man fallen into a sound 
sleep, without any pangs or gasping, and so sweetly departed 
this life unto a better. 

I would now demand of any, what he was the worse for 
former sufferings? What, do I say worse? No, he Avas 
the better ; and they now added to his honor. It is a mani- 
fest token, saith the apostle, 2 Thess. i. 5-7, of the righteous 
judgment of God, that we might be counted worthy of the 
kingdom of God, for which we also suffer ; seeing it is a right- 
eous thing with God, to recompense tribulation to them that 
trouble you, and to you that are troubled, rest with us, when 
the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty 
angels. And if you be reproached, saith the apostle Peter, 1 
Pet. iv. 14, for the name of Christ, happy are ye, for the spirit 
of glory and of God shall rest upon you. What though he 
wanted the riches and pleasures of the world in this life, and 
pompous monuments of his funeral ? yet the memorial of the 
just shall be blessed, when the name of the wicked shall rot, 
Prov. X. 17, with their marble monuments. He was well 
educated in learning, as at inferior schools, so also at the uni- 

13 



146 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1643. 

versity ; * and from thence went to the court, and there served 
Mr. Davison, a godly gentleman, and secretary of state to 
Queen Elizabeth, and attended him on his embassage into 
Holland, and was employed by him in matters of great trust ; 
as in keeping of the keys of the cautionary towns delivered up 
to him for her majesty, and things of the like nature. His 
master would always in private confer with him as a friend 
or equal. He afterwards lived in good esteem in his own 
country, and did much good, until the troubles of those times 
inforced his remove into Holland, and so into New England, 
and was in both places of singular use and benefit to the 
church and people of Plimouth, whereof he was ; being emi- 
nently qualified for such work as the Lord had appointed him 
unto ; of which, should I speak particularly, as I might, I 
should prove tedious ; I shall content myself, therefore, only 
to have made honorable mention in general of so worthy a 
man. 

And here I might take occasion to mention, with admira- 
tion, the marvellous providence of God, that notwithstanding 
the many changes and hardships that this people, namely, the 
first planters at New Plimouth, went through, and the many 
enemies they had, and difficulties they met withal, that so 
many of them should live unto very old age. It was not only 
this reverend man's condition, but many more of them did 
the like ; some dying before and about this time, and some 
living, who attained to sixty years of age, and to sixty-five, 
divers to seventy, and some to more than eighty, as he did. 
It must needs be more than ordinary, and above natural rea- 
son that so it should be ; for it is found in experience, that 
changing of air, famine, and unwholesome food, much drink- 
ing of water, sorrows and troubles, etc., aU of them are ene- 
mies to health, causes of much diseases, consumers of natm-al 



* Elder Brewster had a considerable library. The books were appraised, 
after his decease, by Gov. Bi-adford, Mr. Prince, and Rev. Mr. Reyner. The 
whole number was two hundred and seventy-five, of which sixty-four were 
in the learned languages. They were valued at forty-three pounds. (See 
more of Brewster in Appendix.) 



1643.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 147 

vigor and the bodies of men, and shortness of life ; and yet, 
of all these things they had a large and long part, and suffered 
deeply in the same. They went from England to Holland, 
where they found both worse air and diet than that they 
came from ; from thence, enduring a long imprisonment in 
the ships at sea, into New England, and how it hath been 
with them here hath already been shown ; and what crosses, 
troubles, fears, wants, and sorrows they have been liable unto, 
is easily to be discerned, so as in some sort they may say with 
the apostle, 1 Cor. xi. 26, 27, " They were in journeys often, 
in perils of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils of their own 
nation, in perils amongst the heathen, in perils in the wilder- 
ness, in perils in the sea, in perils amongst false brethren ; in 
weariness, in painfulness, in watching often, in hunger, in 
thirst, in fasting often, in cold and nakedness." What was 
it then that upheld them ? It was God's visitation that pre- 
served their spirits ; he that upheld the apostle upheld them, 
2 Cor. iv. 9, " They were persecuted, but not forsaken ; cast 
down, but perished not; as unknown, and yet known; as 
dying, and behold we live ; as chastened, and yet not killed." 
God, it seems, would have all men behold such works of 
his providence, as these are towards his people, that they, in 
like cases, might be encouraged to depend upon him in then- 
trials, and also bless his name when they see his goodness 
towards others. " IVIan lives not by bread only." Deut. viii. 
3. It is not by dainty fare, peace, rest, and heart's ease, in 
enjoying contentments and good things of this world only, 
that preserves health and prolongs life. God, in such exam- 
ples, would have the world take notice that he can do it with- 
out them ; and if the world will shut their eyes, and take ■ no 
notice thereof, yet he would have his people to see and con- 
sider it. Daniel could be in better liking with pulse, than 
with the king's dainties. Jacob, though he went from one 
nation to another people, and passed through famine, fears, 
and many afflictions, yet he lived unto old age, and died 
sweetly, and rested in the Lord, as many others of God's ser- 
vants have done, and still do, through God's goodness, not- 
withstanding all the malice of their enemies, " When the 



148 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 



[1643. 



branch of the wicked shall be cut off before his day, and the 
bloody and deceitful man shall not live out half his days." 
Job XV. 32; Psal. Iv. 23.* 

By reason of the plotting of the Narragansets, ever since 
the Pequot war, the Indians were drawn into a general con- 
spiracy against the English in all parts, as was in part dis- 
covered the year before, and now made more plain and evi- 
dent, by many discoveries and free confessions of sundry In- 
dians upon several occasions, from divers places, concurring 
in one ; with such other concurring circumstances as gave the 
English sufficiently to understand the truth thereof, and to 
think of means how to prevent the same. In which respect, 
together with divers other and more weighty reasons, the four 



* The editor here extracts from " The View of Plimouth," and from Judge 
Davis's note on the death of Elder Brewster, a list of names which exhibit 
the longevity of some of the first settlers of Plymouth, who arrived before the 
year 1631. 



TDIE OF DECEASE. 

1664 William Brewster, .... 

1664 Julian Kempton (widow of Manasses), 

1667 Gabriel Ilallowell, .... 

1668 John Downham (Deacon), 

1670 Alice Bradford (widow of the governor), 

1672 John Howland, . . . . 

1673 Thomas Prince, 

1673 EHzabeth Warren (widow of Richard), 

1675 Ann Tupper (Sandwich), . 

1675 Dorothy Brown (Swanzey), 

1676 Thomas Tupper (Sandwich), 
1678 Edward Bangs (Eastham), 

1685 Nathaniel Morton (Secretary), . 

1687 Robert Finney (Deacon), 

1683 Mary Carpenter, .... 

1689 George Watson, .... 

1689 Priscilla Cooper, .... 

1691 Thomas Cushman (Elder), 

1692 John Downham (son of the Deacon), . 
1697 Thomas Clark (mate of the Mayflower), 
1699 Mary Cushman (widow of the Elder), 
1704 George Bonham, .... 



AGE. 

80 
81 
83 
80 
80 
80 
73 
90 
97 
90 
97 
86 
73 
80 
90 
86 
91 
84 
79 
98 
90 
95 



1643.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 149 

colonies, namely, the Massachusetts, Plimouth, Connecticut, 
and New Haven, entered into a more near union and con- 
federation, the nineteenth day of May, 1643. And the ar- 
ticles of the said confederation were signed by the commis- 
sioners of the said jurisdictions respectively, by which were 
authorized thereunto, namely : — 

John Winthrop, governor of the Massachusetts, Thomas 
Dudley, Edward Winslow, William Collier, Edward Hop- 
kins, Thomas Grigson, Theophilus Eaton, George Fenwick.* 



TIME OP DECEASE. AGE. 

1705 Samuel King, 90 

1710 Phebe Finney (widow of tlie Deacon), ... 91 

1688 Samuel Eddy, 87 

1682 Elizabeth Eddy, 81 

We find a similar longevity among the first planters in Massacliusetts, and 
of the other New England Colonies ; a few instances will be mentioned. 

In Massachusetts. 

AGE. AGE. 

Richard Bellingham, . 82 Eev. Thomas Parker, . 82 

Ezekiel Chever, . 94 President Chauncey, . 82 

Simon Bradstreet, . . 94 Eev. Nehemiah Walter, . 84 

Rev. John Higginson, . 93 Eev. John Ward, . 88 

Eev. John Elliot, . . 86 Eev. Samuel Whiting, . 83 

Eev. Thomas Mayhew, 93 Eev. John Woodbridge, 82 

In lihode Island. 
Eoger Williams, . . 84 William Coddington, . 78 

Samuel Gorton, . . 80 

In Connecticut. 
Eev. James Fitch, . . 80 Major John Mason, . . 78 

In the succeeding generation, instances of greater longevity have occurred. 
Elder John Faunce, of the first generation from the first planters, died at 
Plymouth, in 1745, aged 99. His daughter. Patience Kempton, died at New 
Bedford, in 1779, aged 105 years and six months. Ephraim Pratt, grandson 
of Joshua Pratt, one of the first comers at Plymouth, died at Shutesbury, 
county of Worcester, in 1804, aged 116. Ebenezer Cobb, who Avas born in 
Plymouth, and died in Kingston in 1801, aged 107 years and eight months, 
■was of the third generation. 

* A confederation of the New England colonies, for mutual aid and de- 
fence in matters of general concern, had been for several years in agitation 

13* 



150 NEW ENGLA:ND'S MEMOEIAL. [1644. 

The said articles at large, with sundry other particulars 
appertaining thereunto, together with the particulars concern- 
ing the plotting contrivements, menacings, and insolencies of 
the Narragansets against the Enghsh, together with the pro- 
vision and preparation made by the English for an expedition 
against them, with the yieldings and compliance of the said 
Narragansets to the English, composition and articles of agree- 
ment made with them, etc., these are all to be seen as they 
are at larsre extent in the records of the commissioners for the 
united colonies of New England, whereunto I refer the 
reader.* 

1644. 

This year ]\fr. Edward Winslow was elected governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. William Bradford, IVIr. 
Thomas Prince, I\Ir. William Collier, Mr. Timothy Hath- 
erly, Mr. John Brown, Mr. William Thomas, and Mr. Ed- 
mund Freeman, were elected his assistants in government. 

This year Mr. John Atwood died. He was a godly man, 
singularly endowed with the grace of patience, and having a 
large estate, became a useful benefactor to the colony of New 
Plimouth. He departed this life expressing great faith in 

before it was accomplished. It was not only domestic, but foreign enemies 
tbat induced this confederation, which may well be called the embryo of the 
Constitution of the United States. The names of the first commissioners from 
Plymouth, were Gov. Winslow and Mr. Collier. They met, at first, once 
a year, alternately at Boston, Plymouth, Hartford, and New Haven, but 
•afterwards, once in three years. The articles of confederation may be seen 
in Hutch, voh i. 118-119. It is said the union subsisted until 1686, when 
the charters of the colonies were vacated. 

These commissioners were made the dispensers of the bounty of the Society 
for propagating the Gospel among the Indians, of which there is an account 
in the Appendix ; and the English government countenanced and encour- 
aged both objects. The letters of Chai'les the Second take notice of this con- 
federacy without any objection to its establishment. — Ibid. It seems to 
have been a kind of Congress : the representation was two from each colony. 
— Trumh. Hist, of Conn. i. p. 124 ; Wiulh. Jour. 

* See Acts of the Commissioners for the United Colonies of New England, 
Anno 1644, and 1645. — M. . 



1645.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 151 

Christ, and a cheerful expectation of the restoration of his 
body at the general resurrection in glory. 

This year many of the town of Plimouth, by reason of 
some straits that were upon them, took up thoughts of remov- 
ing to some other place, for their better accommodation, and 
for that end made a more exact and particular discovery of a 
place called by the Indians Nauset ; which place being pur- 
chased by them of the Indians, divers of the considerablest of 
the church and town removed thither, and erected a town, 
which is now called by the name of Eastham.* 



1645. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, Capt. Miles Stan- 
dish, IMr. Timothy Hatherly, Mr. John Brown, and Mr. Ed- 
mund Freeman, were elected his assistants in government. 

The commissioners of the united colonies of New England 
•were called together this year, before their ordinary time of 
meeting,! partly in regard of some differences between the 
French and the government of the Massachusetts, about their 
aiding of Monsieur Latore and Monsieur de Aulney, and 
partly about the Indians, who had broken their former agree- 
ments about the peace concluded the year before ; as concern- 
ing such conclusions and determinations which passed in this 

* This place was called Nauset, and the east side of tlie town still retains 
that name. The church having caused an exploration of the place, and 
made the purchase of the land of the natives, the court granted or confirmed 
to " the church, or those of them who go to dwell at Nauset, all the tract of 
land lying between sea and sea, from the j^urchased bounds of Namsheket 
to Herringbrook, at Billingsgate." The first settlers were but seven fam- 
ilies, of which Gov. Prince was one, and though the removal was much re- 
gretted by the church, it became the means of securing the friendship and 
improvement of the numerous Indians in the vicinity, so that they took no 
part in the subsequent wars against the English. The church at Eastham 
was the third from the Plymouth church. — Hist. East. 12, 13. 

t This meeting was held the 28th of July, 1645. — M. 



152 NEW EXGLAKD'S MEMOEIAL. [1646. 

meeting, in reference to the premises, I shall refer the reader 
unto the acts of the said commissioners for that year, as they 
are recorded at large.* 



1646. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was chosen governor of 
the jm-isdiction of Plimouth; and Mr. Edward Winslow, IMr. 
Thomas Prince, INIr. William Collier, Capt. INIiles Standish, 
Mr. Timothy Hatherly, and Mr. Edward Freeman, were 
elected his assistants in government. 

About the middle of IMay, this year, there came three men- 
of-war into Plimouth harbor, under the command of Captain 
Thomas Cromwell, who had taken several prizes from the 
Spaniards, by commission from the earl of Warwick. They 
were full of moneys, silks, and other rich goods, some of 
which they left behind them. They were a company of lusty, 
stout jnen, but very unruly and hard to govern ; notwith- 
standing the care and vigilance both of such as were in au- 
thority of Plimouth, and also of their own commanders, who 
could hardly restrain them, especially from inordinate drink- 
ing and quarrelling. It proved fatal to one of them, who 
being quarrelling with one of their own company, and being 
commanded by their own captain to forbear, he giving very 
provoking language, and also attempting to draw upon his 
captain ; he took his rapier from him, and struck him on the 
head with the hilt, of which wound, three or four days after, 
he died. The captain was tried by a council of war, and ac- 
quitted by the l&.rgeness of his commission. 

This year Mr. Edward Winslow went for England, upon 
occasion that some discontented persons, under the govern- 
ment of the Massachusetts, sought to trouble their peace, and 
disturb, if not innovate their government, by laying many 
scandals upon them, and intended to prosecute against them 



* See Hutch. Hist. Mass. i. 120-127; Winth. Hist. N. E. 2G7. For par- 
ticulars relating to the interpositioa of the commissioners between the Nar- 
ragansets aud the Mohegans, see Hutch. Hist. Mass. i. 129, etc. 



1647.] NEW- ENGLAND'S MEMORIi\X. 153 

in England, by petitioning and complaining to the parlia- 
ment. Also Samuel Gorton and his company, made com- 
plaint against them ; so as they made choice of Mr. Winslow 
to be then* agent to make their defence, and gave him com- 
mission and instructions for that end, in which he so carried 
himself, as did well answer their ends, and cleared them from 
any blame and dishonor, to the shame of their adversaries. 
After this he fell upon other employment in England, which 
detained him there, so as he returned not again to New Eng- 
land any more, whose absence hath been much to the weak- 
ening of the government of New Plimouth, who had large ex- 
perience of his help and usefulness amongst them in govern- 
ment, etc., of whom I have more to insert, in honor of so wor- 
thy a gentleman, in its more proper place. 



1647. 

IVIr. William Bradford was elected governor of the juris- 
diction of New Plimouth. INIr. Edward Winslow, IMr. 
Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, IVIi'. Timothy Hath- 
erly, Capt. Miles Standish, JNIi*. John Brown, and Mr. 
William Thomas, were elected his assistants in government. 

This year the whole land, but more especially the church 
and town of Hartford on Connecticut, sustained a great and 
more than ordinary loss, by the death of that most eminent 
servant of Jesus Christ, Mr. Thomas Hooker, who, in the 
month of July in this year, changed this life for a better; con- 
cerning whose piety, learning, and singular dexterity in preach- 
ing the gospel with answerable success, the many souls 
wrought upon by his ministiy, in both Old England and 
New, do give forth a large testimony ; and withal, as an ad- 
dition to the former, those learned and profitable works pen- 
ned by him for the refutation of error, and guiding and con- 
firming of the saints in the ways of Christ. In which respects, 
with others, his name will live and is embalmed ; and doth 
remain, and will be as a precious ointment in the chm'ches, 
and amongst the saints in present and future ages. 




154 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1647. 

This special servant of Christ, as he served his master with 
great zeal, love, wisdom, and sincerity, so he ended his life with 
much comfort and serenity ; so as it is rare that was said of 
him, that the peace which he had in believing, thirty years 
before his death, was firm, and not touched by the adversary, 
until the period of his life ; and with much joy and peace in 
believing, he fell asleep in the Lord, and was honorably 
buried at Hartford on Connecticut. 

In whose memorial, I shall here insert the funeral elegies of 
two eminent divines, written upon his death. 

On my reverend and dear irother, Mr. Thomas Hooker, late pastor of the 
church at Hartford on Connecticut. 

To see three things "was holy Austin's wish, 
Rome in her flower, Chi-ist Jesus in the flesh, 
And Paul i' the pulpit : lately men might see, 
Two first, and more, in Hooker's ministry. 

Zion in beauty is a fairer sight, 
Than Rome in flower, with all her glory dight : 
Yet Zion's beauty did most clearly shine 
In Hooker's rule and doctrine ; both divine. 

Christ in the spirit is more than Christ in flesh, 
Our souls to quicken, and our states to bless ! 
Yet Christ in spirit brake forth mightily, 
In faithful Hooker's searching ministry. 

Paul in the pulpit, Hooker could not reach, 
Yet did he Christ in spirit so lively preach ; 
That living hearers thought he did inherit 
A double portion of Paul's lively spirit. 

Prudent in rule, in argument quick, full ; 
Fervent in prayer, in preaching powerful ; 
That well did learned Ames record bear, 
The like to him he never wont to hear. 

'Twas of Geneva's worthies said, with wonder, 
(Those worthies three) Farell was wont to thunder ; 
Yirct, like rain, on tender grass to shower; 
But Calvin, lively oracles to pour. 



\J 



1647.] NEW ENGLaVND'S BIEMORIAL. 155 

All tlaese in Hooker's spirit did remain, 
A son of thunder, and a shower of rain, 
A pourer forth of lively oracles, 
In saving souls, the sum of miracles. 

Now blessed Hooker, thou art set on high. 

Above the thankless world, and cloudy sky ; 

Do thou of all thy labor reap the crown, 

Whilst we here reap the seed which thou hast sown. 

J. C* 

A lamentation for the death of that precious and worth]/ minister of Jesus 
Christ, Mr. Thomas Hooker, xcho died July 7, 1C47, as the sun toas setting. 
The same hour of the day died Messed Calcin, that glorious light. 

Come sighs, come sorrows, let 's lament this rod, 

Which hath bereaved us of this man of God ; 

A man of God, who came from God to men, 

And now from them is gone to God again. 

Bid joy depart, bid merriment be gone ; 

Bid friends stand by, sit sorrowful alone. 

But ah ! what sorrow can be to suffice. 

Though heaven and earth were filled with our cries, 

The clouds were turned into drops of tears, 

The mourning for to last an age of years ? 

'Twere all too little to lament his death. 

Whose life so jirecious was for heaven and earth. 

Job wish'd his day might quite forgotten be. 

Which brought him forth this world's light first to see. 

O let not the day be numbered in th' year, 

That took this light out of our hemisphere. 

A fatal day, a day of sad presage 

To us survivors of this present age. 

* Mr. Hooker died at Hartford, of an epidemical fever, in the sixty-second 
year of his age. The elegiac lines, recited in the Memorial, were written by 
the Rev. John Cotton. A full account of Mr. Hooker is given in the Mag- 
nalia, with a tribute to his memory in Latin verse, by Mr. Elijah Corlet, an 
eminent schoolmaster at Cambridge. Mr. Hooker's writings were in such 
repute, that Mr. John HIgginson, says Dr. C. Mather, transcribed from his 
manuscripts nearly two hundred sermons, which were sent to England for 
publication : " But by what means I know not," he adds, " scarce half of them 
have seen the light to this day." — Magnal. iii. 57-68. 



156 NEW ENGLAND'S I^IEMORIAL. [1647. 

The hour of thy decease, when sun went down, 

When light turn'd dark, when heavens began to frown ; 

'Tis ominous to us who saw his light. 

That grace provok'd should turn our day to night ; 

And gospel's light which shineth from on high. 

Should clouded be, and dai-kened in our sky. 

O ha]3py days, when such lights shine on earth ! 

O bitter days, when they are hid beneath ! 

This is our grief, he who late shin'd on high, 

Is hid in grave, and now beneath doth lie. 

Let Hartford sigh, and say, I've lost a treasure ; 

Let all New England mourn at God's displeasure, 

In taking from us one more gracious 

Than is the gold of Ophir precious. 

Sweet was the savor which his grace did give, 

It season'd all the place where he did live. 

His name did as an ointment give its smell, 

And all bear witness that it savored well. 

"Wisdom, love, meekness, friendly courtesy, 

Each moral virtue, with rare piety. 

Pure zeal, yet mixt with mildest clemency, 

Did all consjiire in this one breast to lie. 

Deep was his knowledge, judgment was acute. 

His doctrine solid, Avhich none could confute. 

To mind ke gave light of intelligence. 

And seai-ched the corners of the conscience. 

To sinners stout, which no law could bring under. 

To them he was a son of dreadful thunder, 

When all strong oaks of Bashan us'd to quake. 

And fear did Lebanus his cedars shake ; 

The stoutest hearts he filled full of fears. 

He clave the rocks, they melted into tears. 

Yet to sad souls, with sense of sin cast down, 

He was a son of consolation. 

Sweet peace he gave to such as were contrite ; 

Their darkness sad he turned to joyous light. 

Of preaching he had learn'd the rightest art, 

To every one dividing his own part. 

Each ear that heard him said, He spake to me : 

So piercing was his holy ministry. 

His life did shine, time's changes stain'd it not, 

Envy itself could not there find a spot. 

Had he survived to finish works begun, 

'T had been a blessing to all Christendom. 



1647.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 157 

Then should the world have known what God had show'd him, 

And what themselves for all his works had ow'd him. 

But this unthankful age is now cut short 

Of that rich treasure; 'cause they car'd not for 't : 

O that his love may turn us, yet to prize 

The blessings yet enjoyed ; herein be wise ; 

Lest that which he not long ago foretold, 

Be now in us fulfill'd as 't Avas of old. 

That wantonness of churches, would bereave 

Them of their ministers, Avithout their leave, 

God plaguing this his messenger's contempt. 

With this soul 'stroying plague and punishment. 

But whatsoever wrath doth us abide, 

Whatever plague for sin doth us betide ; 

Yet thou, O blessed saint, art now at rest, 

I' th' bosom of thy Christ, which is the best ; 

Bathing in rivers of divine pleasure. 

Which is at God's right hand, most sweet and pure ; 

Tasting the fruit of all thy labors spent. 

To honor God, which was thy whole intent. 

From God thou camest forth, who sent thee hither. 

And now hath called thee back to live together. 

Him didst thou serve while life and breath did last, 

With him now blest, while life and breath is past. 

Sense of our loss would call thee back again. 

But out of love, we bid thee there remain, 

Till we yet left behind our course fulfil, 

To meet thee on the top of Zion's hill ; 

When thou and we shall both rejoice together, 

So fast united as no death shall sever ; 

Both to sing praises to our heavenly king, 

Who hath us saved from death's poisonous sting, 

And will restore our bodies from the grave, 

W^hich them to dust of death consumed have ; 

Making them shine like brightness of the sun 

With glory, ne'er to end when once begun. 

Let heaven and earth, angels and men him praise, 

Sounding his glory past all length of days. 

P. B.* 



* These initials, probably, were meant to indicate the Eev. Peter Bulkley, 
first minister of Concord. 

14 



158 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1649. 



1648. 

This year ]\Ir. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth; and Mr. Thomas Prince, 
Mr. William Collier, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. Timothy 
Hatherly, Mr. John Brown, and Mr. William Thomas, were 
chosen assistants to him in government.* 



1649. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. 
William Collier, Capt. Miles Standish, Mi'. Timothy Hath- 
erly, Mr. John Brown, and ]\Ir. William Thomas, were 
chosen his assistants in government. 

This year Mr. John Winthrop, governor of the jurisdiction 
of the Massachusetts, deceased, the twenty-sixth day of 
March, about ten of the clock. He was singular for piety, 
wisdom, and of a public spirit. He brought over a great es- 
tate into the country, and partly by his liberality, and partly 
by the unfaithfulness of his baily, spent the most part of it ; 
so as when he died, he was but low in that respect ; and yet 
notwithstanding, very much honored and beloved of the most, 
and continued in the place of governor, for the most part, 
until his death, which was much lamented by many. He 
was a man of unbiased justice, patient in respect of personal 
wrongs and injuries, a great lover of the saints, especially able 
ministers of the gospel ; very sober in desiring, and temperate 
in improving earthly contentments ; very humble, courteous, 
and studious of general good. His body was, with great 



* The synod which was convened in 1646, and had continued its meet- 
ings, by adjournments, was dissolved in this year. The Cambridge Platform 
of Church Discij^liue was composed and adopted by this assembly. 



1649.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 159 

solemnity and honor, buried at Boston, in New England, the 
third of April, 1649.* 

This year some part of the country was much troubled with 
innumerable hosts of caterpillars, which destroyed the fruits 
of the earth, in divers places, and did eat off the leaves of 
trees, so as they looked as bare as if it had been winter ; and 
in some places did eat the leaves from off the pease-straw, 
and did not eat the pease. It pleased God to give them a 
check, and a rebuke, so as they hurt but in some places, and 
of his goodness in a short time removed them. 

This year, August 25, that faithful and eminent servant of 
Christ, Mr. Thomas Shepard, died, who was a soul-searching 
minister of the gospel, and pastor of the church of Christ at 
Cambridge. By his death, not only that church and people, 
but also all New England, sustained a very great loss. He 
not only preached the gospel profitably and very successfully, 
but also hath left behind him divers worthy works of special 
use, in reference unto the clearing up the state of the soul to 
God ward ; the benefit thereof, those can best experience, 
who are most conversant in the improvement of them, and 
have God's blessing on them therein to their soul's good. His 
body was honorably buried at Cambridge in New England.f 

" Blessed are the dead, that die in the Lord, for their works 
do follow them." Rev. xiii. 13. 

This year there passed an act of parliament in England, 
for the promoting and propagating the gospel of Jesus Christ 
among the Indians in New England. In reference u.nto the 
furtherance and advancement of so good a work, a corpora- 
tion of sixteen select men were appointed, consisting of a 
president, treasurer, and assistants, called by the name of the 
President and Society for the propagation of the Gospel in 

* Gov. Winthrop died at the age of sixty-three. His life and character 
are ably delineated in the American Biography, vol. ii. 337-358. Sec Mag- 
nalia, ii. 13. 

t Mr. Shepard arrived at Boston in 1635, and succeeded Mr. Hooker, at 
Newtown, (afterward Cambridge,) on the removal of Mr. Hooker to Con- 
necticut. He died in the forty-fourth year of his age. See Life of Shepard 
prefixed to his works, published by Cong. Board of Pub. 



160 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1649. 

New England ; to receive such sums of money, as from time 
to time was, or should be collected and raised, by the liberal 
contributions of such as whose hearts God was pleased to stir 
up to so glorious a work. And it was by the same parlia- 
ment enacted, that the commissioners for the united colonies 
of New England, for the time being, by themselves or such as 
they shall appoint, shall have power and authority to receive 
and dispose of the said moneys brought in and paid to the 
said treasurer for the time being ; or any other moneys, goods, 
or commodities, acquired and delivered by the care of the 
said corporation at any time ; whose receipt or receipts of 
such person or persons so authorized by them, shall be a 
sufficient discharge to the said corporation and treasurer. 
The particulars of such orders and instructions, with which 
the said act is invested, the reader may be more amply satis- 
fied in, by the perusal thereof, as it is extant, bearing date, 
July 27, 1649. 

Moreover, let the reader take notice of the special favor of 
Almighty God, in moving the heart of the king's majesty, 
since his restitution to his crown and regal dignity, particu- 
larly of his royal favor to countenance this work, and to secure 
.what hath been, and what may be given toward this work, 
by a legal settlement, which before was wanting ; so as the 
said glorious design hath been vigorously carried on, both in 
Old England and in New, by such active and faithful instru- 
ments as God hath raised up and improved therein, with some 
considerable success. The work coming on to such perfec- 
tion, as that the Holy Bible is translated and printed in the 
Indian language, whereby the glad tidings of the gospel is, 
and may be communicated to them with the greater facility ; 
some souls also of them being gained, as may be hoped, to 
believe on the Lord Jesus for life everlasting ; and daily hopes 
of further and greater success in that behalf, for which un- 
speakable riches of his grace, let his holy name have all the 
praise throughout all ages. 

The principal instruments improved in preaching the gos- 
pel of Christ unto the Indians, are, Mr. John Elliot, sen., Mr. 
John Elliot, jun., IVIr. Thomas IVIayhew, Mr. Pierson, Mr. 



1650.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 161 

Brown, Mr. James, and ]VIr. Cotton, besides divers of their 
own nation, whose names and number I know not.* 



1650. 

This year Mr. WilHam Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of Nev/ Plimouth. Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, Capt. Miles Stan- 
dish, Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mr. John Brown, and Mr. Wil- 
liam Thomas, were chosen assistants to him in government. 

This year there was more than ordinary mortality in the 
country, especially about Boston, and mostly among their 
children. (New diseases the fruits of new sins.) Since which 
time, several diseases have been in the country more frequently 
than formerly ; as namely, gripings in the bowels, with vio- 
'lent vomiting and purging, which hath taken away many ; as 
also a disease in the mouth or throat, which hath proved mor- 
tal to some in a very short time ; as also great distempers of 
colds, etc., which ought to be awakening dispensations, to- 
gether with others, to cause us to consider and examine 



* The reader •will be interested to learn more fully the disposition and 
labors of these men in regard to the natives. Mr. Sj-monds, a gentleman of 
rank and influence, from Essex in England, addressed a letter to Gov. 
Winthrop in 1646, expressing what he regarded as the divine purposes in the 
settlement of New England, one of which was the conversion of the natives 
to the Christian faith and practice. Many good and benevolent men in this 
country and in England had been deeply impressed with the obligations ex- 
pressed in the Massachusetts charter, to incite the natives of the country to 
the knowledge and obedience of the only true God and Saviour of mankind, 
and the Christian faith. And Gov. Hutchinson regai'ded the long neglect of 
attempts in this direction as inexcusable. And the Indians themselves asked, 
" how it happened, if Christianity were of such importance, that, for six and 
twenty years, the English had said nothing to them about it ? " But at length 
good men were impressed with a sense of their obligation in this matter, and 
this work was commenced and pursued with true Christian zeal and fidelity. 
And the history of these early Indian missions are instructive and suggestive 
in regard to the Aborigines remaining in the land. We therefore here 
refer the reader to an interesting article in the Appendix, wliich contains 
a condensed narrative of the labors of these excellent men v.'ith the Indians. 

14* 



162 



NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 



[1652. 



whether we have not provoked the Lord with some general 
and unwonted sins ; inasmuch as he is pleased to exercise 
the country oftentimes with unwonted afflictions and punish- 
ments. 

1651. 

This year Mr. WilUam Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. 
William Collier, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. Timothy Hath- 
erly, Mr. John Brown, Mr. John Alden, and Capt. Thomas 
Willet, were chosen his assistants in government. 

This year Mr. William Thomas expired his natural life in 
much peace and comfort. He served in the place of magistracy, 
in the jurisdiction of Plymouth, divers years ; he was a well 
approved and a wellgrounded Christian, well read in the Holy 
Scriptures, and other approved authors, and a good lover and' 
approver of godly ministers and good Christians, and one 
that had a sincere desire to promote the common good, both 
of church and state. He died of a consumption, and was 
honorably buried at Marshfield, in the jurisdiction of New 
Plimouth. 



1652. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth ; and Mr. Thomas Prince, 
Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mr. John 
Brown, Mr. John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, and Lieut. 
Thomas Southworth, were chosen to be his assistants in gov- 
ernment. 

This year that blessed servant of God, IMr. John Cotton, 
died. He was sometimes preacher of God's word at Boston, 
in Lincolnshire, and from thence came over into New Eng- 
land, in the year 1633, and was chosen teacher of the first 
church of Christ at Boston. (Of Mr. Cotton's life, Mr. Norton 
hath penned a book, whereunto I refer the reader for more full 
relation of the same.) For which function and office he was 
greatly enriched with gifts and abilities, being an able ex- 



1652.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 163 

pounder and faithful applier of the word of God ; furnished 
also with wisdom and prudence to go before the church, in 
the ordering of the affairs thereof; endowed also with meek- 
ness of spirit, whereby he was fitted to compose such differ- 
ences as did at any time arise amongst them. He was very 
patient also in respect unto personal wrongs and injuries done 
unto himself, yea, towards his sharpest antagonists. An in- 
fluence of good, not only flowed from him unto the church 
over whom he was set, but also into all the churches in New 
England, as necessity required. About the time of his sick- 
ness, there appeared in the heavens, over New England, a 
comet, giving a dim light ; and so waxed dimmer and dim- 
mer, until it became quite extinct and went out; which time 
of its being extinct, was soon after the time of the period of 
his life : it being a very signal testimony, that God had then 
removed a bright star, a burning and a shining light out of 
the heaven of his church here, unto celestial glory above. 
He was buried at Boston, in New England, with great honor 
and lamentation, in the year above written. 

Upon whose never enough deplored death, were made these 
verses following : — 

A Funeral Elegy upon tJie death of the trultj Reverend Mr. John Cotton, late 
teacher of the church of Christ at Boston, in New England. 

And after Wintlirop's, Hooker's, Sliepard's hearse, 
Doth Cotton's death call for a mourning verse ? 
Thy will be done. Yet Lord, -who dealest thus, 
Make this great death expedient for us. 
Luther pulled down the Pope, Calvin the Prelate slew : 
Of Calvin's lapse, chief cure to Cotton 's due. 
Cotton, whose learning, temper, godliness, 
The German Phoenix, lively did express. 
Melanchthon's all, may Luther's word but pass ; 
Melanchthon's all, in our great Cotton was. 
Than him in flesh, scarce dwelt a better one ; 
So groat's our loss, when such a spirit's gone. 
Whilst he was here, life was more life to me ; 
Now he is not, death hence less death shall be. 
That comets, great men's deaths do oft forego, 
This present comet doth too sadly show. 



164 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1652. 

This prophet dead, yet must in's doctrine speak, 
This comet saith, else must New England break. 
Whate'er it be, the heavens avert it far, 
That meteors should succeed our greatest star. 
In Boston's orb, "Winthrop and Cotton were ; 
These lights extinct, dark is our hemisphere. 
In Boston once how much shin'd of our glory, 
We now lament, posterity will story. 
Let Boston live, who had and saw their worth; 
And did them honor, both in life and death. 
To him New England trust in this distress, 
"Who will not leave his exiles comfortless. 

J. N.« 



Upon the tomb of the most Reverend Mr. John Cotton, late teacher of the 
church of Boston, in Neiu Enfjland. 

Here lies magnanimous humility, 

Majesty, meekness. Christian apathy 

On soft affections ; liberty in thrall ; 

A noble spirit, servant unto all. 

Learning's great masterpiece ; who yet could sit 

As a disciple at his scholar's feet. 

A simple serpent, or serpentine dove, 

Made up of wisdom, innocence, and love, 

Neatness embroider'd with itself alone ; 

And civils canonized in a gown : 

Embracing old and young, and low and high ; 

Ethics embodied in divinity. 

Ambitious to be lowest, and to raise 

His brethren's honor on his own decays. 

Thus doth the sun retire into his bed. 

That being gone, the stars may show their head. 

Could wound at argument without division ; 

Cut to the quick, and yet make no incision ; 

Ready to sacrifice domestic notions 

To churches peace and minister's devotions. 

Himself indeed (and singular in that) 

Whom all admired, he admired not. 

Liv'd like an angel of a mortal birth, 

Convers'd in heaven while he was on earth : 



* Probably the Rev. John Norton, at that time minister of Ipswich, and 
who succeeded Mr. Cotton, as minister of the first church in Boston. 



1652.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 165 

Thougli not, as Moses, radiant with liglit, 
Whose glory dazzled the beholders' sight ; 
Yet so divinely beautified, you'd count 
He had been born and bred upon the mount. 

* A living, breathing Bible ; tables, where 

* Both covenants at large engraven were ; 

* Gospel and law in's heart had each its column, 

* His head an index to the sacred volume. 

* His very name a title-page ; and next, 

* His life a commentary on the text. 

* O what a monument of glorious worth, 

* When in a new edition he comes forth, 

* Without erratas, may we think he'll be, v / 

* In leaves and covers of eternity ! 

A man of might at heavenly eloquence, 
To fix the ear and charm the conscience ; 
As if Apollos were revived in him, 
Or he had learned of a Seraphim. 
Spake many tongues in one : one voice and sense 
Wi'ought joy and sorrow, fear and confidence. 
Kocks rent before him, blind received their sight ; 
Souls levell'd to the dunghill, stood upright. 
Infernal furies burst with rage to see 
Their pris'ners captiv'd into liberty. 
A star, that in our eastern England rose. 
Thence hurry'd by the blast of stupid foes, 
Whose foggy darkness, and benumbed senses, 
Brook'd not his dazzling fervent influences. 
Thus did he move on earth from east to west ; 
There he went down, and up to heaven for rest. 
Nor from himself, whilst living, doth he vary. 
His death hath made him an ubiquatary : 
Where is his sepulchre is hard to tell, 
Who in a thousand sepulchres doth dwell ; 
(Their hearts, I mean, whom he hath left behind,) 
In them his sacred relique's now enshrin'd. 
But let his mourning flock be comforted. 
Though Moses be, yet Joshua is not dead : 
I mean renowned Norton ; worthy he 
Successor to our Moses is to be, 
O happy Israel in America, 
In such a Moses, such a Joshua. 

B. W.* 

* The Rev. Benjamin Woodbridgc, D. D., the first graduate of Harvard 
College. He returned to England, and succeeded the Kev. Dr. Twiss, at 



166 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1653. 



1653. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Capt. 
Miles Standish, Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mr. John Brown, Mr. 
John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, and Lieut. Thomas South- 
worth, were chosen his assistants in government. 

Mr. Thomas Dudley, who was a principal founder and pillar 
of the colony of the Massachusetts, in New England, and sun- 
dry times governor and deputy-governor of that jurisdiction, 
died at his house in Roxbury, July 31, in the seventy-seventh 
year of his age. He was a person of quick understanding, 
and solid judgment in the fear of the Lord. He was a lover 
of justice, order, the people. Christian religion, the supreme 
virtues of a good magistrate. 1. His love to justice appeared 
at all times, and in special upon the judgment-seat, without 
respect of persons in judgment; and in his own particular 
transactions with all men, he was exact and exemplary. 2. 
His zeal to order appeared in contriving good laws, and faith- 
fully executing them upon criminal offenders, heretics, and 
underminers of true religion. He had a piercing judgment to 
discover the wolf, though clothed with a sheepskin. 3. His 
love to the people was evident in serving them in a public 
capacity many years, at his own cost, and that as a nursing 
father to the churches of Christ. 4. He loved the true Chris- 
tian religion, and the pure worship of God, and cherished, as 
in his bosom, all godly ministers and Christians. He was ex- 
act in the practice of piety, in his person and family, all his 
life. In a word, he lived desired, and died lamented by all 
good men. 

The verses following were found in his pocket after his 



Newbury. His professional and literary character and acquirements were in 
high estimation in both countries. The lines distinguished by asterisms, are 
quoted by Mr. Allen, in his biographical account of Mr. Cotton, with a con- 
jecture, that they probably suggested to Dr. Franklin his celebrated epitaph 
upon himself. 



1653.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 167 

death, which may further illustrate his character, and give a 
taste of his poetical fancy ; wherein, it is said he did excel. 

Dim eyes, deaf ears, cold stomach show 
My dissolution is in view ; 
Eleven times seven near lived have I, 
And now God calls, I willing die : 
My shuttle 's shot, my race is run, 
My sun is set, my deed is done ; 
My span is measur'd, tale is told, 
My flower is faded and grown old, 
My dream is vanish'd, shadow's fled, 
My soul with Christ, my body dead ; 
Farewell dear wife, children and friends. 
Hate heresy, make blessed ends ; 
Bear poverty, live with good men, 
So shall we meet with joy again. 

Let men of God in courts and churches watch 
O'er such as do a toleration hatch ; 
Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice. 
To poison all with heresy and vice. 
If men be left, and otherwise combine. 
My epitaph 's, I died no libertine.* 

This year Mr. John Laythrop did put off his earthly taber- 
nacle. He was sometimes preacher of God's word in Egerton 
in Kent, from whence he weftt to London, and was chosen 
pastor of a church there. He was greatly troubled, and im- 
prisoned, for witnessing against the errors of the times. Dur- 
ing the time of his imprisonment, his wife fell sick, of which 
sickness she died. He procured liberty of the bishop to visit 
his wife before her deafh, and commended her to God by 
prayer, who soon after gave up the ghost. At his return to 
prison, his poor children, being many, repaired to the bishop 
to Lambeth, and made known unto him their miserable con- 
dition by reason of their good father, his being continued in 
close durance ; who commiserated their condition so far, as to 

* LIr. Dudley was an estimable character, though sometimes unduly severe. 
His want of toleration was characteristic of the age. But, says Dr. Holmes, 
" With strong passions he was still placable and generous." 



168 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1655. 

grant him liberty, who soon after came over into New England, 
and settled for some time at the town of Scituate, and was 
chosen pastor of their church, and faithfully dispensed the 
word of God amongst them. And afterwards, the church 
dividing, a part whereof removed to Barnstable, he removed 
with them, and there remained until his death. He was a 
man of a humble and broken heart and spirit, lively in dispen- 
sation of the word of God, studious of peace, furnished with 
godly contentment, willing to spend, and to be spent, for the 
cause of the church of Christ. He fell asleep in the Lord, 
November 8, 1653.* 

1654. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Capt. 
Miles Standish, Mr. William Colher, Mr. Timothy Hatherly, 
Mr. John Brown, Mr. John Alden, and Capt. Thomas Willet, 
were chosen assistants to him in government. 



1655. 

This year Mr. William Bradford was elected governor of 
the jurisdiction of New PlimcMth ; and Mr. Thomas Prince, 
Mr. William Collier, Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Capt. Miles Stan- 
dish, Mr. John Brown, Mr. John Alden, and Capt. Thomas 
Willet, were chosen assistants to him in government. 

This year that worthy and honorable gentleman, Mr. Ed- 
ward Winslow, deceased ; of whom i have had occasion to 
make honorable mention formerly in this discourse. He was 
the son of Edward Winslow, Esq., of the town of Draught- 
wich,t in the county of Worcester. He, travelling into the 



* The Rev. John Lothropp, (as the name is -written by himself,) arrived 
at Boston in 1634, and, soon afterward, settled in the ministry at Scituate. 
His removal to Barnstable was in 1C39. The name is variously spelt. Eev. 
Dr. Latlirop of Boston, was his great grandson. See Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. i. 

f Droltwick. 






1655.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 169 

low countries, in his journeys fell into acquaintance with the 
church of Leyden, in Holland, unto whom he joined, and with 
whom he continued until they parted to come into New Eng- 
land, he coming with that part that came first over, and be- 
came a very worthy and useful instrument amongst them, 
both in place of government and otherwise, until his last voy- 
age for England, being sent on special employment for the 
government of the Massachusetts, as is aforementioned in this 
book ; and afterwards was employed as one of the grand com- 
missioners in that unhappy design against Domingo in His- 
paniola, who taking gi'ief for the ill success of that enterprise, 
on which, together with some other infirmities that were upon 
him, he fell sick at sea, betwixt Domingo and Jamaica, and 
died the eighth day of May, which was about the sixty -first 
year of his life, and his body was honorably committed to the 
sea, with the usual solemnity of the discharge of forty-two 
pieces of ordnance. 

One of the company, who was employed in taking notice 
of the particulars of that tragedy, gave such testimony of the 
said Mr. Winslow, as foUoweth in this poem. 

The eighth of May, west from 'Spaniola shore, 
God took from us our grand commissioner, 
Winslow by name, a man of chiefest trust, 
Whose life was sweet, and conversation just ; 
Whose parts and wisdom most men did excel ; 
An honor to his place, as all can teU.* 



* The Memorial and all our historians exhibit Gov. Winslow as a man of 
activity and well directed energy. His writings respecting the early concerns 
of the country, the natives, and the church, are interesting and reliable. He 
managed the foreign relations of the colonies with so much ability, that Crom- 
well claimed his services in the government of England, and ajipointed him 
on several important commissions, in the performance of one of which, in the 
West Indies with Admiral Pcnn, he died. His home and family estate here 
were in Marshfield, and it was held in the family for more than two centu- 
ries. It afterwards became the property and home of the late Daniel Web- 
ster. His descendants are very numerous. 

15 



170 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1656. 



1656. 

Mr. William Bradford was chosen governor of the jurisdic- 
tion of Plimouth. Mr. Thomas Prince, Mr. William Collier, 
Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Capt. Miles Standish, Mr. John Alden, 
Capt. Thomas Willet, and Capt. James Cudworth, were 
chosen his assistants in government. 

This year Capt. Miles Standish expired his mortal life. He 
was a gentleman, born in Lancashire, and was hen* apparent 
unto a great estate of lands and livings, surreptitiously de- 
tained from him ; his great grandfather being a second or 
younger brother from the house of Standish. In his younger 
time he went over into the low countries, and was a soldier 
there, and came acquainted with the church at Leyden, and 
came over into New England, with such of them as at the 
first set out for the planting of the plantation of New Plim- 
outh, and bare a deep share of their first difficulties, and was 
always very faithful to their interest. He growing ancient, 
became sick of the stone, or stranguary, whereof, after his 
suffering of much dolorous pain, he fell asleep in the Lord, 
and was honorably buried at Duxbury.* 

* Standish. There is little recorded of Standish after his prowess had 
brought the Indians to submission. Often when mihtary action was expect- 
ed and soldiers called for, he was appointed generalissimo, and he was active 
in military life until within three years of his death. He was also one of the 
assistants or council during most of his life. There is a traditionary anecdote 
relative to Capt. Standish and his friend John Alden. " The lady who had 
gained the affections of the captain is said to have been Priscilla Mullins. John 
Alden was sent to make proposals in behalf of Standish. The messenger, 
though a pilgrim, was then young and comely, and the lady exj^ressed her 
preference by the question, Prithee, John, why do you not speak for your- 
self? The captain's hope was blasted, and the frank overture soon ended in 
the marriage of John Alden and Priscilla Mullens, from whom it is said, are 
descended all of the name of Alden in the United States." 

Standlsh's descendants are very numerous In the Old Colony and elswhere. 
It is said, " Duxborough have a manor in England as their right of inheri- 
tance, and has for a long time been held in abeyance for the heirs at law." 



1657.] KEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 171 



1657. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. INIr. William Collier, Mr. 
Timothy Hatherly, Mr. John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, 
Capt. James Cudworth, Capt. Josiah Winslow, and Lieut. 
Thomas Southworth, were chosen his assistants in govern- 
ment.* 

This year it pleased God to put a period to the life of his 
precious servant, Mr. William Bradford, who was the second 
governor of the jurisdiction of New Plimouth, and continued 
in the same place for the most part of his time, with little in- 
termission. Concerning whom the following poems made, 
the one by himself, and the other by such as were well ac- 
quainted with his worth and excellency, will give a large tes- 
timony thereof. 

Certain verses left hj the honored William Bradford, Esq. governor of tlie 
jurisdiction of Plimouth, penned hy Jiis oion hand, declaring the gracious 
dispensations of God's providence iotcards him in the time of his life, and his 
preparation and fittedness for death. 

From my years young in days of youtb, 

God did make known to me liis truth, 

And call'd me from my native place 

For to enjoy the means of grace. 

In wilderness he did me guide, 

And in strange lands for me provide. 

In fears and wants, through weal and woe, 

A pilgrim, passed I to and fro : 

Oft left of them whom I did trust ; 

How vain it is to rest on dust ! 

A man of sorrows I have been, 

And many changes I have seen. 

Wars, wants, peace, plenty, have I known ; 

And some advanc'd, others thrown down. 

The humble poor, cheerful and glad ; 

Rich, discontent, sower and sad : 

* This election was on the 5th of June. Gov. Bradford died in IMay, the 
month before. 



172 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1657. 

When fears and sorrows have been mixt, 
Consolations came betwixt. 
Faint not, poor soul, in God still trust, 
Fear not the things thou suffer must ; 
For, whom he loves he doth chastise, 
And then all tears wij^es from their eyes. 
Farewell, dear children, whom I love, 
Your better Father is above : 
When I am gone, he can supply ; 
To him I leave you when I die. 
Fear him in truth, walk in his ways, 
And he will bless you all your days. 
My days are spent, old age is come. 
My strength it fails, my glass near run. ■ 
Now I wUl wait, when work is done, 
Until my happy change shall come, 
When from my labors I shall rest, 
With Christ above for to be blest. 



By the honored Major Josias Winslow, on the said Mr. William Bradford, 
asfolloweth : — 

WILLIAM BRADFORD, Anagr. 

I made law for bricU'. 
Tor law I made bridl'. 

See how God honored hath this worthy's name. 
To make it spell his virtue, and proclaim 
Plis rare endowments, us'd for God and us : 
Now such as honor God, he'll honor thus. 

Both just and gentle, merciful and just ; 
And yet a man, and yet compos'd of dust ! 
Yes, God within these slender walls can find 
A noble, virtuous, studious, active mind. 

God was the guider of his childhood, youth; 
God did preserve him ever in the truth. 
And gave him grace to own him when but young. 
Whom afterward he made a champion strong, 

For to defend his people, and his cause, 
By wisdom, justice, prudence, and by laws ; 
And, most of all, by his own good example, 
A pattern fit to imitate most ample. 



( 



1657.] NEW ENGLAND'S I^IEMORIAL. 173 

If we should trace liim from the first, we find 
He flies his country, leaves his friends behind, 
To follow God, and to profess his ways, 
And here encounters hardships many days. 

He is content, with Moses, if God please, / 

Renouncing honor, profit, pleasure, ease, \/ 

To suffer tossings, and uusettlements. 
And if their rage doth rise, to banishments. 

He weighs it not, so he may still preserve 

His conscience clear, and with God's people serve 

Him freely, 'cording to his mind and will, 

If not in one place, he '11 go forward still. 

If God have work for him in th' ends of th' earth, 
Safe, danger, hunger, colds, nor any dearth ; 
A howling wilderness, nor savage men, 
Discourage him, he'll follow God again : 

And how God hath made him an instrument 
To us of quiet peace and settlement ; 
I need not speak ; the eldest, youngest know, 
God honor'd him with greater work than so. 

To sum up all, in this he still went hence. 
This man was wholly God's : his recompense 
Remains beyond expression, and he is 
Gone to possess it in eternal bliss. 

He's happy, happy thrice; unhappy we 
That still remain more changes here to see : 
Let 's not lament that God hath taken him 
From troubles hence, in seas of joys to swim. 

Let's not lament his gracious life is ended, 

And he to life of glory is attended ; , 

Nor let us grieve that now God's work is done, 

In making him a happy blessed one. 

But let 's bewail that we have so neglected 

Duty to God, or men have disrespected ; 

With earnest lamentations let's lament; i 

And, whilst we may, let's seriously repent. | 

15* 



174 NEW ENGLAND'S JVIEMOEIAL. [1657. 

That vre have not improved as "we might, 
For God, and for ourselves, this worthy wight ; 
And now that God hath Moses tak'u away, 
Let's pray that he would give us Joshua; 

To go before the camp, and to subdue 
God's and his people's foes, whatever crew 
Oppose our journeys to that land of rest. 
Which 'till obtain'd, we're never truly blest. 

And for our better progress in this course, 

Let now our great necessity enforce 

Each man to study peace, and to improve 

His greatest strength to reunite, in love, 

The hearts and the affections of us all ; 

Lest by our faults, God's work to th' ground should fall. 

Why mourns the people thus for me, since I 
I n heavens dwell, shall to eternity? 
L et not so many tears fall from my friends ; 
L ive holy, happy, God will recompense 
I nto your bosoms all your love again, 
A nd your affections whilst I did remain 
M ongst you, but now you must refrain. 

B ear up your hearts, dear hearts, when thoughts of me 

K un in your minds, with this the time will be, 

A nd every hour brings it on apace, 

D ear friends, when we for ever shall embrace. 

F arewell but for a season then, farewell; 

O ur next embraces shall the rest excel, 

R est happy, children, friends, and tender wife, 

D eath but begins the godly's happy life.* 



* This is what is called " Anagram," one of the species of false wit, ridi- 
culed by Addison, Spectator, No. 60. It was the invention of the monks, 
who, in their cloisters were hard pushed for employment. It consists in " the 
transmutation of one word into another, or turning the same letters into differ- 
ent words." Thus Gov. Bradford's name is transmuted " I made law for 
bridle." Invention in that age, both here and in England, was strained to 
its utmost extension to make a good Anagram, (one way of conjuring or for- 
tune telling,) generally to please, or flatter, or ridicule. Our author calls 
his rival " an Anagram of a man," because his limbs seemed to be displaced, 
or not in their proper places. Much of this, and also acrostic, another species 



1657.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 175 



A few verses more, added hij one that teas tcell acquainted ic'dh the icorth of 
the said Mr, William Bradford. 

The nlntli of May, about nine of the clock, 
A precious one God out of Plimouth took ; 
Governor Bradford then expired his breath, 
Was call'd away by force of cruel death. 
A man approv'd in to^vn, in church, in court. 
Who so behav'd himself in godly sort, 
For the full space of thirty-seven years, 
As he was means of turning many fears 
Away from thee, poor Plimouth, where he spent 
The better part of time that God him lent. 
Well skill'd he was in regulating laws. 
So as by law he could defend the cause 
Of poor distressed plaintiff, when he brought 
His case before him, and for help besought. 
Above all other men he loved those 
Who gosisel truths most faithfully unclose, 
Who were with grace and learning fully fraught, 
Such as laboi'iously the gospel taught. 
Willing also to own, in his due place, 
The meanest saint, expressing gifts of grace. 
Sweet Brewster, he is gone some time before ; 
Wise Winslow, whose death we lament so sore ; 
And faithful Standish, freed from horrid pain, 
'- To be with Christ, in truth, the greatest gain : 
Now blessed, holy Bradford, a successor 
Of blessed, holy Bradford, the confessor, 
Is gone to place of rest, with many more 
Of precious ones, whom I might name, great store ; 
And commendation of each one have given ; 
But what needs that ? their names are writ in heaven. 
And now, dear Lord, let us our time improve, 
To be with thee in prayer much above. 



of false wit, may be found in Mather, and some other early New England 
writers. Addison mentions a minister who anagrammatized from this text, 
"Adam, Seth, Enoch," transmuting the words and letters so as to reveal great 
mysteries, and give important instructions ; and Mather says, " Mr. Wilson, 
with his quiet wit upon names, would often fetch or even/orce devout instruc- 
tions out of his Anagrams. 



176 NEW ENGLAND'S IMEMORIAL. [1657. 

O save thy people ; help in time of need ; 
When all means fail, be thou in room and stead 
Of other helps, who fail when needed most ; 
When greatest need, they then give up the ghost. 
And let thy servants their time still employ, 
That in the end they may attain such joy 
As may a fruit of true believing be, 
That we with Christ may reign eternally. 

This worthy gentleman was interred with the greatest so- 
lemnities that the jurisdiction to which he belonged was in a 
capacity to perform, many deep sighs, as well as loud volleys 
of shot declaring that the people were no less sensible of their 
own loss, who were surviving, than mindful of the worth and 
honor of him that was deceased.* You might now easily 
discern a heavy heart in the mournful countenance of every 
sober-minded and considerate man ; for as you have heard, in 
the three or four years last past, God was pleased greatly to 
weaken this poor tottering colony of Plimouth, by taking 
away several of the most useful props thereof, both in church 
and civil state ; some others, who had been of singular use, 
now stooping under the infirmities of old age, could not be so 
serviceable as in times past ; and others removed so far from 
the centre of the government, that they could not, without 
great difficulties, attend their public concerns, nor could pos- 
sibly so constantly as our necessities required, whnch did 
greatly aggravate our troubles ; we were become weak when 
we had need of the greatest strength ; had lost many of our 
chieftains, when we stood in need of the best conduct and 
guidance. For, besides the troubles and changes that attend- 
ed our native country, and might call for great circumspection 



* Gov. Bradford died, May 9, 1657, in the sixty-ninth year of his age; 
" lamented," says Dr. C. Mather, " by all the colonies of New England, as a 
common father to them all." His talents, well-tempered spirit, and acquire- 
ments, are celebrated by the same learned author. The Dutch tongue, he 
observes, was almost as vernacular to him as the English. " The French 
tongue he could also manage ; the Latin and the Greek he had mastered, but 
the Hebrew he most of all studied, because, he said, he would see, with his 
own eyes, the ancient oracles of God, in their native beauty." — Magnal. ii. 5. 



1657.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 177 

in our walking in relation unto them ; we had also, at this 
very time, some amongst us, that growing weary of the long 
peace and concord we enjoyed, and hoping to fish better in 
troubled waters, when their bait might be taken in, and the 
hook not easily discerned, would willingly have been ringing 
the changes in this jurisdiction ; also pretending a great zeal 
for Hberty of conscience, but endeavoring to introduce such a 
liberty of will as would have proved prejudicial, if not de- 
structive, to civil and church societies ; and at the same time 
there arrived in the said colony many of that pernicious sect 
called Quakers, whose opinions are a composition of many 
errors, and whose practices tend greatly to the disturbance 
both of church and state ; many unstable people amongst u^ 
were leavened with their errors, and proved very troublesome 
to this as well as other colonies in New England.* But the 
Lord many times delighteth to appear in the mount of his peo- 
ple's miseries, distresses, and troubles, that his power and wis- 
dom may appear when they are weakest, and that they may 
know that their salvation is from him. At such a time, and 
when the condition of this colony was such as hath been de- 
clared, God was pleased to mind it, even in its low estate, 
and when he had taken to himself not only our Moses, but 



* Dr. C. Mather says, " That the more sensible men that go under the 
name of Quakers, found the old Foxian Quakerism so indefensible, that they 
have of later time, set themselves to refine it, with such confessions and con- 
cessions of truth, as that, in their system, it is quite another thing than it once 
was." — Mag. vii. 24. 

The proceedings against the Quakers were far less severe in Plymouth 
colony than iu Massachusetts. In regard to their persecution, Cotton INlather 
says, " If any man will appear in the vindication of it, let him do as he pleases, 
for my part I will not." INIr. Clarkson's Portraiture of Quakerism, and his 
Memoirs of William Penn, give a full view of the tenets and character of this 
Christian Sect. See also a Review of the Life of Penn in the 1 2th vol. of the 
Christian Observer, containing a discussion of the opinions of the sect, with 
references to the early extravagancies of some of its members. Some of the 
later Quakers, at least, do not disbeheve so much as Morton ascribes to those 
who first settled here. See Vindication, annexed to the Philadelphia edition 
of Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. 



178 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL, [1657. 

many of the elders and worthies of our Israel, he hath not 
hitherto left us without a Joshua, to lead us in the remaining 
part of our pilgrimage. When the usual time for the renewing 
of our election, of such as should govern us, came, Mr. Thom- 
as Prince was, by a unanimous vote, chosen governor ; and 
although men's spmts were so distempered, as I have related, 
and it might have been expected that they would have been 
much divided in their choice ; yet God, who disposeth the lot 
that is cast into the lap, so disposed that all their votes cen- 
tered there ; a good demonstration that he was chosen of God 
for us, and by his blessing made an instrument of much peace 
and settlement in this place, and to this people, in these times 
of trouble and confusion. The Lord also directing the free- 
men of this jurisdiction, at the same time, in their election, to 
the choice of a discreet and able council, to be assistant unto 
our said honored governor, in this so weighty' a work, divers 
of them being descended of several of the honored magistrates 
deceased, not only bearing their names, but having a large 
measure of their spii-it bestowed on them, befitting them for 
such work ; so as through the goodness of God, those storms 
that seemed to threaten the subversion of our all, and did at 
first prevail, to the disturbing and shaking of many towns and 
churches, and to the great discouragement of the ministers in 
divers places, do seem to be pretty well blown over ; such un- 
comfortable jars, as have been sometimes thought incurable, 
seem to be thoroughly reconciled and healed ; our towns, for 
the most part, supplied with godly and able ministers, and we 
sit under our vines and fig-trees in peace, enjoying both civil 
and religious liberties ; for which goodness of the Lord, let 
his holy name be praised ; and may he grant us so to improve 
our present opportunities, as he may have some suitable re- 
turns, and we may have cause to hope in his grace for the 
continuance of such favors. 

This year that much honored and worthy gentleman, Mr. 
Theophilus Eaton, governor of New Haven, deceased, who 
was very eminent, both on a religious and civil account. His 
death proved a great blow to that jurisdiction, and was 



1657.] NE"W ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 179 

seconded, not long after, with the loss of another precious 
man amongst them, namely, Mr. Francis Newman.* 

In this year, 1657, in the month of November, ]\L\ Garret 
set sail on a voyage for England, from Boston ; in whose 
ship, amongst many considerable passengers, there went Mr. 
Thomas May hew, jun., of Martin's Vineyard, who was a 
very precious man.f He was well skilled, and had attained 
to a great proficiency in the Indian language, and had a great 
propensity upon his spirit to promote God's glory in their 
conversion, whose labors God blessed for the doing of much 



* Mr. Eaton was one of tlie original patentees of Massachusetts, and soon 
after bis arrival at Boston, in lG37,was chosen one of the magistrates of the 
Colony. lie was one of the founders of New Haven, and was annually elected 
governor until his death. His family was numerous, sometimes containing 
not less than thirty persons, and was governed with singular good order and 
regularity. He died in the sixty-seventh year of his age. A handsome 
monument was erected to his memory, at the iwblic expense, which is still in 
good preservation ; the following lines are inscribed upon it : — 

Eaton, so meek, so wise, so fam'cl, so just, 
The Phoenix of our world here hides his dust. 
His name forget, New England never must. 

Tniinb. Coimec. i. 240. 

Governor Hopkins of Connecticut, son-in-law of Governor Eaton, died 
about the same time, in England. To this gentleman. New England is in- 
debted for his liberal bequests. His whole estate in this country, which was 
very considerable, was given away to charitable purposes. — Truinb. Connec. 
I. 241. 

f In noticing the labors of the missionaries among the Indians, in the 
Appendix, young Mayhew, his father, son and grandson, are mentioned, and 
some account given of them and their successful etforts to christianize the 
Indians on Martha's Vineyard. In view of them and their great work and 
merit, we may well adopt the sentiments of Dr. Elliot : — 

" If any of the human race ever enjoyed the luxury of doing good, if any 
Christian ever could declare what it is to have peace, not as the world gives, 
but which surpasses the conceptions of those who look not beyond this 
world, — Ave may believe this was the happiness of the Mayhews." This can 
scarcely be called eulogy. We find nothing to qualify it. " They that turn 
many to righteousness shall shine like the stars forever and ever." 

Several very promising, well educated young men perished in the ship 
with young Mayhew. 



180 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1658. 

good amongst them ; in which respect he was very much 
missed amongst them, and bewailed by them, as also in refer- 
ence mito the preaching of God's word amongst the English 
there. The loss of him was very great. Many other sad 
losses befel sundry others in the country, by the loss of that 
ship, both, in their estates and dear relations, to the great grief 
and saddening of the hearts of many. 

1658. 

This year IVIr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. IVIr. William Collier, Mr. 
John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willett, Capt. Josias Winslow, 
Lieut. Thomas Southworth, Mr. William Bradford,* and Mr. 
Thomas Hinkley, were elected his assistants in government. 



* William Bradford was the son of Gov. Bradford — the oldest son 
by bis second wife. He was born at Plymouth, June 17, 1G24. He settled 
in Kingston. He married, 1652, his first wife, Ahce Kichards, of Weymouth. 
He had two other wives and fifteen children. In 1658, the year after the 
death of his father, he was chosen one of the seven assistants of Gov. Prince, 
and was annually rechosen for more than thirty years, until Plymouth Colony 
was merged in Massachusetts. After the death of Ca2^t. Standish in 1656, 
he became the principal commander of the Plymouth forces. When the 
commissioners of the three united colonies raised troops to prosecute the war 
with King Philip, he was the commander of the two Plymouth companies. 
All the troops being assembled at Petaquamscot, in what is now South Kings- 
ton, on the west side of Narraganset Bay, they commenced their march at an 
early hour, December 1 9, 1 6 75, in a deep snow, in order to attack the enemy, 
who were fortified in a swamji about fifteen miles distant. After mid-day, 
the assault was made on a palisaded fort. After a fierce battle of three 
hours, the fort was taken, five or six hundred wigwams burnt, and the 
Indians killed, captured, or dispersed. The English loss was sixty-five killed, 
among them five or six captains, and 150 wounded. The Indian loss was 
reckoned at a thousand, including the captured. Maj. Bradford was wounded 
by a ball which he carried in his body to his death. As the army returned 
to "NYickford the same night, the wounded men, some of whom died on the 
way, endured great suffering, before their wounds could be dressed. From 
Wicktbrd, Maj. Bradford was removed to Newport, from which place he 
wrote a letter to his minister, Mr. Cotton, dated January 20, 1676, in which 
he said — "I find some strength returning, and hopes of future returning to 
see you with the rest of my dear friends ; however, I do desire to rest in 



1658.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 181 

This year there was a very great earthquake in New Eng- 
land. 

Also Mr. Ralph Partridge died in a good old age, having, 
for the space of forty years, dispensed the word of God with 
a very little impediment by sickness. His pious and blame- 
less life became very advantageous to his doctrine ; he was 
much honored and loved by all that conversed with him. He 
was of a sound and solid judgment in the main truths of 
Jesus Christ, and very able in disputation to defend them ; 
he was very singular in this, that, notwithstanding the paucity 
and poverty of his flock, he continued in his work amongst 



God's good pleasure. I pray, sir, be my continual remembrance to the throne 
of grace. Here are many sick upon this Island and many die." Before the 
end of June he was able to take the command of 200 troops, one third 
Indians, and to march to Pocasset, or Tiverton, where Awashonks, tlie squaw 
Sachem, surrendered as she had previously agreed, with ninety of her people. 
On the 12th of August, King Philip was slain near Mount Hope. After this 
Maj. Bradford lived many years. He died February 20, 1704, nearly eighty 
years old. Ills residence was on the north side of Jones river, in Kingston. 
According to his request, his body was interred by the side of his father in 
Plymouth. On his monument at "Burying Hill," the following lines are 
inscribed : — 

" He lived long, hut still was doing good ; 
And in his country's service lost much blood. 
After a life well-spent, he's now at rest; 
His very name and memory is blest." 

William Bradford, his grandson, was Senator of the United States from 
Rhode Island. He lived at Mount Hope, and died in 1808, leaving many 
descendants. 

From Gov. Bradford have sprung many hundred descendants, among 
whom ai'e many distinguished men, as Col. Gamaliel Bradford of Duxbury, 
"who commanded a regiment in the Revolutionary War, and his son Alden 
Bradford, Secretary of Massachusetts, and author of several historical works. 
William Allen, D. D., now living at Northampton, and late president of 
Bowdoin College. Rev. Thomas Bobbins, D. D., of Hartford, once settled 
in the old Colony, but of late Secretary of Connecticut Historical Society, 
and much devoted to antiquarian researches. 

An ample genealogy of the various families of the Bradfords may be found 
in the N. E. Historical Register for Januaiy and Jvxly, 1850, drawn up by a 
descendant — Gen. G. M. Fessenden of Warren, R. I. 

16 



182 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1638. 

them to the end of time. He went to his grave in peace, as 
a shock of corn fully ripe, and was honorably bmied at Dux- 
bury. 

In whose remembrance, one who was a true admh*er of 
his worth, presented these at his funeral. 

Not rage, but age ; not age, but God's decree, 
Did call me hence, my Saviour Christ to see. 
And to embrace, and from his hand receive 
]My crown of Glory. Oh ! who would not leave 
A flattering world, nay friends, or what's most dear, 
♦The saint's communion that 's enjoyed here. 
At once to have God, Clu-ist, saints, angels, all, 
To make complete, and sum our joys total ? 
Now I behold God's glory face to face ; 
Now I sit down with Christ, who've run my race ; 
Now I sing praise to God, and to the Lamb ; 
Now I companion to the angels am. 
Now I behold, with greatest joy, my sons 
And daughters all ; I mean converted ones ; 
"Which I was instrumental in my place, 
To bring to God, but all of his free grace. 
How am I changed that of late was weak. 
Above the force of Satan now to break ? 
How am I changed, son of sorrow late, 
But now triumphing in my heavenly state. 
How was I vex'd with pains, with griefs molested ? 
How, in a moment, am I now invested 
"With royal robes, with crowns, with diadems, 
With God's eternal love ? Such precious gems 
He hath in store for them his saints that are ; 
For such indeed he counts his jewels rare. 
Oh ! brethren, sisters, neighbors, country, friends, 
I 'm now above you ; hark to them God sends, 
As yet surviving in their worthy charge ; 
Whose work it is God's vineyard to enlarge. 
God and my conscience your experience knows, 
"Whilst I was with you I was one of those 
That labored faithfully God's vineyard in, 
Sowing his seed, and plucking up of sin. 
Now is the harvest to myself indeed ; 
The Lord grant a supjily of one to feed 
Your souls with heavenly food, and one to lead 
In ways of God, until his courts you tread. 



1658.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 183 

Next to God's love, my flock, love one another ; 

And next to Christ, preserve love to thy brother. 

Let ever precious be in your esteem 

God's holy word ; and such as slight it deem 

Of serpent's brood ; whatever they pretend, 

By no means to such blasphemies attend. 

Decline all wand'rings, lest from all you stray, 

If stept aside, return in this your day. 

Keep close to God, so he that is most high 

Shall you preserve as apple of his eye ; 

And give you peace on earth, tranquillity, 

Mansions in heaven to eternity ; 

Where we, that death doth for a time now sever, 

Shall meet, embrace, and shall not part forever. 

K un is his race, 

A nd his work done, 

L eft earthly place, 

P atridge is gone, 

H e 's with the Father and the Son. 

P ure joys and constant do attend 
A 11 that so live, such is their end. 
R eturn he shall with Christ again, 
T o judge both just and sinful men. 
E, ais'd is this bird of paradise ; 
I oy heaven entered breaks the ice. 
D eath underfoot he trodden hath ; 
G race is to glory straightest path, 
E ver enjoys love free from wrath. 

This year, on the last day of July, it pleased God that, by 
thunder and lightning, one John Philips, of INIarshfield, in the 
jurisdiction of New PUmouth, was suddenly slain. 

Also, in the month of August, it pleased God to take 
away, by death, Mr. William Paddy, who was a precious 
servant of Christ, endued with a meek and quiet spirit, of a 
courteous behavior to all men, and was very careful to nourish 
an intimate communion with God. He was instrumental in 
his place for common good, both in church, (being sometimes 
by office a deacon of the church of Plimouth.) and in other 
respects very officious, as occasion did require. He having a 
great temporal estate, was occasioned thereby to have abun- 



184 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1659. 

dance of business upon him, but when he was to put off his 
earthly tabernacle, he laid aside all his earthly incumbrances 
and occasions, even as one would have taken off a garment, 
and laid it down ; and without any trouble of spirit, on that 
behalf, prepared himself for his journey to the everlasting 
mansions, prepared for him by his Lord and IMaster in the 
highest heavens, whereof he was well assured ; as to the like 
effect he spake to Mr. Norton, near unto the period of his life ; 
and so falling asleep in the Lord, he was buried at Boston, 
with honor and great lamentation, in the year and month 
above mentioned. 

One, who was well acquainted with his worth and gracious 
endowments, presented this following, as a testimonial of his 
good respects for him. 

Weep not dear wife, children, nor dear friends, 

I live a life of joys that never ends. 

L ove God, and fear him to end of your days ; 

L ive unto him, but die to sin always. 

I n heavenly place of bliss my soul doth rest, 

A mong the saints and angels I am blest ; 

M uch better here, than in the world at best. 

P raising my God is now my great employ, 

A bove such troubles as did me annoy. 

D id but my friends know what I here possess, 

D oubtless it would cause them to mourn the less ; 

Y our souls with mine e'er long shall meet in bliss. 



1659. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. William Collier, Mr. 
John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslo^v, 
Lieut. Thomas Southworth, Mr. William Bradford, and Mr. 
Thomas Hinkley, were chosen assistants to him in govern- 
ment. 

Having noted before, that in the year 1657, there arrived in 
the colony of New Plimouth, many of the pernicious sect, 
called Quakers ; the reader may take notice, that by this time. 



1659.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 185 

for some years after, New England, in divers parts of it, 
abounded with them, and they sowed their corrupt and dam- 
liable doctrines, both by word and writings, almost in every 
town of each jurisdiction, some whereof were, "that all men 
ought to attend the light within them, to be the rule of their 
lives and actions ; " and, " that the Holy Scriptures were not 
for the enlightening of man, nor a settled and permanent rule 
of life." They denied the manhood of the Lord Jesus Christ, 
and affirmed, " that, as man, he is not in heaven." They 
denied the resurrection from the dead. They affirmed, " that 
an absolute perfection in holiness or grace, is attainable in 
this life." They placed their justification upon their patience 
and suffering for their opinions, and on their righteous life and 
retired demurity, and affected singularity both in word and 
gesture. 

As to civil account, they allowed not nor practised any 
civil respect to man, though superiors, either in magistratical 
consideration, or as masters or parents, or the ancient, neither 
by word nor gesture. They deny also the use of oaths for the 
deciding of civil controversies, with other abominable opinions, 
dreams, and conceits, which some of them have expressed, 
tending to gross blasphemy and atheism. 

This efficacy of delusion became very prevalent with many, 
so as the number of them increased, to the great endangering 
of the subversion of the whole, both of church and common- 
wealth, notwithstanding the endeavors of those in authority to 
suppress the same, had not the Lord declared against them, 
by blasting their enterprises and contrivements, so as they 
have withered away in a great measure ; sundry of their 
teachers and leaders, which have caused them to err, are de- 
parted the country, and we trust the Lord will make the folly 
of the remainder manifest to all men more and more. EiTor 
is not long-lived ; the day will declare it. Let our deliverance 
from so eminent a danger be received amongst the principal 
of the Lord's gracious providences, and merciful loving-kind- 
nesses towards New England ; for the which let present and 
future generations celebrate his praises. 

This year that learned and godly servant of Cxod, Mi-. John 

16* 



186 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1660. 

Dunster, fell asleep in the Lord. He was some time president 
of Harvard College, at Cambridge, in New England, in which 
he approved himself to the satisfaction of such as were in 
those affairs concerned. Afterwards he came into the jm-is- 
diction of New Plimouth, and lived awhile in the town of 
Scituate, and was useful in helping to oppose the abominable 
opinions of the Quakers, forementioned, and in defending the 
truth against them. He deceasing in the said town of Scit- 
uate, his body was embalmed, and removed unto Cambridge, 
aforesaid, and there honorably buried.* 



1660. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. William Collier, Mr. John 
Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslow, Capt. 
Thomas Southworth, Capt. William Bradford, and Mr. Thom- 
as Hinklcy, were chosen assistants to him in government. 

This year James Pierce, a young man that belonged to 
Boston, coming on fishing, and upon occasion puttjng into 
Plimouth harbor, it pleased God that a storm of thimder and 



* President Dunster was celebrated, particularly, for liis accurate knowl- 
edge of the Hebrew language. The New England version of the Psalms, 
on which the Rev. JNIr. Weld and Eliot, of Roxbury, and the Rev. ]\Ir. Mather, 
of Dorchester, had jointly labored, was revised and refined by President Dun- 
ster. Dr. C. Mather, though he could not commend the poetry of this per- 
formance, observes, that he had never seen a translation " nearer the Hebrew 
Original." In New England's First-Fruits, published in London, 1G43, Pres- 
ident Dunstcr's official character and mode of instruction, are mentioned with 
approbation. Until the monument, which Mr. Alden suggests is contem- 
plated, shall be erected, we must be content with the Epitai)h, which we find 
in the Magnalia, originally composed for Henry Rentz, and applied by Dr. 
]\Iather to President Dunster. 

" Prffico, Pater, Scrvus ; sonui, fovui, coluiq : 
Sacra, Scholam, Christum ; voce, rigore, fide. 
Eamam, Animani, Corpus; dispergit, reercat, abdit; 
Virtus, Christus, Humus ; hiude, salute, sinu." 

MagnaL ill. 99-101. Ilist. Coll. i. 143. 



1662.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 187 

lightning arose, and by a blow thereof he was slain of a sud- 
den, being much scorched and burnt thereby, although his 
clothes were made fast and close about him ; so strange was 
this great work to the wonderment of all that beheld it. 



1661. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. William Collier, Mr. John 
Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslow, Capt. 
Thomas Southworth, Capt. William Bradford, and Mr. 
Thomas Hinkley, were chosen assistants to him in govern- 
ment. 

1662. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. William Collier, IVIr. John 
Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslow, Capt. 
Thomas Southworth, Capt. William Bradford, and ]\Ir. 
Thomas Hinkley, were chosen assistants to him in govern- 
ment. 

This year, upon occasion of some suspicion of some plot 
intended by the Indians against the English, Philip the sa- 
chem of Pocanaket, otherwise called Metacom, made his ap- 
pearance at the court held at Plimouth, August 6, did ear- 
nestly desire the continuance of that amity and friendship 
that hath formerly been between the governor of Plimouth 
and his deceased father and brother ; and to that end the said 
Philip doth for himself and his successors desire, that they 
might for ever remain subject to the king of England, his 
heirs and successors ; and doth faithfully promise and engage, 
that he and his, will truly and exactly observe and keep in- 
violable, such conditions as formerly have been by his pred- 
ecessors made ; and particularly that he will not at any time, 
needlessly or unjustly, provoke or raise war with any of the 
natives ; nor at any time give, sell, or anyway dispose of any 



188 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1662. 

lands (to him or them appertaining) to any strangers, or to any 
without our privity or appointment, but will in all things 
endeavor to carry peaceably and inoffensively towards the 
English. 

And the said court did also express their willingness to con- 
tinue with him and his, the abovesaid friendship, and do on 
their part promise, that they will afford them such friendly as- 
sistance, by advice and otherwise, as they justly may ; and 
we will require our English at all times to carry friendly 
towards them. In witness whereof, the said Philip the sachem 
hath set to his hand, as also his uncle, and witnessed unto by 
sundry other of his chief men. 

Witness, John Sausamen, The mark Pn of Philip, 

The mark fej of Francis alias Metacom.* 

the sachem of Nauset. 



* Metacom was the Indian name of Philip, the -warrior. He had an elder 
brother, whose name was Wamsutta. Soon after the death of their father, 
(1656,) they desired the English to give them new names, which they did. 
Wamsutta, who inherited the sachemdom, was called Alexander, and Meta- 
com, Philip. Alexander reigned but a short time, his death having been 
hastened by the suspicions of treachery which he knew the English enter- 
tained of him. The circumstances of his death were peculiar, and may be 
found in Mather's Relation, p. 70, 71. It seems by the text that Philip, on 
the death of his brother, repaired to the English, desiring the continuance of 
the friendship and league, which had existed between the Pilgrims and Mas- 
sasoit, his father, and Alexander, after his father's death. It has been sup- 
posed that he did this the more effectually to conceal the hostile designs 
■which he, even then, began to cherish against the English, excited, as some 
think, by the treatment which his brother had received from them. But this 
•was in 1662, and the war broke out in 1675, — an interval of too much 
length to support the opinion. 

Sassamon, the witness, was called Philip's secretarj', — that is, wrote his 
letters, having been educated among the English in Massachusetts. He con- 
tinued with him till the year before the war, when he left him, and, as it is 
said, made known Philip's designs against the English ; in consequence of 
•which (the historians relate), Philip caused him to be seized and slain. He 
was found concealed under the ice in Assowamsett pond. The murderers were 
apprehended and tried, " de meditate Ungiue" as foreigners were tried at the 
common law, one half of the jurymen being Indians ; and they wei-e found 



1662.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 189 

This year, on the 26th of January, at the shutting in of the 
evening, there was a very great earthquake, in New England, 
and the same night another, although something less than the 
former. 

And again on the 28th of the same month there was 
another about nine of the clock in the morning.* 



guilty and executed. As one of the culprits was a counsellor of Philip, his 
punishment exasperated him to hasten on the contemplated war with the 
English. A sore war it proved to them and to his own people ; to him and 
his people, indeed, total overthrow. 

* In some countries eai'thquakes are very terrific and disastrous, and there 
have always been fears and agitations among the people when slight shocks 
have been felt in New England. Although twenty or more of them have 
been noticed, not more than four or five have been severe enough to excite 
much attention — those of 1638, 1658, 1663, 1727, and 1755. Of that In 
1727, the Hon. Paul Dudley gave an account to the Eoyal Society, which 
was published in their Transactions, and much information respecting it 
may be obtained from the sermons on the subject, preached by several New 
England ministers. The last great earthquake in New England, that of 
November 18, 1755, was fully described, with the addition of valuable 
philosophical comments, by Professor Winthrop, in his Lecture at Harvard 
College, which was published, with the addition of copious notes, and an 
Appendix. The latter had reference to a theory of earthquakes, suggested 
by the Kev. Mr. Prince, which Dr. Winthrop considered altogether unten- 
able ; and to some strictures, made by Mr. Prince, on the Professor's manner 
of treating the subject, in his lecture. Dr. Williams' Observations and Con- 
jectures on the Earthquakes of New England, published in the first volume 
of the Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, present a 
valuable collection of facts, diligently collected by the writer from various 
sources, with ingenious disquisitions, and judicious reflections on this obscure, 
but interesting subject. It is also said that a large portion of the sJiaJces 
which have been thought earth quakes are mere aerial explosions or concus- 
sions, and are more properly air quakes. 

As to the author's theory on these phenomena, we shall not undertake to 
give judgment upon it. Shakspeare has probably given the philosophy of his 
times upon them : — 

"Diseased natur(^oftentimes breaks forth 
In strange eruptions ; oft the teeming earth 
Is with a kind of cholic pinched and vexed, 
By the imprisoning of unruly winds 
Within her womb ; which for enlargement striving. 



190 KEW EXGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1662. 

Forasmuch as I have had special occasion several times in 
this history to mention divers earthquakes that have been in 
New England, they being great and terrible works of God, 
and are usually ominous to some strokes and visitations of 
his hand unto places and people where they are ; and some- 
times the Lord in the very acting of his power in them, hath 
declared his severity to the children of men, to their great 
overthrow and confusion ; I thought it necessary, before I 
pass on, a Httle to point at some few particulars, to work and 
induce us to a profitable remembrance of them ; it being very 
considerable that is said by a useful author, in taldng notice 
of the wisdom of God, in preparing the earth to be a fit 
habitation for man to dwell in, addeth withal, that as if man 
were not always worthy to tread upon so solid a foundation, 
we see it ofttimes quake and shake, and rock and rend itself, 
as if it showed that he which made it, tlu'eatened by this 



Shakes the old beldame earth, and topples down 
Steeples and moss-grown towers." 

So also says a more ancient philosopher than Shakspeare : — 

" Ventos in causa esse non dubium reor." 

The modern philosophers have been fertile in their theories ; some con 
sider the shock as produced by central fires, some by subterraneous waters 
breaking into the hollow places in the earth ; some by the fortuitous con- 
currence of discordant mineral substances ; some by electrical actions in 
the bowels of the earth; some think the shock is produced by a combination 
of these and such like causes. Probably a more satisfactory view of the sub- 
ject may be attained by the advance of geological science. Gibbon thinks 
there is no science which can fathom the cause, and exhorts the philosophers 
to the exercise of modesty, although he gives intimations in favor of some of 
the causes which have been mentioned. It is now generally considered that 
the crust of the earth has not yet been entirely cooled and settled, and that 
the earth Itself is still In a forming state, but that the violent phenomena are 
gradually diminishing. In New England, however, the agitations have not 
been violent, and It is not known that any lives have been destroyed by 
them, or that they have occasioned any material damage. The agitations 
and outbreaks of the passions of men in riots and Insun-ections, are for more 
to be feared than the throes and upheavings of " the old beldame earth." 



1662.] KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 191 

trembling the impiety of the world, and the ruin of those that- 
dwell on the earth. 

In order unto that which I have nominated in this behalf 
and more principally intend, let us take notice, that writers 
have rendered the cause of earthquakes to be, that when it 
happeneth that air and windy spirits and exhalations are 
shut up in the caverns of the earth, or have such passage as 
is too narrow for them, they then striving to break their 
prisons, shake the earth, and make it tremble. They speak 
likewise of the several kinds of them : As, 

First, When the whole force of the wind driveth to one 
place, there being no contrary motion to let or hinder it ; many 
hills and buildings have been rushed down by this kind of 
earthquake, especially when the wind causing it was strong ; 
for if it be a feeble wind, it only looseneth or unfasteneth 
foundations, if less feeble, then, without further harm, the 
earth only shakes, lilve one sick of an ague. 

Secondly, The second is a swelling of the earth ; the which, 
when the wnnd is broken out of .its prison, the earth returns 
to its place again. 

Thirdly, A thu'd kind is, a gaping, rending or cleaving of 
the earth one part from another, so that sometimes whole 
towns, cities, rocks, hills, rivers, and some parts of the sea 
have been swallowed up, and never seen more. 

Fourthly, A fourth Idnd is, shaking, that causeth sinking, 
and is far different from the former ; for now the earth split- 
teth not, but sinketh ; this being in such places, where, though 
the surface of the ground be solid, yet it hath but a salt 
foundation, which being moistened by water driven through 
it by the force of the shaking exhalation, is turned into water 
also.* 

Fifthly, A fifth kind of earthquake is contrary to the for- 
mer ; for, as before the ground sinks down, so now it is cast 
up, like as in the second kind already mentioned, only this is 
the difference, that now it returneth not to its place again, 



* Thus was the Atlantlck Ocean caused to be a sea, as Plato afSrmeth, 
•wlio lived three hundred and sixty-six years before Christ was born. — M. 



192 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1662. 

but remains a gi-eat mountain. And note, that if such a 
rising be in the sea, it not only causeth overflowings, but pro- 
duceth likewise many islands such as were never seen before. 

These particulars are ti'eated of at large by approved 
authors, and here only hinted, to the intent that we may take 
notice of the special providence of God to New England in 
this behalf, that we have not as yet felt the misery of the 
worst of the kinds of earthquakes forenamed, nor swallowed 
up in them, but those who have been sensible of have been 
rather gentle warnings unto us, to shake us out of our earthly- 
mindedness, spiritual security, and other sins, lest the Lord 
do come against us with judgments of this kind, in the sorest 
and worst sort of them, or otherwise by removing the present 
blessing of godly government from us. 

Notwithstanding that which hath been said, the efficient 
cause is supernatural, as either principally God, or instru- 
mentally the angels, although naturally the wind shut up 
within the pores and bowels of the earth, as is before noted. 

If the effects of them usually are such, as by them is some- 
times a discovery of the channels of water and foundations 
of the world, the removing of mountains from one place to 
another, the cleaving of rocks and opening of graves and 
gates, yea, the throwing down of many famous buildings and 
cities, and some swallowed up, and many thousands of people 
destroyed thereby ; the turning of plain land into mountains ; 
the throwing down of mountains and raising up of islands 
in the sea, the breaking out of rivers where there were none 
before ; the discovery of burning mountains where there were 
none seen before. Famines and pestilences, of which par- 
ticulars divers instances might be produced out of the Sacred 
Scriptures, and several other authors. Exod. xix. 18 ; Psal. 
xxix. 6 : civ. 32 ; Matt, xxviii. 2 ; Psal. xviii. 15 ; Zech. xiv. 
4 ; Rev. vi. 12, 14 ; Matt, xxvii. 51 ; Acts. xvi. 26. Ought we 
not then to fear and tremble before so great a God, who, (as 
one saith,) by his handmaid nature doth so terribly shake the 
earth, as no land can be sure, no place so strong that can 
defend us ? Nay, the more strong, the more dangerous ; for 
the higher, the greater the fall. Let us therefore say with the 



1663.1 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 193 

wise man, Eccl. iii. 14, I know that whatsoever God cloth, 
shall stand forever ; nothing can be put to it, nor any thing 
taken from it, and God doth it, that men should fear before 
him. 

This year Mr. John Brown ended this life ; in his younger 
years travelling into the low countries, he came acquainted 
with, and took good liking to, the reverend pastor of the 
church of Christ at Leyden, as also to sundry of the brethren 
of that church ; which ancient amity induced him (upon his 
coming over to New England) to seat himself in the jurisdic- 
tion of New Plimouth, in which he was chosen a magistrate ; 
in which place he served God and the country several years ; 
he was well accomplished with abilities to both civil and 
religious concernments, and attained, through God's grace, 
unto a comfortable persuasion of the love and favor of God 
to him ; he falling sick of a fever, v/ith much serenity and 
spiritual comfort fell asleep in the Lord, and was honorably 
buried at Wannamoiset near Rehoboth, in the spring of the 
year abovesaid.* 

. 1663. 

This year ]Mi-. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. William Collier, Mr. 
John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslow, 
Lieut. Thomas Southworth, Capt. William Bradford, Mr. 
Thomas Hinkley, were chosen his assistants in government. 

This year Mr. Samuel Newman, teacher of the church of 
Christ at Rehoboth, changed this life for a better. He was 
sometimes preacher of God's word at Weymouth, in the 
jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, and from thence removed 
to Rehoboth, where he continued in the work of the ministry 
until the end of his days. He was a lively dispenser of the 
word of God, and of a pious life, very hospitable, and at the 



* i\Ir. Brown lived in Keliobotli. He was a shijowriglit, and several of tlie 
sons of Samuel Eddy were apprenticed to him as early as 1645, 16-47; the 
indentures are recorded in the Old Colony records. He was also one of the 
commissioners of the colony, from 1644 to 1655. 

17 



194 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [1663. 

close of his life very full of joy and comfort; and with cheer- 
fulness of spirit resigned himself up to the Lord, and his 
spirit into the arms of his blessed Redeemer, desiring that the 
holy angels might do their office in transporting his soul into 
everlasting bliss and happiness. He fell asleep in the Lord 
on the fifth of July, 1663. 

This year also it pleased God to put a speedy period to the 
life of Mr. John Norton, who was a burning and a shining 
light ; and although the church of Boston, in a more special 
manner, felt the smart of this sudden blow, yet it reflected 
upon the whole land. He was singularly endowed with the 
tongue of the learned, enabled to speak a word in due season, 
not only to the wearied soul, but also a word of counsel to a 
people in necessity thereof, being not only a wise steward of 
the things of Jesus Christ, but also a wise statesman ; so that 
the whole land sustained a great loss of him. At his first 
coming over into New England, he arrived at Plimouth, 
where he abode the best part of one winter, and preached the 
gospel of the kingdom unto them ; and ever after, to his dying 
day,' retained a good affection unto them. From thence he 
went to Boston, and from thence to tpswich, in New England, 
where he was chosen the teacher of their church ; and after 
the death of worthy Mr. Cotton, he was solicited, and at length 
obtained, to return to Boston, and there served in that office 
until his death. He was chosen by the jurisdiction of the 
Massachusetts, together with the much honored Mr. Simon 
Bradstreet, to go over into England, as agents in the behalf 
of that jurisdiction, unto his Majesty and the Privy Council, 
upon business of greatest trust and concernment ; and soon 
after his return, it pleased God, suddenly and unexpectedly, 
to take him away by death, on the fifth day of April, 1663. 
His body was honorably buried at Boston.* On whose much 
lamented death, take this following elegy. 



* Mr. Norton was bom in 160G. lie arrived at Plymoutli in October, 
1635. He was an eminent scholar. Dr. Elliot quotes Mr. Fuller's approba- 
tion of his Latin letter to Appollonius, in answer to his question relative to 
church government. He was the author also of a Latin letter to Mr. Dury, 



^^ 



1663.] XEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 195 



An elerjjj on the death of that eminent minister of the gospel, Ilr. John Norton, 
the reverend teacher of the church of Christ at Boston, who exchanged this 
life for a better, April 5, 16C3. 

Ask not tlie reason wTiy tears are our meat, 
And none but mourners seen in ev'ry street ? 
Our crown, alas, is fallen from our head ; 
We find it oif : woe to us, Notion's dead. 
Our breach is like the sea, no healing's known: 
To comfort Siou's daughter is there none ? 
W)h. teach jour daughters wailing every one, 
Their neighbors' deepest lamentation. 
Oh that mine eyes a fountain were of tears ! 
I'd day and night in mourning spend my years. 
]\£y father ! father ! Israel's chariot thou. 
And horsemen wert ! Sons of the prophets now. 
Weep since your master from your head is taken : 
This father of the muses hath forsaken 
His study here, not liking our dark room, 
Doth choose those mansions in his Father's home. 
The schoolmen's doctors, whomsoe'er they call 
Subtile, seraphic, or angelical : 
Dull souls ! their tapers burnt exceeding dim ; 
They might to school again to learn of him. 
Lombard must out of date : we now profess 
Norton the master of the sentences. 
Scotus a dunce to him : should we compare 
Aquinus here, none to be named are. 
Of a more heavenly strain his notions were, 
More pure, sublime, scholastical, and clear ; 
More like the apostles Paul and John, I wist, 
Was this our orthodox evangelist. 
And though an exile from his native land. 
As John in Patmos was ; yet here the hand 
Of Christ leads forth, more clearly to espy 
The New Jerusalem in her bravery. 
Who more acute in judgment was than he ? 
More famous too for heavenly policy ? 



who was exerting himself for a pacification of all the reformed churches, 
which has been much celebrated. It was signed by more than forty New 
Enirland ministers. 



196 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1663. 

He was a wise and faithful counsellor, 

One of a thousand, an interpreter. 

Mighty in word and prayer, who could have 

Whate'er almost from heaven he did crave : 

On him, with things without (which I'll not name) 

The care of all the churches daily came. 

He car'd thus naturally : Oh hear that rod, 

Which us bereaved of such a man of God ! 

Zealous for order, very critical 

For what was truly congregational. 

A pillar of our church and state was he, 

But now no more, no more his face we see ! 

Who thought more fit of all his tribe to stand % 

Before our king, for favor for our land, 

Lately ? but now translated Is to rest, ■ 

This agent of New England's interest. 

When last he preach'd, he us the pattern gave 

Of all that worship Christ In's church would have ; 

God then him up Into the mount did call, 

To have the vision beatifical. 

As Thomas to the twelve said. Come let's go 

And die with him ; I'd almost said so too : 

I'll yet a while in tears sow, that I may, 

With him. In joyful reaplngs live for aye. 

A tomb now holds his soul's beloved shrine, 

Of th' Holy Ghost, a temple most divine. 

And Avell New England's heart may rent at this ! 

Wonder not reader, I so greatly miss 

Fit words, his worth, our loss and grief to fame, 

When as no epitaph can declare the same. 

T. S.* 



Not long after, namely, in the month of July, followed the 
death of that eminent servant of God, Mr. Samuel Stone, 
who was another star of the first magnitude in the firmament 
of New England. He was a learned, solid, and judicious 
divine, equally able for the confirmation of the truth, and con- 
futation of errors. His ministry was with much conviction 
and demonstration, and when he set himself to application. 



* ]\Ir. Tliomas Shepard, the eldest son of the Eev. Thomas Shepard of 
Cambridge, and was minister of Charlestown. 



1663.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 197 

very powerful. He was teacher to the church of Hartford 
fourteen years, together with Mr. Hooker, and sixteen years 
after him, thirty years in all. He died on the twentieth of 
July, and was honorably buried at Hartford. 



A Threnodla upon our cliurcTies second darh eclipse, Jiappen'mg July 20, 1663, 
liy death's interposition hetween us and that great light and divine plant, Mr. 
Samuel Stone, late of Hartford, in Neio England. 

Last spring tills summer may be autumn styl'd, 
Sad withering fliU our beauties wliicli despoil'd ; 
Two clioicest plants, our Norton and our Stone, 
Your justs threw down ; remov'd, away are gone. 
One year brought Stone and Norton to their mother. 
In one year, April, July, them did smother. 
Dame Cambridge, mother to this darling son ; 
Emanuel, Northampt' that heard this one, 
Essex, our bay, Hartford, in sable clad. 
Come bear your parts in this Threnodia sad. 
In losing one, church many lost : O then 
Many for one come be sad singing men. 
May nature, grace and art be found in one 
So high, as to be found in few or none. 
In him these three with full fraught hand contested, 
With which by each he should be most invested. 
The largest of the three, it was so great 
On him, the stone was held a light compleat, 
A stone more than the Ebenezer fam'd ; 
Stone splendent diamond, right orient nam'd ; 
A cordial stone, that often cheered hearts 
With pleasant wit, with Gospel rich imparts ; 
Whetstone, that edgify'd th' obtusest mind ; 
Loadstone, that drew the ii'on heart unkind ; 
A pond'rous stone, that would the bottom sound 
Of Scripture depths, and bring out Arcan's found ; 
A stone for kingly David's use so fit, 
As would not fail Goliah's front to hit ; 
A stone, an antidote, that brake the course 
Of gangrene error, by convincing force ; 
A stone acute, fit to divide and square ; 
A squared stone became Christ's building rare. 
A Peter's living, lively stone (so reared) 
As 'live, was Hartford's life ; dead, death is fear'd. 
17* 



198 KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1664. 

In Hartford old, Stone first drew infant breatli, 
In New, effused liis last ; O there beneath 
His corps are laid, near to his darling brother,* 
Of whom dead oft he sighed. Not such another. 
Heaven is the more desirable, said he, 
For Hooker, Shepard, and Hayne's company. 



E. B.f 



1664. 



This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. William Collier, Mr. 
John Alden, Capt. Thomas Willet, Major Josias Winslow, 
Lieut. Thomas Southworth, Capt. William Bradford, and 
Mr. Thomas Hinkley, were chosen assistants to him in 
government. I 

This year a blazing star, or comet, appeared in New Eng- 
land, in the ninth, tenth, eleventh, and the beginning of the 
twelfth month. Concerning which it hath been observed, 
that such was its motion, that, in all likelihood, it was visible 
to all the inhabitants of the earth ; and that, also, in its motion, 
the blaze of it did turn to all the quarters of the world ; and 
that by its turning according to the several aspects it had to 
the sun, it was no fiery meteor caused by exhalation, but that 
it was sent immediately by God to awake the secure world.§ 

I willingly close with that which Mr. Samuel Danforth 
hath religiously observed, as to the theological application of 
this strange and notable appearance in the heavens, that 
indeed by the testimony of the Sacred Scriptures, and the 



* Mr. Hooker. — M. f Supposed to be Edward Bulklcy. 

X The line between Massachusetts and Plymouth was amicably settled this 
year, by a committee from each colony. It is the same which separated the 
old county of Suffolk from the counties of Plymouth and Bristol. — Hutch, i. 
209. 

§ The theory of comets, so interesting in the science of Astronomy, was 
now approaching to a high degree of improvement. More enlarged and 
just conceptions on this subject now prevail. The science of Astronomy has 
removed those crude and alarming apprehensions that formerly prevailed, 
and those mysterious .strangers now receive a cordial welcome. 



1664.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 199 

common histories of former ages, comets do usually precede 
and portend great calamities and notable changes. 

To add a few more instances to those the said author hath 
well observed : — 

When the Emperor Jovian attained to the empire, (suc- 
ceeding the apostate Julian, under whom the church suffered 
much persecution,) and that under him both church and com- 
monwealth were like to have had a flourishing time, had he 
not been taken away by sudden death ; then also appeared a 
comet, showing that further trouble was yet to be expected 
to the church. — [Socrates, lib. 4, cap. 22.] 

Again, other authors make mention of a strange comet, 
that was seen in the year of Christ 410, being like a two- 
edged sword, which portended many mischiefs and calami- 
ties, that happened both in the east and west, and such 
gi'eat slaughters of men were, about those days, as no age 
ever afforded the like. All Europe was in a manner undone ; 
no small part of Asia was affrighted ; and Africa also was 
not void of those evils, as war, famine, drought, and pesti- 
lence, all of them strove, as it were, to trouble the whole 
world. 

Also, in the years 1400, 1401, 1402, and 1403, comets ap- 
peared, and great calamities followed ; sundry unheard of 
diseases were felt, rivers dried up, and plagues were increased. 
Tamerlain, king of the Scythians and Parthians, with an 
innumerable host, invaded Asia, calling himself, The wrath 
of God, and the desolation of the earth. — [Read Carion, lib. 
5, page 854.] 

Also, in the year 1529, appeared four comets ; and in the 
years 1530, 1532, and 1533, were seen, in each year, one. 

Languet saith, that there were three within the space of 
two years, upon which these, and the like- calamities, followed, 
namely, a great sweating sickness in England, which took 
away great multitudes of people. The Turk in the quarrel 
of John Vuavoida, who laid claim to the crown of Hungaria, 
entered the said kingdom with two hundred and fifty thou- 
sand fighting soldiers, committing, against the inhabitants 



200 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1664. 

thereof, most harsh and unspeakable murders, rapes, villanies, 
and cruelties. 

Great famine and death in Venice, and the countries there- 
abouts, which swept away many ; the sweating sickness in 
Brabant, and in a great part of Germany. 

Great wars likewise about the Dukedom of Millain, between 
the Emperor Charles the Fifth, and Francis, the French King. 

About that time, also, all Lusitania, or Portugal, was struck 
with an earthquake, insomuch that at Ulisippo, or Lisbon, 
above a thousand houses were thrown down, and sixty more 
so shaken that they were ready to fall; with many other 
evils that befel those parts about that time. 

And to observe what hath fallen out since this last comet 
appeared, will not be unuseful, either in Europe or America. 

In Europe, the great contest between our own nation and 
the Dutch, which hath threatened bloody war ; and what will 
be in the conclusion is known only to God. Besides other 
contests between the Dutch and some other of their neigh- 
bors ; as also the pestilence, very hot both in England and 
Holland. 

In America, the late and sad blow that our countrymen, 
at the Isle of Christopher's, received from the French.* And 
as to ourselves in New England, although, through the 
mercy of our good God, there is no breaking in, nor going 
out into captivity, nor complaining in our streets ; yet we 
have been threatened with invasion by foreign force, and 
sometimes in expectation thereof; as also we are not to slight 
the hand of God in his late sore strokes in taking away so 
many by thunder and lightning, to the great amazement and 
terror of many. As also, God's continued strokes in drought, 
blasting, and mildew, with which much of the fruits of the 

* This passage has reference to the expulsion of the English from the 
island of St. Christopher's by the French. "About two hundred and fiftj- of 
the inhabitants (of that isLand) which had been taken by tlie French, arriv- 
ing in tlie spring of IGGG, and more being daily expected, provision was made 
by the court for the relief and support of such as were necessitous." — Hutch. 
i. 236. 



1664.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 201 

earth have been destroyed. All which, considered, ought to 
induce us to search and try our ways, and to enter into a 
strict and serious examination of our hearts and lives, and 
having found out what those sins are that are most provoking 
to the Majesty of Heaven, we may reform them, whether in 
church, in state, in family, or in persons ; that so he may not 
stir up all his wrath, but yet may delight over us to do us 
good, from the beginning of the year to the end thereof. 

This year it pleased God to smite the fruits of the earth, 
namely, the wheat, in special, with blasting and mildew, 
whereby much of it was utterly spoiled, and became profitable 
for nothing, and much of it worth little, being light and 
empty. This was looked at, by the judicious and conscien- 
tious of the land, as a speaking providence against the un- 
thankfulness of many for so great a mercy, and their murmur- 
ing, expressed in their words, by slighting and undervaluing 
terms of it ; as also against voluptuousness, and abuse of the 
good creatures of God, by licentiousness in drinking, and 
fashions in apparel ; for the obtaining whereof, a great part 
of this principal grain was oftentimes unnecessarily expended. 
This so sad a dispensation, with other particulars, occasioned 
the oUservation of some days in a way of humiliation before 
the Lord, somewhat more frequently than ordinary. Let it 
also be observed, that yet in judgment he remembered mercy, 
by affording a plentiful harvest of other sorts of grain, so as 
the country suffered not in respect of the want of bread this 
year, but had plenty thereof. 

This year also, his Majesty's commissioners, namely. Col. 
Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, knight, George Cartwright, 
Esq., and Samuel Maverick, Esq., arrived at Boston, in New 
England, in the month of July ; the tenor of whose commis- 
sion was, in special, to reduce the Dutch at the Manhato's,to 
his Majesty's obedience ; which, in some short time, was 
accomplished; and the place and jurisdiction thereof, sur- 
rendered up unto his Majesty's said commissioners, who styled 
it by the name of New York, and placed a government over 
it of his Majesty's subjects, the aforesaid Colonel Richard 
Nichols being governor in chief there. And whereas they 



202 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1664. 

were likewise commissioned to hear and determine such dif- 
ferences as might be amongst the colonies, in respect mito 
the bounds of their jurisdictions; some such differences were 
by them heard, and in special betwixt Plimouth and Rhode 
Island, and suofc settlement therein concluded as they were 
capacitated unto. As also sundry propositions were by them 
made to several of the respective jurisdictions, which, together 
with the agitations concerning them, and the answers unto 
them, are elsewhere extant.* They likewise presented the 
honored governor of the jurisdiction of Plimouth, as to the 
colony, with a gracious letter from his Majesty, the contents 
whereof are as foUoweth : — 



To our trusty and wdl-beloved, our Governor and Council of New Plimouth, 

greeting : — 

Charles Hex, 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. We need not 
enlarge upon our care of, and affection to that our plantation 
of New Plimouth, when we give you such a testimony and 
manifestation of it, in the sending of those gentlemen, per- 
sons well known unto us, and deserving from us, our -trusty 



* These commissioners were empowered " to visit the several colonies of 
New England, to hear and determine complaints and appeals, in matters 
civil, military, and criminal ; and to provide for the peace and security of the 
country, according to their good and sound discretion, and to such instruc- 
tions as they should receive fi-om the king." See Hazard's Coll. ii. 638. Col- 
onel NicoUs had three hundred troops under his command, with four frigates, 
for the reduction of the Dutch at Manhattan. Gov. Stuyvesant surrendered 
the fort and town of New Amsterdam, on the 27th of August. The place 
then received the name of New York, in honor of the Duke of York. On 
thc«2-tth of September, Fort Orange capitulated, and was afterwards called 
Albany. Tliomas Clark and John Pynclion, from Massachusetts, attended 
the commissioners by appointment from the general court. They were also 
joined by Gov. WInthrop, and several of the magistrates and jirincipal gen- 
tlemen of Connecticut. From Plymouth colony they were attended by 
Thomas "\Villet, who appears by letters now existing, to have greatly recom- 
mended himself to the commissioners by his activity and intelligence. Mr. 
Willet was the fii'st mayor of New York, after the conquest. 



1664.] NEW ENGLxS^ND'S MEMORIAL. 203 

and well-beloved Col. Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, 
knight, George Cartwright, Esq., and Samuel Maverick, Esq., 
our commissioners to visit you, and other our plantations in 
those parts of New England, and to give us a full and par- 
ticular information and account of your present state and 
condition, and how the same may be advanced and improved 
by any further acts of grace and favor from us toward you ; 
and that both you and all the world may know and take 
notice, that we take you into our immediate protection, and 
will no more suffer you to be oppressed or injured by any 
foreign power, or ill neighbors, than we would suffer our 
other subjects that live upon the same continent with us, to 
be so injured and oppressed. And as our care and protec- 
tion will, we doubt not, be sufficient, with God's blessing, to 
defend you from foreign force ; so our care and circumspec- 
tion is, no less, that you may live in peace amongst your- 
selves, and with those our other subjects who have planted 
themselves in your neighbor colonies, with that justice, af- 
fection, and brotherly love, which becomes subjects born 
under the same prince, and in the same country, and of the 
same faith and hope in the mercies of our Lord and Saviour 
Jesus Christ. And to the end there may be no contentions 
and differences between you, in respect of the bounds and 
jurisdiction of your several colonies ; the hearing and deter- 
mining whereof we have referred to our commissioners, as 
the right appears by clear evidence and testimony before 
them, or that they can settle it by your mutual consent and 
agreement; otherwise, in cases of difficulty, they shall present 
the same to us, who will determine according to our own 
wisdom and justice. The address you formerly made to 
us, gave us so good satisfaction of your duty, loyalty, and 
affection to us, that we have not the least doubt that you 
will receive those commissioners in such manner as becomes 
you, and as may manifest your respect and affection towards 
us, from whom they are sent. They will let you know the 
resolution we have to preserve all your liberties and privileges, 
both ecclesiastical and civil, without the least violation ; 
which we presume will dispose you to manifest, by all ways 



204 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL, [1665. 

in your power, loyalty and affection to us, that all the world 
may know that you do look upon yourselves as being as 
much our subjects, and living under the same obedience 
under us, as if you continued in your natural country. And 
so we bid you farewell. 

Given at our court, at Whitehall, April 23, 1654, in the 
sixteenth year of our reign. 

By his Majesty's special command, 

Henry Benxet.* 

After the said his Majesty's commissioners had visited 
several of the jurisdictions of New England, and were cour- 
teously entertained in every of them, the said honorable 
Colonel Richard Nicolls is settled at New York, for the^ 
present, being governor there, as is before noted. George 
Cartwright, Esq., went for England, in the latter end of the 
year, with Mr. Benjamin Gillam, and was taken by the I)|itch, 
and afterwards, with some difficulty, arrived in England. Sir 
Robert Carr is, at the present, at Delaware, and JMr. Samuel 
Maverick, at Boston.f 

1665. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was elected governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Pliipouth. Mr. William Collier, Mr. 
John Alden, Major Josias Winslow, Capt. Thomas South- 
worth, Capt. William Bradford, Mr. Thomas Hinkley, and 
Mr. James Brown, were chosen assistants to him in govern- 
ment. 



* In Hutcliinson's Collection of Papers, is a copy of the commissioners' 
narrative and report of their proceedings to the king. 

■]• The said Sir Robert Carr, since that, went for England, in the year 
1667. He arrived at Bristol, and died there June 1, the next day after he 
came ashore. About that time it -was thought, by such as were judicious, that 
through the instigation of the said Maverick, (whose spirit was full of malig- 
nity against the country,) our both civil and religious liberties were much 
endangered ; and the rather for that, probably, there Avould have been a con- 
currence of divers ill affected in the land, had not the Lord prevented. — M. 



1665.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 205 

In the spring of this year, that honorable gentleman, ]Mr. 
John Endicot, governor of the jurisdiction of the Massachu- 
setts, changed this life for a better. He was a very vktuous 
gentleman, and was greatly honored and beloved of the most, 
as he well deserved. He arrived at Salem in the year 1628, 
and had the chief command of those that, at the first, there 
seated, and bare a deep share of the difficulties of those first 
beginnings, which were great, by reason especially of the great 
sickness and mortality that was then amongst them, as hath 
been before noted. There he continued, until the jurisdiction 
of the Massachusetts saw reason to desire his removal to 
Boston, for the more convenient administration of justice, as 
governor of the said jurisdiction, to which he was frequently 
elected, for many years together, with little intermission ; and 
in which honorable service he served God and the country, 
until old age, and the infirmities thereof, coming upon him, 
he fell asleep in the Lord, and was, with great honor and 
solemnity, interred at Boston.* 

This year it pleased God to cause a sad dispensation of 
his hand to pass before us, in reference to the sudden death 
of Captain Davenport, who, in the month of July, was slain, 
as he lay on his bed, with a blow of thunder and lightning. 
He was a man of some eminency, being betrusted with the 
command of the castle in the Massachusetts ; at which said 
castle he was slain as aforesaid. The more ought this so sad 
stroke of God to be considered, and laid to heart, and im- 
proved for our humiliation, and the amendment of our lives 
before the great and terrible God, who so aloud spake unto 
us in this so sad and awing a providence. 

This year it pleased the Lord again to strike the wheat of 
this country, in a more general way, than the last year, with 
blasting and mildew, whereby the greatest part of it was 
spoiled, and the ploughman's hopes, in that respect, very much 



* Mr. Endicot died on the fifteenth of March, in the seventy-seventh year 
of his age. There is a good portrait of him in one of the apartments of the 
State House in Boston. There also may be seen the pictures of Winthrop, 
Leverett, Bradstreet, and the Rev. John Higginson. 

18 



206 NEW ENGLiVXD'S MEMOEIAL. [1666. 

frustrated. Howbeit, the Lord still mixed with this affliction 
very much mercy, in sparing the other grain, whereby the 
country was in some good measure supplied. 



1666. 

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the 
jurisdiction of New Plimouth. Mr. John Alden, Major 
Josias Winslow, Capt. Thomas Southworth, Capt. William 
Bradford, Mr. Thomas Hinkley, Mr. James Brown, and 
Lieut. John Freeman, were chosen to be his assistants in 
government. 

This year it pleased God to go on in a manifestation of his 
displeasure against New England, in a very remarkable man- 
ner, by striking dead, in a moment, by a blow of thunder, 
three persons in the town of Marshfield, in the jmisdiction 
of New Plimouth, in the month of June, namely, one named 
William Shu-tliff, and a woman and a youth ; which sad dis- 
pensation of God's hand, being considered, with some cir- 
cumstances, gave cause to the beholders to be much aston- 
ished ; the said ShirtlifF having his wife by the hand, and 
sitting by her to cheer her, in respect that the said storm was 
so fierce, he was slain, and she preserved, though in some 
measure scorched with the lightning ; yea, he had one of his 
children in his arms, and himself slain, and the child preserved. 
We have likewise received intelligence of four more, that 
about that time were slain by thunder and lightning, about 
Piscataqua, and divers more hurt. At the time of this storm 
of thunder and lightning, in the which those of Marshfield 
died, there arose likewise a very great whirlwind, that, 
where it came, it tore up trees by the roots, though through 
mercy it did little other hurt. 

It was a great while, and many years* spent, since the 
English came into these parts, before any very considerate 
hurt was done by thunder and lightning, to either man, or 
beast, appertaining to them, although, sometimes, very fierce 
storms of that kind, as frequently as in these times. But 



i 



1666.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 207 

now, how doth the Loi'd go on gradually, in this, as in other 
judgments, here in New England; first, by striking cattle, and 
then one person at a time, and this year divers, to the number 
of seven, besides some cattle also. 

Thus God thundereth marvellously with his voice, he 
worketh great things which we know not. [Job xxxvii. 5, 
and xxxviii. 35, and xl. 8.] He can send the lightnings that 
they may walk, and say, Lo here we are. Hath any an arm 
like God ? Or can any thunder with a voice like him ? By 
this his terrible voice he breaketh the cedars, and divideth the 
flames of fire, [Psalm xxix. 5, 7,] which he commission ates 
to do his pleasure, sometimes not only striking cedars, but 
great oaks, in a wonderful manner, sometimes beasts, some- 
times men and women. If God's judgments have thus been 
abroad in the earth, how ought the inhabitants of New Eng- 
land to learn righteousness ? [Isa. xxvi. 9.] How easily can 
the Lord stain the pride of our glory with a stroke of his 
hand ? Let not the familiarness or frequency of such provi- 
dences, cause them to be neglected by us, to improve them 
as God would have us, to fear before him, [Eccles. viii. 13,] 
and to turn from such iniquities, especially, as are most dis-* 
pleasing unto him, and to hold our lives in our hands, 
and to be in a readiness for his pleasure, lest knowing not 
our time, as the fishes that are taken in an evil net, and as 
the birds that are caught in the snare, [Eccles. ix. 12,] so 
we shall be snared in an evil time, when it falleth suddenly 
upon us. 

This year the Lord threatened the country with that infec- 
tious and contagious disease, the smallpox, which began at 
Boston, whereof some few died ; but through his great mercy 
it is stayed, and none of late have died thereof. 

This year the Lord likewise threatened, and, in some 
measure, executed his displeasure upon the country by 
drought ; but, through his mercy, hath, of late, sent plenty of 
rain, for the recovering of the fruits of the earth. Although 
it is to be observed, that soon after a day of humiliation 
w^as observed, by some congregations, for the blessing of rain, 
in the drought above mentioned, that sad stroke by the 



208 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1666. 

thunder and lightning, at Marshfield,. fell out; so that we 
may say with the Psalmist unto the Lord, By terrible things 
in righteousness thou hast answered us, O God of om* salva- 
tion. 

Also this year there hath been some ground of fear of in- 
vasion by foreign enemies ; but hitherto the Lord hath kept 
us. 

This year much of the wheat is destroyed with blasting 
and mildew, as also some other grain, by worms, and the 
drought aforementioned ; but the Lord hath sent much rain 
for the recovery of the remainder, through his great mercy.* 

This year, about the middle of July, Mr. Thomas Prince, 
governor of the jurisdiction of Plimouth, Capt. Thomas 
Southworth, Mr. John Eliot, sen., Mr. John Eliot, jun., Mr. 
Samuel Arnold, Mr. John Holmes, Mr. William Brimsmead, 
and Mr. Thomas Cushman, gave meeting to IVIr. Richard 
Bourn, of Sandwich, in reference to the taking notice of 
what proficiency the Indians, under the instruction of the said 
Mr. Bourn, have attained unto, in the knowledge of God in 
Christ, and their interest in him by faith ; and to make such 
•professions or confessions as they should openly make thereof, 
to the glory of God, and the satisfaction of the samts, in 
order unto their joining into church fellowship. 

And the Lord was pleased to come in unto some of them, 
so as they gave good satisfaction unto the said honored and 
judicious persons forenamed, then assembled, in reference to 
the premises ; so that it was concluded by them, that what 
had passed from the Indians, in that behalf, should be drawn 
up in writing, and copies thereof exhibited to the churches of 
the jurisdiction of Plimouth, such of them as are neighboring 
near unto them, and if nothing should be then objected, that 
then, in due and convenient time, they should be permitted 
and encouraged to enter into church fellowship, as aforesaid. 

Now, although I doubt not but the passages of these things 



* This is the tliird year in succession, marked by the blastinnj of the growth 
of wheat, a calamity -which is first noticed, in the Memorial, in 16G4. The 
people were discouraged from sowing wheat. 



1667.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 209 

will be, in due time, published by a better pen ; yet I have 
made bold here to insert so much as I have been informed of 
them, in regard that they are the first-fruits of the jurisdic- 
tion of New Plimouth, that have come on to so good perfec- 
tion in this kind. 

This year, in the month of December, it pleased God to 
take unto himself, by death, that worthy servant of Christ, 
Mr. William Thompson, who was a lively dispenser of the 
word of God, and very affectionate in the delivery thereof. 
It pleased God to bless his labors to the conversion of many 
souls. He was sometime, together with Mr. Knowles, sent 
unto Virginia, by the elders of the churches of the Massa- 
chusetts, being requested by a message, sent by some in 
Virginia, for some help in preaching God's word amongst 
them. The fruit and benefit of whose labors therein still 
remaineth upon the souls of some eminent in this land. He 
was elected and ordained to be pastor of the church of Christ 
at Braintree, in New England; in which office he served 
Christ many years, until old age coming upon him, and the 
prevailing of his melancholy distemper, did in a manner 
wholly disable him from that service ; and Satan taking ad- 
vantage thereby, he was under sad desertions and trouble of 
spirit. At which time the reverend elders and others of the 
aforesaid jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, were very officious 
for his recovery, and, in sense of his sad condition, offered up 
many prayers to God for him, and, in God's good time, they 
received a gracious answer ; so as, in his weakness and sick- 
ness, it pleased God to come in unto his soul, and to remove 
the cloud of darkness that was upon his spirit, so that with 
much peace and comfort he fell asleep in the Lord, and was 
honorably buried at Braintree. " Mark the upright man, and 
behold the just ; for the end of that man is peace." 

# 1667. 

Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor of the jurisdic- 
tion of New Plimouth. Mr. John Alden, Major Josias Wins- 
low, Capt. Thomas Southworth, Capt. Wilfiam Bradford, Mr. 

18* 



210 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1667 

Thomas Hinkley, JVIi-. John Freeman, and Mr. Nathaniel 
Bacon, were chosen assistants to him in government. 

This year, on the last day of November, being the last day 
of the next week, there was heard several loud noises, or 
reports, as if it had been guns discharged in the air, first one, 
distinctly, and in a short time, as it had been a volley of shot 
discharged. It was especially heard and observed at Nan- 
tasket, and related by sundry of them of good credit. 

In the spring following, in the beginning of March, there 
appeared a sign in the heavens, in the form of a spear, some- 
thing thicker in the midst than at either end, of a whitish, 
bright color ; it was seen, several nights together, in the west, 
about an hour within the night ; it stood stooping, and the 
one end pointing to the setting of the sun, and so settled 
downward, by little and little, until it quite vanished, and 
descended beneath om' horizon. God awaken us that we be 
not heedless spectators of his wonderful works.* 

This year, the seventh of August, it pleased the Lord to 
call home to himself, the reverend, ancient, and godly pastor 
of the church at Boston, Mr. John Wilson. He was a truly 
reverend and holy man of God. He came to New England 
in the year 1630. He was instrumental in the first begin- 
nings of the church of Boston, having been the pastor of it 
three years before Mr. Cotton, twenty years with him ; ten 
years with Mr. Norton, and four years after him ; thirty-seven 
in all. And in all the changes of time that passed over him, 
he was full of faith and prayer, and eminent for sincerity 
and humility, being ever low in his own eyes, and for the 
grace of love, he had largeness of heart as the sand of the 
sea, to do good to all. He was very charitable where was 
any signs and hopes of good ; and yet, withal, very zealous 
against known and manifest evils. He was orthodox in his 



* This appearance is supposed to have been the zodiacal light, though 
some thought it the tail of a comet ■which was below the horizon. It Avas seen 
in several other places. All such unusual appearances were supposed to fore- 
bode evil. No doubt imagination assisted in giving it the spear-pointing 
form. 



1667.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. 211 

judgment, and very holy in his conversation. Very few that 
ever went out of the world so generally beloved and reverenced 
as this good man. He was a good man indeed, and full of 
the Holy Ghost. He lived to a good old age, and was full 
of days, and full of honor, being in the seventy-ninth year of 
his age, when the Lord took him to himself. He was interred 
with much honor and lamentation. 

In the time of his languishing sickness, he was visited by 
the elders round about, especially on the sixteenth of May, 
the day after the court of election, when there being a general 
meeting of all the elders of the churches, at his house, they 
requested Mr. Wilson (because they knew not whether ever 
they should have the like opportunity to hear him speak 
again, and having been, from the first, a pillar amongst them, 
and of much experience in his observation of the state of 
things) that he would solemnly declare unto them, what he 
conceived to be those sins amongst us, which provoked the 
displeasure of God against the country. He then told them, 
that he had, divers times, and long feared these sins following, 
as chief, among others, which God was greatly provoked 
with, namely. Separation, Anabaptism, and Korahism. 

This latter he did explain thus, namely, when people rise 
up as Korah, against their ministers or elders, as if they took 
too much upon them, when, indeed, they do but rule for 
Christ, and according to Christ ; yet, saith he, it is nothing 
for a brother to stand up, and oppose, without Scripture or 
reason, the doctrine and word of the elder, saying, I am not 
satisfied, etc., and hence, if he do not like the administration, 
be it baptism, or the like, he will then turn his back upon 
God and his ordinances, and go away, etc. And, saith he, 
for our neglect of baptizing the children of the church, those 
that some call grandchildren, I think God is provoked by it. 

Another sin I take to be, the making light of, and not sub- 
jecting to the authority of Synods, without which the churches 
cannot long subsist. And so for the magistrates being Gallio 
like, either not caring for these things, or else not using their 
power and authority for the maintenance of the truth, and 



212 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1667. 

gospel and ordinances of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 
and for the bearing thorough witness against the contrary. 
Should the Lord leave them hereunto, how miserable a people 
should we be ! 

At night, the assembly being dismissed with prayer, Mr. 
Wilson did, (being desired by them so to do,) in a solemn 
manner, bless the elders, making a short prayer, saying, " I 
am not like long to be with you ; the Lord pardon us, and 
heal us, and make us more heavenly, and take us off from the 
world, and make us burning and shining lights, by our 
heavenly doctrine and example. And I beseech the Lord, 
with all my heart, to bless you, and to bless his churches, and 
to bless all his people, and to bless all your families, and to 
bless your wives, and to bless all your children, and your 
cliildren's children ; and make us all more and more meet for 
our inheritance, and bring us all to it in his good time," etc. 
These words, with some few other, he spake with great affec- 
tion, and with tears; and all the ministers wept with him, 
and they took their leave of him, even as children of their 
father, who having blessed them, was about to die. 

Upon the death of that reverend, aged, ever honored, and gracious servant of 
Christ, Mr. John Wilson, pastor of a church in Boston. Interred August 
8, 1GG7. 

Ah ! now there 's none who does not know, 

That this day in our Israel, 
Is fall'n a great and good man too, 

A Prince, I might have said as well :, 
A man of prhieely power with God, 

For faith and love of princely spirit ; 
Our Israel's chariots, horsemen good. 

By faith and prayer, though not by merit. 
Kenown'd for practick piety 

In Englands both, from youth to age ; 
In Cambridge, Inns-Court, Sudbuiy, 

And each place of his pilgrimage. 
As humble as a little child. 

When yet in real worth high-grown : 
Himself a nothing still he stil'd, 

When God so much had for him done 



1667.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 213 

In love, a none-sucli ; as the sand, 

With largest heart God did him fill ; 
A bounteous mind, an open hand, 

Affection sweet, aU sweet'ning still. 
Love was his life ; he dy'd in love ; 

Love doth embalm his memory ; 
Love is his bliss and joy, above 

With God now who is love for ay : 
A comprehending charity 

To all, where ought appear'd of good ; 
And yet in zeal was none more high 

Against th' apparent serpent's brood. 
To truth he ever constant was. 

In judgment wond'rous orthodox ; 
In truth's cause never fearing face, 

As if he were another Knox. 
The prelates and their impositions 

Did never him conformist make, 
But to avoid those superstitions, 

Great worldly hopes did he forsake. 
When in New England, error's wind 

From sundry other quarters blew ; 
No one could him conforming find, 

Nought from the line of truth him drew. 
Firm stood he 'gainst the familist, 

And Antinomian spirit strong ; 
He never lov'd the Sep'ratist, 

Nor yet the Anabaptist's throng. 
Neither the tolerator's strain, 

Nor Quaker's spirit could he brook ; 
Nor bow'd to the JNIorellian train, 

Nor children's right did overlook. 
Nor did he slight our liberties, 

In civil and in church concerns, 
But precious were they in his eyes, 

Who stood among their fixed friends. 
Grave saint in England twice did give 

This farewell word to him ; While you 
Shall in that place (New England) live, 

No hurt shall happen thereunto. 
Strange word, and strangely verify'd ! 

He this day goes to 's grave in peace, 
What changes sad shall us betide, 

Now he is gone, we cannot guess ! 
What evil are we hast'ning to ! 



214 KEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1667. 

Lord spare thy people, but awaken, 
When such away do from us go, 

That yet we may not be forsaken ! 
He a first corner-stone was laid 

In poor New England's Boston's wall : 
Death pulls this out, the breach is wide : 

Oh let it not now tumble all ! 
He 's now at rest and reigns in bliss ; 

In conflicts we are left behind. 
In fears and straits ; how shall we miss 

His faith, prayer, zeal, and peaceful mind. 
Lord, pour a double portion 

Of his sweet, gracious, pious spirit, 
On poor survivers ; let each one 

Somewhat thereof at least inherit ! 
Gains, our host, ah now is gone ! 

Can we e'er look for such another ? 
But yet there is a mansion, 

Where we may all turn in together. 
No moving inn, but resting-place, 

Where his blest soul is gathered ; 
Whex-e good men going are a pace 

Into the bosom of their Head. 
A}-, thither let us haste away, 

Sure heaven will the sweeter be, 
(If there we ever come to stay) 

For him, and others such as he. 

J. M. 

Upon tlie death of that most reverend man of God, Mr. John Wilson, pastor of 
the first church in Boston, in Neiv EiKjland ; lohose decease xoas August 7, 
1667. 

JOHN WILSON, 

ANAGR. 

JOHN WILSON, 

Oh change it not ! No sweeter name or thing, 
Throughout the world, within our ears shall ring. 

Whoso of Abr'am, INIoscs, Samuel reads, 

Or of Elijah, or Elisha's deeds, 

Would surely say their spirit and power was his. 

And think there were a Metempsychosis, 



1667.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORLVL. 215 

Yea, like Jolm Baptist in the wilderness, 

So was our John in Patmos here, no less. 

John, the divine, resembhng therefore rather, 

And of New England's prophets was the father, 

John, the divine, whose hfe a revelation 

Of faith and love, and Christ to admiration, 

John, the divine, whom Jesus lov'd most dear, 

Sweet'ned with leaning on his bosom here : 

This is that John, whose death who doth not moan, 

Hath sure no heart of flesh, but one of stone. 

He had the countries faith, and love, and zeal, 

Even grace enough for church and common-weal ; 

Whereby was propt up all the fabrick still, 

That else had tumbled down our Sion hill. 

Of meerly men deserving glory more, 

You '11 find nor martyr, nor a confessor, 

Inspir'd he was with the prophetick spirit 

Of all the prophets, which he did inherit. 

'Twixt an apostle and evangelist, 

His order standeth in the heavenly list. 

If Paul himself among us dead had been, 

More tears or sorrow could not have been seen. 

They wept not more for this, that they should see 

His face no more, than now we mourners be. 

For heavenly poems most angelical. 

Composing volumes with delight, were all 

But gathered up in one, we should espy 

Enough to fill an university. 

And were another psalm-book made by thee, 

(Mictam of John) their title it should be. 

As aged John th' apostle us'd to bless 

The people, which they judg'd their happiness : 

So we did count it worth our pilgrimage 

Unto him, for his blessing in his age ; 

Yet then, no babe more longing for the breast, 

Than he to take within the church his rest, 

To have the sincere milk of God's good word, 

Which to his soul all comfort did afibrd. 

Not heat, nor cold, nor rain, nor snow, must bar ; 

But everywhere becomes an auditor. 

Who ever labored in the ministry, 

!RIore given, than he, to hospitality ? 

To strangers, widows, fatherless, and all ; 

To friends and foes he was most liberal. 



216 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. [166S. 

Of all his prayers, sermons, travels, pains, 
lie is ascended lieaven to reap the gains. 
Oh for a double portion of thy spirit ! 
No richer treasure would we all inherit. 

Mcestus apposuit. T. S.* 



1668. 

This year it pleased God to visit New England with the 
manifestation of his displeasure, by the death of three emi- 
nent instruments ; the first whereof was that worthy servant 
of Christ, Mr. Samuel Shepard, pastor of the church of 
Christ in Rowley, in New England, who deceased in the 
spring of this year, in the midst of his days, and in the begin- 
ning of his work in the ministry.f The second, that worthy 
man of God, Mr. Henry Flint, teacher of the church of Christ 
at Braintree, in New England, who ended his mortal life the 
27th of April, in this year ; a man of known piety, gravity, 
and integrity, and well accomplished with other qualifications 
fit for the work of the ministry. The third and last, but not 
the least, that supereminent minister of the gospel, (rightly 
so called,) Mr. Jonathan Mitchell, pastor of the church at 
Cambridge, in New England, who laid down his earthly 
tabernacle on the ninth of July, in this year. Of whose rare 
endowments, and the great loss the whole land sustained by 
his death, take this following brief account. 

INIr. Jonathan Mitchell was born at Halifax, in Yorkshire, 
in England, of pious and wealthy parents, who coming over 
to New England, brought him over young ; his education in 
learning was perfected at Harvard College, in Cambridge, 
where he attained to such a degree in knowledge, that he 
was soon called to be a fellow of the college, and, within a 

* These lines were written by the Rev. Thomas Shepard. — Magnal. iii. 49. 

f Mr. Shepard was second son of Rev. Mr. Shepard of Cambridge. He 
graduated at Harvard College, in 1G58, and was ordained at Rowley, about 
six years before his death. — Eliot's Biog. Did. 



1668.] ■ NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 217 

few years after, his lustre did so shine, that the church at 
Hartford, upon Connecticut river, made application to him in 
order to supply the place of that eminent servant of Christ, 
Mr. Thomas Hooker, a little before deceased ; but the church 
at Cambridge, (by the advice of their worthy pastor, Mr. 
Thomas Shepard, then living,) not willing to part with so 
great a treasure, became competitor with Hartford, and gave 
him a call to them. This loving strife, between the two 
churches of Hartford and Cambridge, about him, was, in a 
short time, decided by the awful hand of God, in the death 
of that eminent and glorious star, Mr. Thomas Shepard, 
pastor at Cambridge ; which place being wholly destitute, 
and Hartford being supplied with a teacher, namely, that 
worthy of the Lord, Mr. Samuel Stone, the balance was cast 
for Cambridge, and in the year 1650, he was called and 
ordained their pastor. It was an eminent favor of God to 
that church, to have this great breach thus made up, with a 
man so much of the spirit and principles of their former pas- 
tor, and so excellently qualified with respect to the College : 
for, reason and prudence requireth, that the minister of that 
place be more than ordinarily endowed with learning, gravity, 
wisdom, orthodoxness, ability, sweet and excellent gifts in 
preaching, that so the scholars which are devoted and set 
apart, in order to be preachers of the gospel, might be seasoned 
with the spirit of such an Elijah ; in which regard, this holy 
man of God was eminently furnished, and his labors wonder- 
fully blessed ; for very many of the scholars, bred up in his 
time, (as is observed,) do savor of his spirit, for grace and 
manner of preaching, which was most attractive. He lived 
pastor of the church about eighteen years, and was most in- 
tense and faithful in declaring much of the counsel of God. 
He went through a great part of the body of divinity ; made 
a very excellent exposition of the book of Genesis, and part 
of Exodus ; and delivered many fruitful and profitable ser- 
mons on the four first chapters of John; and, in his monthly 
lectures, which were abundantly frequented, he preached of 
man's misery by sin, and recovery by Christ Jesus ; and died 
in the third part of it, namely, concerning man's obedience ii? 

19 



218 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. ' [1668. 

Christ ; besides many other excellent truths, by him taught, 
upon divers occasions. In all his labors, God was wonder- 
fully present with him. He was a person that held very near 
communion with God; eminent in wisdom, piety, humility, 
love, self-denial, and of a compassionate and tender heart ; 
surpassing in public-spiritedness ; a mighty man in prayer, 
and eminent at standing in the gap ; he was zealous for order, 
and faithful in asserting the truth, against all oppugners of it. 
In a word, he was a man whom God had richly furnished, 
and eminently fitted for his work; lived desired, and died 
lamented, by all good Christians that knew him. It pleased 
God upon the ninth of July, 1668, in a hot and burning 
season, (but much more hot in the heat of God's anger to 
New England,) to take him to rest and glory, about the 43d 
year of his age. His race was but short, but the work he did 
was very much. The elegies following may give the reader 
a further account of what esteem he was.* 

Upon the death of that truly godly, reverend, and faithful servant of Clirist, 
Mr. Jonathan Mitchell, pastor of the Church at Camhridcje, who deceased 
Jidyd, 1668. 

What shall we say ? Of sad effects what fear ? 
Four splendent stars extlnguisli'd in one year ! 
Two old, one young, and this of middle age ; 
A brightest light, most eyes who did engage, 
The Lord in 's temple is, earth silence keep ; 
Dispute not over bold this judgment deep. 
A mourning great, each eye distilling streams : 
Sad sighs and sobs in most men's mouths their themes. 
And who can blame it ? for this we well may, 
If love, if fear, if temple-shakes bear sway. 
The wife hath lost her head, four hopeful stems 
A father ; Cambridge too their crowning gems ; 
Neighbors, a useful light ; elders, a brother, 
Whose head and mouth made him, to most, a f\ithcr. 
Sad Cambridge, when thou lost thy Thomas dear, 
God pitied thee, and gave a right compeer ; 

* There is an elaborate life of this eminent man in the IMagnalia, (iv. 166 
-185,) which is faithfully abridged in the History of Cambridge. — Hist. Coll. 
viii. 47-51. 



JG68.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 219 

This Jonathan thy Mitchell, one in -whom 
Was much of el, a IMichael judged by some. 
Kight strong in school, in desk of brightest shine ; 
Artist, good linguist, high orthodox divine ; 
Of judgment deep ; of memory how large ! 
Invention quick, grave, pleasant ; who can charge 
Thee, in thy theory or practic, with dark fail ? 
Humble, sincere, whose love cords did avail. 
Much good by him, you Cambridge have received, 
He gone, by you his relicts see reliev'd. 
A royal quasre, 'twas when Jonathan dead, 
And royal act, Jonathan's stems to feed. 

E. B.* 



To the memonj of tlint learned and reverend Mr. Jonathan Mitchell, late mhi' 
ister of Cambridge, in Neio England, interred July 10, 1668. 

Quicquid agimus, quicquid patimur venit ex alto. 

The country's tears, be ye my spring ; my hill, 
A general grave ; let groans inspire my quill, 
With an heart rending sense, drawn from the cries. 
Of orphan churches, and the destinies 
Of a bereaved house : let children weep. 
They scarce know why'; and let the mothers steep 
Her lifeless hopes in brine ; the jn'ivate friend 
O'erwhelmed with grief, falter, his comforts end, 
By a warm sympathy let fev'rish heat 
Roam through my verse unseen ; and a cold sweat 
Limning despair attend me ; sighs diffuse 
Convulsions through my language, such as use 
To type a gasping fancy ; lastly shroud 
Religion's splendor in a mourning cloud, 
Replete with vengeance for succeeding times, 
Fertile in woes, more fertile In their crimes. 
These are my muse, and these Inspire the sails 
Of fancy with their sighs instead of gales. 
Reader, read rev'rend INIitchell's life, and then 
Confess the world a Gordian knot again. 
Read his tear-delug'd grave, and then decree 
Our present woe and future misery ; 

* The Rev. Edward Bulkley of Concord, is supposed to be intended by 
these Initials. 



220 NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. [1668r 

Stars falling speak a storm. When Samuel dies, 

Steel may expect Pbilistia's cruelties. 

So when Jehovah's brighter glory fled 

The temple, Israel was captive led. 

Geneva's triple light made one divine; 

But here that vast triumvirate combine 

By a blest INIetempsychosis, to take 

One person for their larger Zodiac. 

In sacred censures, Farrel's dreadful scroll 

Of words, broke from the pulpit to the soul. 

(Indulgent parents when they spare, they spoil, 

Old wounds need vinegar as well as oil. 

Distasteful cates with miseries do suit ; 

The Paschal lamb was eat with bitter fruit) ; 

In balmy comforts, Viret's genius came 

From the wrinkled Alps to woo the western dame ; 

And courting Cambridge, cpiickly took from thence, 

Her last degrees of rhetoric and sense. 

Calvin's Laconics through his doctrines spread, 

And children's children with their manna fed. 

His exposition Genesis begun. 

And fatal Exodus eclips'd his sun. 

Some say that souls of sad presages give ; 

Death-breathing sermons taught us last to live. 

One sows, another reaps, may truly be, 

Our grave instruction and his elegy. 

His system of religion half unheard, 

Full double in his preaching life appear'd. 

Happy that place where rulers deeds appear, 

r th' front of battle, and their words i' the rear. 

He 's gone, to whom his country owes a love, 

Worthy the prudent serpent and the dove. 

Religion's Panoply, the sinner's terror. 

Death summon'd hence sure by writ of error, 

The Quaker trembling at his thunder, fled, 

And with Caligula resum'd his bed. 

He by the motions of a nobler spirit, 

Clear'd men, and made their notions swine inherit. 

The Munster goblin by his holy flood, 

Exorcis'd, like a thin Phantasma stood. 

Brown's babel shatter'd by his lightning fell ; 

And with confused horror pack'd to hell. 

The Scripture with a commentary bound, 

(Like a lost calice) in his heart was found. 

When he was sick, the air a fever took. 

And thirsty Phoebus quaft the silver brook. 






1668.] KEW ENGLAND'S MEMOEIAL. 221 

When dead tlie spheres in thunder clouds and rain, 
Groan'd his elegium, mourn'd and wept our pain, 
Let not the bi-azen Schismatic aspire ; 
Lot 's leaving Sodom, left them to the fire. 
'Tis true, the bee's now dead, but yet his sting, 
Death's to their dronish doctrines yet may bring. 

EPITAPHIUM. 

Here lies within this comprehensive span. 
The churches, courts, and countries Jonathan, 
He that speaks Mitchell, gives the schools the lie ; 
Friendship in him gain'd an ubiquity. 

F. D. 
Vivet post funera virtus. 



An epitaph upon the deplored death of that supereminent minister of the 
gospel, Mr. Jonathan Mitchell. 

Here lies the darling of his time, ^ 

Mitchell expired in his prime ; 

Who four years short of forty-seven. 

Was found full ripe and pluck'd for heaven. 

Was full of prudent zeal and love. 

Faith, patience, wisdom from above ; 

New England's stay, next age's story ; 

The churches gem ; the college glory. 

Angels may speak him ; ah ; not I, 

(Whose worth's above Hyperbole) 

But for our loss, wer't in my power, 

I 'd weep an everlasting shower. 

J. S.* 

A fourth minister that died this year was Mr. John Eliot, 
jun., born at Roxbury, in New England, eldest son of the Rev. 
Mr. John Ehot, teacher of the church there. He was educated 
at Cambridge, in the Latin school, and in the College, until 
he became master of arts ; and a few years after was called 
to be pastor of a church within the bounds of Cambridge, 
upon the south side of Charles river. He was a person excel- 
lently endowed, and accomplished with gifts of nature, learn- 



* Probably Rev. John Sherman, minister of Watertown. 
19* 



222 KEW ENGLAND'S MEMOKIAL. [1668. 

ing, and grace; of comely proportion, ruddy complexion, 
cheerful countenance ; of quick apprehension, solid judgment, 
excellent prudence ; learned both in tongues and arts for one 
of his time, and studiously intense in acquiring more knowl- 
edge. His abilities and acceptation in the ministry did excel ; 
his piety, faith, love, humility, self-denial, and zeal, did emi- 
nently shine upon all occasions. He had (under the conduct 
of his father) by his diligence, industry, and zeal, (for the 
good of souls,) attained to such skill in the Indian language, 
that he preached to the Indians sundry years ; travelling many 
miles in a day once a fortnight, to dispense the gospel to them. 
The Indians have often said, that his preaching to them was 
precious and desirable ; and consequently their loss, and the 
obstruction in that work, much to be lamented. In a word, 
there was so much of God in him, that all the wise and godly 
who knew him, loved and honored him in the Lord, and 
bewailed his death ; which fell upon the 13th day of October, 
1668, and of his age about thirty-five years. 

I shall close up this small history with a word of advice to 
the rising generation, that as now then* godly predecessors 
have had large experience of the goodness and faithfulness of 
God, for the space of near forty-six years, (some of them,) 
and have passed under various dispensations, sometimes under 
great afflictions, otherwhile the sun shining upon their taber- 
nacles in ways of peace and prosperity ; and yet notwith- 
standing, through the grace of Christ, the most of them have 
held their integrity in his ways ; that so, such as succeed them 
would follow their examples so far as they have followed 
Christ ; that it might not be said of them, as it is to be feared 
it may be, by what yet appears amongst many of them, that 
indeed God did once plant a noble vine in New England, but 
it is degenerated into the plant of a strange vine, Jer. ii. 21. 
It were well that it might be said that the rising generation 
did serve the Lord all the days of such as in this our Israel 
are as Joshua's amongst us. Josh. xxiv. 31. And the elders 
that over-lived him, which have known all the works of the 
Lord, which he hath done for their fathers. But if yet, not- 



1668.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 223 

withstanding, afterwards, such shall forget, and not regard 
those, his great wprks, here presented before them, besides 
many more, that I hope by some others may come to their 
view ; be they assured, he will destroy them, and not build 
them up, Psal. xxviii. 5. Oh, therefore, let the truly godly 
in this land, be incited by the example of Moses, as the mouth 
of the church, to pray earnestly and incessantly unto the Lord, 
that his work may yet appear to his servants, and his glory 
unto their children, Psal. xc. 16 ; Isa. xliv. 3, 4. And that he 
would pour out his spmt upon his church and people in New 
England, and his blessing upon their offspring, that they may 
spring up as among the grass, and as the wiUows by the water- 
courses; that so great occasion there may be thereby of 
taking notice thereof in succeeding generations, to the praise 
and glory of God. So be it. 



SUPPLEMENT 

TO 

NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL, 

BY ANOTHER HAND.* 



1669. 

This year, 1669, was rendered sorrowful and remarkable, 
by the death of Capt. Thomas Southworth, who, full of faith 
and comfort, expired at Plimou^h, December the 8th, being 
about fifty-three years old, after he had served God in his 
generation, faithfully, both in a public, and private station. 

Thomas Prince, Esq., was again chosen governor of this 
colony for this year, and so annually to the year 1672 ; and, 
March 29, 1673, finished his course, in the seventy-thu'd year 
of his life ; having been a worthy, pious gentleman, and very 
capable of the office of governor, which he sustained about 
eighteen years, being therein a terror to evil doers, and an 
encourager of those that did well ; and was honorably interred 
at Plimouth, April 8, 1673. 

To whom succeeded as governor, at the next election, June 
8, 1673, the Hon. Josias Winslow, Esq., son of the same 



* The author of this Supplement, was the Hon. Josiah Cotton, of Plymouth, 
son of the Rev. John Cotton, sometime minister of that town. His mother, 
Joanna, was a daughter of Dr. Brian Rossiter, of Guilford, in Connecticut. 
He graduated, at Harvard College, in 1698, and died in 1756, aged 77. 



226 NEW ENGLAND'S JIEMORIAL. " [1669. 

Governor Winslow, in whose time, namely, June 24, 1675, 
broke out the Indian war by Philip, chief sachem of Pocka- 
nockett, alias INIount Hope, wherein God, for our sins, was 
pleased to render the Indians a great scourge to his people in 
this, and the other colonies of New England, both in their 
persons and estates. The war being attended with the usual 
barbarity of the heathen, burning of houses, murdering of 
men, women, and children ; desolation of towns and settle- 
ments ; tedious and terrible captivities, and continual fears 
and dangers ; the Indians spreading themselves far and near, 
and effecting with their hands the revenge and malice of their 
hearts, until that God Almighty regarding our prayers, and 
succeeding our endeavors, put a stop unto the outrages of the 
heathen, in the year 1676, when Philip, the perfidious aggres- 
sor in the war, w^as slain on his own plantation near Mount 
Hope, (now Bristol,) by one of his own countrymen ; and 
others who had a great hand in our distresses, brought to con- 
dign punishment, or forced to fly their own country. 

Thus God preserved the vine, which his own right hand 
had planted, and has enlarged our borders, by giving to us the 
heritage of the heathen, which they justly forfeited by their 
unreasonable rebellion. 

Oh ! that the people of this, and the other colonies, would 
praise the Lord for his goodness, and wonderful works unto 
them, that so he may not be provoked to kindle such a fire 
amongst them. 

But a more particular account of this war has been faith- 
fully recorded by the Rev. JVIr. Hubbard, and Dr. Increase 
Mather, and others, to which I refer the reader. 

This Governor Winslow was annually chosen to that office 
to the year 1680 ; and in December, 1680, after many escapes 
in perilous fights and dangerous voyages, death arrested him, 
at his seat in Marshfield, within the jurisdiction of New 
Plimouth, in the fifty-second year of his age. He was a 
worthy and well-accomplished gentleman, deservedly beloved 
by the people, being a true friend to their just liberties, gen- 
erous, facetious, affable, and sincere, qualities incident to the 
family. 



1669.] NEW ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL. 227 

In 1681, June 7th, Thomas Hinckley, Esq., was chosen 
governor, and by annual election, continued to 1686. 

In the year 1685, the govei^iment being much enlarged 
through the divine benediction upon their labor and industry ; 
the colony was divided into three counties, namely. The 
county of Plimouth, of which the shire town is Plimouth. 

The county of Barnstable, the shire town Barnstable. 

The county of Bristol, Bristol being the shire town. 

In the county of Plimouth, are now ten towns, namely, 
Plymouth, Duxbury, Marshfield, Scituate, Bridge water, Abing- 
ton, Pembroke, Plimpton, INIiddleborough, and Rochester. 

In the county of Barnstable, are eight towns, namely, 
Sandwich, Barnstable, Yarmouth, Plarwich, Eastham, Trm*o, 
Falmouth, and Chatham. 

In the county of Bristol, are twelve towns, namely, Bristol, 
Eehoboth, Swanzey, Taunton, Dighton, Norton, Barrington, 
Freetown, Tiverton, Dartmouth, Little Compton, and Attle- 
borough. 

In December, 1686, Sir Edmund Andross arrived at Boston 
with a large commission from his IMajesty, King James the 
Second, comprehending the governments of the Massachu- 
setts, Plimouth, Rhode Island, Connecticut, etc., who con- 
tinued our governor till the happy and glorious Revolution 
mider King William and Queen Mary of blessed memory. 

In April, 1689, Sir Edmund Andross being dismissed from 
his government, each colony reassumed their former powers, 
and INIr. Hinckley was annually elected governor to the year 
1691. 

Our last election of governor, deputy governor, and assist- 
ants, being June 2, 1691, the said ]\L-. Hinckley was chosen 
governor, and William Bradford, Esq., deputy governor, John 
Freeman, Daniel Smith, Barnabas Lothrop, John Thatcher, 
John Walley, John Gushing, assistantsj and INIr. Samuel 
Sprague, secretary. 

And note, that Constant Southworth, James Brown, and 
James Cudworth, first chosen, between the year 1670 and 
1675, assistants in government, are the only assistants, whose 



228 NEW ENGLAND'S JIEMORIAL. [1669. 

names are not mentioned in this book, and therefore here 
inserted. 

In the year 1690, was the unsuccessful attempt on Canada, 
in which Plimouth bore its part both of charge and loss. 

And in the same year the Massachusetts sending over 
their agents to England, with whom went the Rev. JMr. 
Ichabod Wiswall from Plimouth Colony, obtained of King 
WiUiam and Queen Mary, a charter, containing many valu- 
able privileges, wherein Plimouth (with some other addi- 
tions) was united to the Massachusetts, and incorporated into 
one real province, by the name of the Massachusetts Bay, 
in New England ; the King reserving to himself and succes- 
sors, the power of appointing governor, lieutenant-governor, 
and secretary ; and, consonant to this new constitution. Sir 
William Phips, knight, being commissioned our first governor, 
arrived at Boston with the new charter. May, 1692 ; under 
which constitution we have ever since continued. 



GOV. BEADFOED'S HISTOEY 



OF 



PLYMOUTH COLONY. 



20 



For a more complete account of the church ■which went into exile in 
Holland, and its pilgrimage to Plymouth, Tve here give such portions of Gov. 
Bradford's History, found upon the church records at Plymouth, as are not 
found in the preceding pages of the Memorial. 



MORTON'S PREFACE. 



Christian Reader: — 

I have looked at it as a duty incumbent on me to commit 
•to writing the first beginnings and after progress of the Church 
of Christ at Plymouth in New England ; forasmuch as I 
cannot understand that there is any thing particularly extant 
concerning it, and almost all the members of the said church, 
both elders and others, being deceased, by whom intelligence 
of matters in that behalf might be procured. I dare not 
charge the reverend elders of that church who are gone to 
their rest, with any neglect on that behalf; for when they 
were in Holland, they were necessitated to defend the cause 
of Christ by wiiting" against opposites of several sorts ; so as 
such like employs, together with the constant and faithful 
discharge of the duties of their offices, probably took up the 
greatest part of their time ; and since the church parted, and 
a considerable part thereof came unto this going down of 
the sun, it might be neglected partly on the account that 
divers writings, some whereof being put forth in print, did 
point at and in a great measure discriminate the affairs of 
the church ; forasmuch as then the small commonwealth, in 
our first beginning at New Plymouth, consisted mostly of 
such as were members of the church which was first begun 
and afterwards carried on in Leyden, in Holland, for about 
the space of twelve years, and continued and carried on at 
Plymouth, in New England, a small part whereof remaineth 



232 MORTON'S PREFACE. 

until this day. If any thing was done on this kind by those 
worthy leaders, I suppose the blame is rather to be laid on 
those which had the first view of their studies, and had their 
books and writings in custody after their decease ; for I am 
persuaded that such was their faithfulness and prudence, as 
that they did not wholly neglect this matter. 

Some years since it pleased God to put an impulse upon 
my spirit to do something in a historical way concerning New 
England, more especially with respect to the Colony of New 
Plymouth ; which was entitled " New England's Memorial ; " 
in which I occasionally took notice of God's great and 
gracious work in erecting so many churches of Christ in this 
wilderness. But it was judged by some that were judicious 
that I was too sparing and short in that behalf; the consider- 
ation whereof put me on thought of recollecting something 
more particularly relating to the church of Plymouth. But 
it pleased the Lord so to dispose, that having accomplished 
my desires, some time after the finishing of this work I was 
solicited to lend it to a reverend friend at Boston, where it 
was burned in the first fire that was so destructive at Boston, 
in the year 1676. Yet, notwithstanding, I have, through the 
goodness of God, crowded through many difficulties to 
achieve it the second time ; and, for that end, did once again 
repair to the study of my much honored uncle, "William 
Bradford, Esquire, deceased, for whose care and faithfulness 
in such Hke respects we stand bound ; as firstly and mostly 
to the Lord, so secondarily to him and his, whose labors in 
such respect might fitly have been published to the world, had 
they not been involved in and amongst particulars of other 
nature. 

Gentle reader, I humbly crave thy patience, and acceptance 
of this small treatise, so as to read it over considerately; 
wherein so doing thou wilt discern much of the goodness, 
mercy, and power of God ; who as at the first brought .this 
fabric of the world out of the womb of nothing, hath brought 
so many famous churches of Christ out of so small begin- 
nings ; with many other useful considerations that thou 



MORTON'S PEEFACE. 233 

mayest meet with in the serious perusal thereof. So leav- 
ing thee and this small work to the blessing of the only 
wise God, 

I remain thine in Christ Jesus, 

Nathaniel Morton. 
Plymouth, in New England, January 13th, 1680. 



20^ 



INTRODUCTION. 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE 

CHURCH OF CHRIST AT PLYMOUTH, IN NEW 

ENGLAND, AS FOLLOWETH * 

It is well known to the godly and judicious, how that ever 
since the first breaking out of the light of the gospel in 
our honorable nation of England, — which was the first of 
nations whom the Lord adorned therewith, after that gross 
darkness of Popery, which had covered and overspread the 
Christian world, — what wars and oppositions ever since 
Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued against the 
saints from time to time, in one sort or other ; sometimes by 
bloody death and cruel torments, otherwhiles imprisonments, 
banishments, and other hard usages ; as being loth his king- 
dom should go down, the truth prevail, and the churches of 
God revert to their ancient purity, and recover their primitive 
order, liberty, and beauty. But when he could not prevail by 
these means against the main truths of the gospel, but that 
they began to take rooting in many places, being watered 
with the blood of the martyrs and blessed from heaven with 
a gracious increase ; he then began to take him to his ancient 
stratagems, used of old against the first Christians ; that when 
by the bloody and barbarousness of the heathen emperors he 
could not stop and subvert the course of the gospel, but that 

* This was originally penned by IMr. William Bradford, governor of New 
Plymoutli. — Side note hy Morion. 



236 INTRODUCTION. [1553-1558. 

it speedily overspread with a wonderful celerity to the then 
best known parts of the world, he then began to sow errors, 
heresies, and wonderful desertions amongst the professors 
themselves, working upon their pride and ambition, with 
other corrupt passions incident to all mortal men, yea to the 
saints themselves in some measure ; by which woful effects 
followed, as not only bitter contentions and heart-burnings, 
schisms, with other horrible confusions, but Satan took occa- 
sion and advantage thereby to foist in a number of vile cere- 
monies, with many unprofitable canons and decrees, which 
have since been as snares to many peaceable poor souls even 
to this day ; so, as in the ancient times the persecution by the 
heathen and their emperors was not greater than of the Chris- 
tians, one against another, the Arians' and other their accom- 
plices' against the orthodox and true Christians (as witnesseth 
Socrates in his second book, saith he) "was no less than that 
of old practised towards the Christians when they were com- 
pelled and drawn to sacrifice to idols ; for many endured sun- 
dry kinds of torments, others racking, and dismembering of 
their joints, confiscating of their goods, some bereaved of their 
native soil, others departed this life under the hands of the 
the tormentor, and some died in banishment, and never saw 
their country again." 

The like method Satan hath seemed to hold in these latter 
times, since the truth began to spring and spread after the 
great defection made by Antichrist, the Man of Sin. For to 
let pass the many examples in sundry nations, in several 
places of the world, and instances of our own, when as the old 
serpent could not prevail by those fiery flames, and other his 
cruel tragedies, which he by his instruments put in ure every- 
where in the days of Queen Mary and before, he then began 
another kind of war, and went more closely to work, not only 
to oppugn, but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom of 
Christ by more secret and subtile means, by kindling the 
flames of contention and sowing the seeds of discord and bit- 
ter enmity amongst the professors and seeming reformed them- 
selves. For when he could not prevail by the former means 
against the principal doctrines of faith, he bent his force 



1553-1558.] INTEODUCTION. 237 

against the holy discipline and outward regimen of the king- 
dom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be con- 
firmed, and true piety maintained amongst the saints and 
people of God. 

INIr. Fox recordeth how that, besides those worthy martyrs 
and confessors w4iich were burned in Queen Mary's days, 
and otherwise tormented, many, both students and others, 
fled out of the land, to the number of eight hundred, and be- 
came several congregations at Wesel, Frankfort, Basle, Em- 
den, Markpurge, Strasburg, and Geneva, etc. Amongst 
whom, especially those at Frankfort, began a bitter war of 
contention and persecution about the ceremonies and service- 
book, and other popish and antichristian stuff, the plague of 
England to this day, which are like the high places in Israel 
which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruin ; 
which the better part sought, according to the purity of the 
gospel, to root out and utterly destroy, and the other part, 
under veiled pretences, for their own ends and advancement, 
sought as stiffly to continue, maintain, and defend ; as ap- 
peareth by the Discourse thereof published in print anno 1575, 
a book that deserves better to be known and considered than 
it is.* The one side labored to have the right worship of 
God and discipline of Christ established in the church accord- 
ing to the simplicity of the gospel, without the mixture of 
men's inventions, and to have and to be ruled by the laws of 
God's word, dispensed in those offices and by those officers of 
pastors and teachers and elders, according to the Scriptures. 
The other party, though under many colors and pretences, 
endeavored to have the episcopal dignity, after the popish 
manner, with their large power and jurisdiction, still retained, 
with all those court canons and ceremonies, together with all 



* "A Brief Discourse of the troubles begun at Frankfort, In Germany, anno 
Domini 1554, about the Book of Common Prayer and Ceremonies, and con- 
tinued by the EngHshmen there to the end of Queen Mary's reign ; in the 
•which Discourse the gentle reader shall see the very original and beginning 
of all the contention that hath been, and what was the cause of the same. 
1575." Two editions of this book are in the Libraiy of the Mass. Hist. 
Society. 



238 INTEODUCTION. [1558. 

such livings, revenues, and subordinate officers, with other 
such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatness, 
and enabled them with lordly and tyrannous power to perse- 
cute the poor servants of God. 

This contention was so great, as neither the honor of God, 
the common persecution, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin 
and other worthies of the Lord in those places, could prevail 
with those thus episcopally minded ; but they proceeded by 
ill means to disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church, 
so far as to charge very unjustly and ungodlily (yet prelate 
like) some of their chief opposers with rebellion and high 
treason against the Emperor, and other such crimes. And 
this contention died not with Queen Mary, nor was left be- 
yond the seas. But at her death, these people returning into 
England, under gracious Queen Elizabeth, many of them 
preserved aspired to bishoprics and other promotions, accord- 
ing to their aims and desires ; so that inveterate hatred against 
the holy discipHne of Christ in his church hath continued to 
this day ; insomuch that, for fear it should prevail, all plots 
and devices have been used to keep it out, incensing the 
Queen and State against it as dangerous to her common- 
wealth ; and that it was most needful for the fundamental 
points of religion should be preached in those ignorant and 
superstitious times, and to win the weak and ignorant, they 
might retain divers harmless ceremonies ; and though it were 
to be wished that divers things were reformed, yet this was 
not a season for it ; and many the like, to stop the mouths of 
the more godly, to bring them on to yield to one ceremony 
after another and one corruption after another ; by these wiles 
beguiling some and corrupting others, until at length they 
began to persecute all the zealous professors in the land, (al- 
though they knew little what this discipline meant), both by 
word and deed, if they would not submit to their ceremonies 
and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which have 
no ground in the word of God, but are relics of the man of 
sin. And the more the light of the gospel grew, the more 
they urged their subscriptions to these corruptions, so as not- 
withstanding all their former pretences and fau colors, they 



1558.] ' INTRODUCTION. 239 

whose eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see 
whereto these things tended. And to cast contempt the more 
upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously and 
most injuriously gave unto and imposed upon them that name 
of Puritans,* which is said the Novatians, out of pride, did 
assume and take unto themselves. And lamentable it is to 
see the effects which have followed. Religion hath been dis- 
graced, the godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many ex- 
iled ; sundry have lost their lives in prisons and other ways. 
On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, ignorance, 
profaneness, and atheism increased, the Papists encouraged 
to hope again for a day. 

This made that holy man Mr. Perkins cry out in his Ex- 
hortation unto Repentance, on Zephaniah ii., " Religion," 
saith he, " hath been amongst us this thirty -five years. But 
the more it is published, the more it is contemned and re- 
proached of many, etc. Thus not profaneness nor wicked- 
ness, but religion itself is a byword, a mocking-stock, and 
matter of reproach, so that in England at this day, the man 
or woman that begins to profess religion and to serve God, 
must resolve with himself to sustain mocks and injuries, even 
as though he lived amongst the enemies of religion ; and this 
common experience hath been too apparent." 

But before I pass on, I cannot omit an observation worthy 
to be noted, which was observed by the author, namely, JVIr. 
William Bradford, as followeth. 

Saith he : Full little did I think that the downfall of the 
bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremonies, had been 
so near when I first began this writing, which was about the 
year 1630, and so pieced at leisure times afterwards, or that 
I should have lived to have seen or heard of the same. But 
it is the Lord's doing, and ought to be marvellous in our eyes. 
" Every plant which mine heavenly father hath not planted," 



* A writer quoted by Prince, says, " tliey are called Puritans who would 
have the church thoroughly reformed ; that is, purged from all those inven- 
tions -which have been brought into it since the age of the Apostles, and re- 
duced entirely to the Scripture purity." See Prince, p. 282-307. 



240 INTEODUCTION. [1558. 

saith our Saviour, " shall be rooted up." Matt. xv. 13. " I 
have snared thee, and thou art taken, O Babel, (bishops,) and 
thou wast not aware : thou art found and also caught, because 
thou hast striven against the Lord." Jer. 1. 24. But will 
they needs strive against the truth, against the servants of the 
Lord, what ! and against the Lord himself ? Do they provoke 
the Lord to anger ? Are they stronger than he ? 1 Cor. x. 
22. No, no, they have met with their match. Behold, I 
come against thee, O proud men, saith the Lord God of 
hosts ; for thy day is coming, even the time that I will visit 
thee. Jer. 1. 31. May not the people of God now say, and 
these poor people among the rest. The Lord hath brought 
forth our righteousness ; come, let us declare in Zion the work 
of the Lord our God. Jer. li. 10. Let all flesh be still 
before the Lord, for he is raised up out of his holy place.* 
Zech. ii. 13. 

This poor people may say among the thousands of Israel, 
When the Lord brought again the captivity of Zion, we were 
like them that dream. The Lord hath done gi'eat things for 
us, whereof we rejoice. They that sow in tears shall reap in 
joy. They went weeping and carried precious seed ; but they 
shall return with joy, and bring their sheaves. Ps. cxxvi. 1-6. 

Do ye not now see the fruits of your labors, O all ye ser- 
vants of the Lord that have suffered for his truth, and have 
been faithful witnesses of the same? And ye little handful 
amongst the rest, the least amongst the thousands of Israel ? 
You have not had a seedtime, but many of you have seen a 
joyful harvest. Should ye not then rejoice, yea, again, rejoice, 
and say, Hallelujah I salvation, and glory, and honor, and 
power, be to the Lord our God ; for true and righteous are 
his judgments. E.ev. xix. 1, 2. 

But thou wilt ask. What is the matter ? What is done ? — 
Why, art thou a stranger in Israel, that thou shouldest not 
know what is done ? Are not those Jebusites overcome, that 



* This elevation of spirit "was a considerable time after the first penning 
of these writings, but here entered because of the suitableness of the matter 
going before it. — Morton's Note. 



1558.] INTRODUCTION. 241 

have vexed the people of Israel so long, even holding Jerusa- 
lem even until David's days, and been as thorns in their sides 
so many ages, and now began to scorn that not any David 
should meddle with them ; they began to fortify their tower, 
as that of the old Babylonians. But these proud Anakims 
are now thrown down, and their glory laid in the dust. The 
tyrannous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their 
canons forceless, then* service-books cashiered, their ceremo- 
nies useless and despised, their plots for Popery prevented, 
and all their superstitions discarded, and returned to E-ortie, 
from w^hcnce they came ; and the monuments of idolatry 
rooted out of the land, and the proud and profane supporters 
and cruel defenders of these, as bloody papists, wicked 
atheists, and their malignant consorts, marvellously over- 
thrown. And are not these great things ? Who can deny it ? 
But who hath done it ? Even he that sitteth on the white 
horse, who is called Faithful and True, and judgeth and 
fighteth righteously, whose garments are dipped in blood, and 
his name was called The Word of God ; for he shall rule 
them with a rod of iron ; for it is he that treadeth the wine- 
press of the fierceness and wrath of God Almighty ; and he 
hath upon his garment and upon his thigh a name written, 
The King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Hallelujah ! Rev. 
xix. 11, 15 ; Anno Dom. 1646. 

See how this holy man's spirit was elevated and his heart 
raised up in praising of the Lord in consideration of the 
downfall of the proud prelacy ; as he and many more of the 
saints had good reason, who felt the smart of their bitter and 
cruel tyranny ; who are, indeed, a limb of Antichrist. And 
if the generality of the saints had been thus sensible of this 
great and marvellous work of God, possibly that proud hie- 
rarchy had not got up so soon again as they have done, soon 
after this good man's departure out of this world ! Never- 
theless, we doubt not but that God will bring them down in 
his good time. For undoubtedly all those that will not that 
the Lord Jesus should reign over them, but instead thereof 
exercise an usurped lordly power over the poor saints of God, 

21 



242 INTEODUCTION. [1558. 

shall be brought and slain before him, and (without repent- 
ance) shall, together with the beast and false prophet, be 
thrown into the lake burning with fire and brimstone. Rev. 
xix. 20. "When Babylon cometh into remembrance before 
God, then shall the saints with the angel say. Thou art just 
and holy, because thou hast judged these things; for they, 
namely, the whore of Rome (and the prelates their adherents), 
have shed the blood of thy saints. Give them blood to drink ; 
for they are worthy. Rev. xvi. 5, 6. 

The exordium being concluded, I shall come more nearer 
my intended purpose, namely, in reference unto the church of 
Christ at Plymouth in New England, first begun in Old Eng- 
land, and carried on in Holland and at Plymouth aforesaid. 



CHAPTER I. 



BEGINNING OF THE PILGRIM MOVEMENT. 

When, by the travail and diJigence of some godly and ./ 
zealous preachers, and God's blessing on their labors, as in 
other places of the land, so in the north parts, many became 
enlightened by the word of God, and had their ignorance and 
sins discovered by the word of God's grace, and began, by his 
grace, to reform their lives and make conscience of their ways, 
the work of God was no sooner manifest in them, but pres- 
ently they were both scoffed and scorned by the profane mul- 
titude, and the ministers urged with the yoke of subscription, 
or else must be silenced ; and the poor people were so vexed 
with apparrators and pursuivants and the Commission Courts, 
as truly their affliction was not small. Which, notwithstand- 
ing, they bare sundry years with much patience, until they 
were occasioned, by the continuance and increase of these 
troubles, and other means which the Lord raised up in those 
days, to see further into these things by the light of the word 
of God ; how that not only those base beggarly ceremonies 
were unlawful, but also that the lordly tyrannous power of 
the prelates ought not to be submitted to, which those con- 
trary to the freedom of the gospel would load and burden 
men's consciences with, and by their compulsive power make 
a profane mixture of persons and things in the worship of 
God ; and that their offices and callings, courts and canons, 
etc., were unlawful and antichristian, being such as have no 



244 THE PILGEIMS PERSECUTED. [1603. 

warrant in the word of God, but the same that were used in 
Popery, and still retained ; of which a famous author thus 
writeth in his Dutch commentaries : — 

" At the coming of King James out of Scotland into Eng- 
land, the new king," saith he, " found there established the re- 
formed religion, according to the reformed religion of King Ed- 
ward the Sixth, retaining or keeping still the spiritual state of 
the bishops, etc., after the old manner, much varying and differ- 
ing from the Reformed Churches of Scotland, France, and 
the Netherlands, Emden, Geneva, etc., whose reformation is 
cut or shapen much nearer the first churches, as it was used 
in the Apostles' times." * 

So many, therefore, of these professors as saw the evil of 
these things in these parts, and whose hearts the Lord had 
touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, they shook off this 
yoke of antichristian bondage, and, as the Lord's free people, 
joined themselves, (by a covenant of the Lord,) into a church 
estate, in the fellowship of the gospel, to walk in all his ways, 
made known, or to be made known unto them, according to 
their best endeavors, whatsoever it should cost them.f And 
that it cost them much pains, trouble, sorrow, affliction, and 
persecution, and expense of their estates, etc., this ensuing 
history will declare. 

These people became two distinct bodies or churches, in 
regard of distance of place, and did congregate severally, for 
they were of several towns and villages, some in Nottingham- 
shire, some in Lancashire, J and some of Yorkshire, where they 
bordered nearest together. Li the one of these churches, be- 
sides others of note, was Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts, 
and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. 
But these afterwards falling into some errors in the low 

* The Reformed Churclies sliapeu mucli nearer the primitive pattern than 
England ; for they cashiered the bishops, ■with their court canons and cere- 
monies at the first, and left them amongst the Popish trash to which they 
appertain. — Morton's Note. 

f See pages 9 and 10. 

X Prince has it Lincolnshire, which is probably correct. 



1606.] THE PILGRIMS PEESECUTED. 245 

countries, there for the most part buried themselves and their 
names.* 

But in this other church, which must be the subject of our 
discourse, besides other worthy men, was Mr. Richard Clifton, 
a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and diligence 
had done much good, and under God had been a means of 
the conversion of many ; and also that famous and worthy 
man, Mr. John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor 
for many years, until the Lord took him away by death ; and 
also ]\Ir. William Brewster, a reverend man, who afterwards 
was chosen an elder of the church, and lived with them until 
old age and death. 

But, after these things, they could not long continue in any 
peaceable manner, but were hunted and persecuted on every 
side, so as their former afflictions were but as molehills to 
mountains in comparison to these which now came upon 
them. For some were taken and clapped up in prisons, others 
had their houses beset and watched night and day, and hardly 
escaped their hands ; and the most were fain to fly and leave 
then' houses and habitations, and the means of their livelihood. 
Yet these, and many other sharper things which afterward be- 



* Rev. Joseph Hunter, F. S. A., a distinguislied antiquarian, says, in re- 
gard to the precise locality, that after a diligent scrutiny, he finds no place 
that answers this definition exactly except Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, and 
the principal mansion of that village, the house which had been for centuries 
a palace of the Archbishop of York, but which was in those days held under 
one of the many leases of Episcopal lands, granted by Archbishop Sandys. 
No spot could better answer to Bradford's description than this. And that 
no hesitation may remain on this point, we find a Brewster assessed to a sub- 
sidy, granted to Queen Elizabeth on the township of Scrooby-cum-Rauskill, 
and that in 1608, when a fine was imposed upon William Brewster, by the 
commissioners for ecclesiastical causes, he is described as being of Scrooby. 
A collateral evidence is, that the village of Austerfield, the birthplace and 
residence of WilUam Bradford, is within two or three miles of Scrooby ; and 
Bradford we know became a convert from hstening to the preaching of 
Clyfton, who was the leading pastor of this little congregation. The soul of 
this small, but ever famous confederacy, says a late writer, was "William 
Brewster. We may add, that his excellent spirit and influence were alike 
exhibited in William Bradford. 

21* 



246 KESOLVED TO GO INTO HOLLAND. [1607. 

fel them, were no other than they looked for, and therefore 
were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of 
God's grace and sphit. Yet seeing themselves thus molested 
and that there was no hope of their continuance there, by a 
joint consent they resolved to go into the low countries, where 
they heard was freedom of religion for all men, as also how 
sundry from London and other parts of the land, that had 
been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, were gone 
thither, and lived at Amsterdam, and in other places of the 
land. 

So after they had continued together about a year, and 
kept their meetings every Sabbath in one place or another, 
exercising the worship of God amongst themselves, notwith- 
standing all the diligence and malice of their adversaries, 
they seeing they could no longer continue in that condition, 
they resolved to get over into Holland, as they could, which 
was in the year 1607 and 1608 ; of which more in that which 
foUoweth. 



CHAPTER II. 



OP THEIR DEPARTURE INTO HOLLAND, AND THEIR TROUBLES 
THEREABOUT, WITH SOME OF THE MANY DIFFICULTIES THEY 
FOUND AND MET WITHAL: 

Being thus constrained to leave their native country, their 
lands and livings, and all their friends and familiar acquaint- 
ance, it was much, and thought marvellous by many. But 
to go into a country they knew not, but by hearsay, where 
they must learn a new language, and get their livings they 
knew not how, it being a dear place, and subject to the 
miseries of war, it was by many thought an adventure almost 
desperate, a case intolerable, and a misery worse than death ; 
especially seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor 
traffic, (by which the country doth subsist,) but had only been 
used to a plain country life and the innocent trade of hus- 
bandry. But these things did not dismay them, (although 
they did sometimes trouble them,) for their desires were set 
on the ways of God, and to enjoy his ordinances. But they 
rested on his providence, and knew whom they had believed. 
Yet this was not all. For although they could not stay, yet 
were they not suffered to go; but the ports and havens were 
shut against them, so as they were fain to seek secret means 
of conveyance, and to fee the mariners, and give extraordi- 
nary rates for then* passages. And yet were they oftentimes 
betrayed, many of them, and both they and their goods inter- 
cepted and surprised, and thereby put to great trouble and 
charge ; of which I wiU give an instance or two, and omit 
the rest. 



248 THE PILGRIMS IMPRISONED. [1608. 

There was a great company of them pm*posed to get pas- 
sage at Boston, in Lincohishire ; and for that end had hired 
a ship wholly to themselves, and made agreement with the 
master to be ready at a certain day, and take them and their 
goods in at a convenient place, where they accordingly would 
all attend in readiness. So after long waiting and large ex- 
penses, though he kept not the day with them, yet he came 
at length, and took them in, in the night. And when he had 
them and their goods aboard, he betrayed them, having before- 
hand complotted with the searchers and other officers so to 
do ; who took them and put them into open boats, and there 
rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their shirts for 
money, yea, even the women, further than became modesty ; 
and then carried them back into tfc town, and made them a 
spectacle and wonderment to the multitude, which came 
flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus by the 
catchpole officers rifled and stripped of their money, books, 
and much other goods, they were presented to the magistrates, 
and messengers sent to inform the Lords of the Council of 
them ; and so they were committed to ward. Indeed, the 
magistrates used them courteously, and showed them what 
favor they could ; but could not deliver them until order came 
from the Council table. But the issue was, that after a 
month's imprisonment the greatest part were dismissed, and 
sent to the places from whence they came ; but some of the 
principal [men] were still kept in prison, and bound over to the 
assizes. 

The next spring after, there was another attempt made, by 
some of these and others, to get over at another place ; and 
it so fell out that they lighted of a Dutchman at Hull, having 
a ship of his own belonging to Zealand. They made agree- 
ment with him, and acquainted him with their condition, 
hoping to find more faithfulness in him than in the former, 
of their own nation. He bade them not fear ; for he would 
do well enough. He was by appointment to take them in 
between Grimsby and Hull, where was a large common, a 
good way distant from any town. Now against the prefixed 
time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to 



1608.] SECOND EMBAKKATION AND STOKM. 249 

the place in a small bark, which they had hired for that end, 
and the men were to meet them by land. But it so fell out 
that they were there a day before the ship came ; and the sea 
being rough, and the women very sick, prevailed with the 
seamen to put into a creek hard by, where they lay on ground 
at low water. The next morning the ship came ; but they 
were fast, and could not stir until about noon. In the mean 
time, the shipmaster, perceiving how the matter was, sent his 
boat to be getting the men aboard, whom he saw walking 
about the shore. But after the first boat-full was got aboard, 
and she was ready to go for more, the master espied a great 
company, both horse and foot, with bills and guns and other 
weapons ; for the country was raised to take them. The 
Dutchman seeing that, swore his country's oath (" sacra- 
ment ") and having the wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoisted 
sails, and away. 

But the poor men which were got on board were in great 
distress for their wives and children, which they saw thus to 
be taken, and were left destitute of their helps, and themselves 
also not having a cloth to shift them with, more than they had 
on their backs, and some scarce a penny about them, all they 
had being on board the bark. It drew tears from their eyes, 
and any thing they had they would have given to have been 
on shore again. But all in vain ; there was no remedy ; they 
must thus sadly part ; and afterwards endured a fearful storm 
at sea, being fourteen days or more before they arrived at 
their port ; in seven whereof they neither saw sun, moon, nor 
stars, and were driven to the coast of Norway ; the mariners 
. themselves often despairing of life, and once with shrieks and 
cries gave over all, as if the ship had been foundered in the 
sea, and they sinking without recovery. But when man's 
hope and help wholly failed, the Lord's power and mercy 
appeared for their recovery ; for the ship rose again, and gave 
the mariners courage again to manage her ; and if modesty 
would suffer me, I might declare with what fervent prayers 
they cried unto the Lord in this great distress, especially some 
of them, even without any great distraction. When the 
water ran into their very ears and mouths, and the mariners 



250 AFELICTION OF THOSE LEFT BEHIND. [1608. 

cried out, " We sink, we sink," they cried, if not with miracu- 
lous, yet with a great height of divine faith, " Yet, Lord, thou 
canst save ; yet. Lord, thou canst save ; " with such other ex- 
pressions as I will forbear. Upon which the ship did not only 
recover, but shortly after the violence of the storm began to 
abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such 
comforts as every one cannot understand, and in the end 
brought them to their desired haven ; where the people came 
flocking, admiring their deliverance, the storm having been 
so long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, as the 
master's friends had related unto him in their congratulations. 
But to return to the others where we left. The rest of the 
men that were in the greatest danger made shift to escape 
away before the troop could surprise them, those only staying 
that best might, to be assistant to the women. But pitiful it 
was to see the heavy case of these poor women in this dis- 
tress ; what weeping and crying on every side ; some for their 
husbands that were carried away in the ship, as it was before 
related ; others not knowing what should become of them and 
their little ones ; others melted in tears, seeing their poor little 
ones hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with 
cold. Being thus apprehended, they were hurried from one 
place to another, and from one justice to another, until, in 
the end, they knew not what to do with them. For to im- 
prison so many women and innocent children for no other 
cause, many of them, but that they would go with their hus- 
bands, seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out of 
them ; and to send them home again was as difficult, for they 
alleged (as the truth was) they had no homes to go to, for . 
they had sold or otherwise disposed of their houses and liv- 
ings. To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled a good 
while, and conveyed from one constable to another, tliey were 
glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms, for all were 
wearied and tired with them ; though, in the mean time, the 
poor souls endured misery enough ; and thus in the end neces- 
sity forced a way for them. 

But that I be not tedious in these things, I wiU omit the 
rest, although I might relate other notable passages and 



1608.] EESULT OF THEIR TRIALS. 251 

troubles which they endured and underwent in these their 
wanderings and travels, both at land and sea. But I haste 
to other things. Yet I may not omit the fruit that came 
hereby. For by these so public troubles in so many eminent 
places their cause became famous, and occasioned many to 
look into the same ; and their godly carriage and Christian 
behavior was such as left a deep impression in the minds of 
many. And though some few shrunk at those first conflicts 
and sharp beginnings, (as it was no marvel,) yet many more 
came on with fresh courage, and greatly animated others ; and 
in the end, notwithstanding all these storms of opposition, 
they all got over at length, some at one time and some at 
another, and met together again, according to their desires, 
with no small rejoicing. 



CHAPTER III. 



OF THEIR SETTLING IN HOLLAND, AND THEIR MANNER OP LIVING 
AND ENTERTAINMENT THERE. 

Being now come into the Low Countries, they saw many 
goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled, and guarded with 
troops of armed men. Also they heard a strange and un- 
couth language, and beheld the different manners and cus- 
toms of the people, with their strange fashions and attires ; 
all so far differing from that of their plain country villages, 
wherein they were bred and born and had so long lived, as it 
seemed they were come into a new world. But those were not 
the things they much looked on, or long took up their thoughts ; 
for they had other work in hand, and another kind of war to 
wage and maintain. For though they saw fair and beautiful 
cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of wealth and 
riches, yet it was not long before they saw the grim and 
grizzled face of poverty coming on them like an armed man, 
with whom they must buckle and encounter, and from whom 
they could not fly. But they were armed with faith and 
patience against him and all his encounters ; and though they 
were sometimes foiled, yet by God's assistance they prevailed 
and got the victory. 

Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other princi- 
pal members were come over, (for they were of the last, and 
stayed to help the weakest over before them,) such things 
were thought on as were necessary for their settling and best 
ordering of the church affairs. And when they had lived at 
Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and 



1609.] REMOVAL TO LEYDEN. 253 

some others of best discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith 
and his company was already fallen into contention with the 
church that was there before them, and no means they could 
use would do any good to cure the same ; and also that the 
flames of contention were like to break out in that ancient 
church itself, (as afterwards lamentably came to pass ;) which 
things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to 
remove before they were any way engaged with the same ; 
though they well knew it would be much to the prejudice of 
their outward estate, both at present and, in likelihood, in the 
future ; as indeed it proved to be. 

For these and some other reasons they removed to Leyden, 
a fair and beautiful city, and of a sweet situation, but made 
more famous by the university wherewith it is adorned, in 
which of late it had been by so many learned men ; * but 
wanting that traffic by sea which Amsterdam enjoyed, it was 
not so beneficial for their outward means of living and 
estates. But being now here pitched, they fell to such trades 
and employments as they best could, valuing peace and their 
spiritual comfort above any other riches whatsoever ; and at 
length they came to raise a competent and comfortable living, 
and with hard and continual labor. Being thus settled, after 
many difficulties, they continued many years in a comfortable 
condition, enjoying much sweet and delightful society and 
spiritual comfort together, in the ways of God, under the able 
ministry and prudent government of Mr. John Robinson and 
Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistant unto him in the 
place of an elder, unto which he was now called and chosen 
by the church ; so as they grew in knowledge and other gifts 
and graces of the spirit of God ; and lived together in peace, 
and love, and holiness. And many came unto them from 
divers parts of England, so as they grew a great congrega- 

* The university of Leyden was established in 1575. It has been at times 
one of the most celebrated in Europe ; and from its reputation the city itself 
■was called the Athens of the West, and the North Star of Holland. Ar- 
minius, Episcopius, Grotius, Lipsius, Junius, Vossius, Descartes, Scaliger, 
Salmasius, and Booerhave, Tvere among its distinguished professors and 
scholars. 

22 



254 JOHN ROBINSON'S CHARACTER. [1609-1617. 

tion. And if at any time any differences did arise or offences 
broke out, (as it cannot be but that sometimes there will, even 
amongst the best of men,) they were ever so met with and 
nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise so well composed, 
as still love, peace, and communion was continued, or else 
the church purged of those that were incurable and incor- 
rigible, when, after much patience used, no other means 
would serve ; which seldom comes to pass. 

Yea, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect that 
this worthy man had to his flock, and his flock to him, that it 
might be said of them, as it was once said of that famous 
emperor, Marcus Aurelius, and the people of Rome, that it 
was hard to judge whether he delighted more in having such 
a people, or they in having such a pastor. His love w^as 
great towards them, and his care was always bent for their 
best good, both for soul and body. For, besides his singular 
abilities in divine things, wherein he excelled, he was able also 
to give direction in civil affairs,* and to foresee dangers and 
inconveniences ; by which means he was very helpful to their 
outward estates ; and so was every w^ay as a common father 
unto them. And none did more offend him than those that 
w^ere close and cleaving to themselves, and retired from the 
common good ; as also such as would be stiff and rigid in 
matters of outward order, and inveigh against the evil of 
others, and yet be remiss in themselves, and not so careful to 
express a virtuous conversation. They, in like manner, had 
ever a reverent regard unto him, and had him in precious 
estimation, as his worth and wisdom did deserve ; and al- 
though they esteemed him highly whilst he lived and labored 
amongst them, yet much more after his death, when they 
came to feel the want of his help, and saw, by w^oful ex- 
perience, what a treasure they had lost, to the grief of their 



* It has been common both in Old and New England for the clergy to 
take an interest in public aflfiiirs. The efficient agency which the Congrega- 
tional ministers exerted in our early settlements in giving shape and character 
to both our literary and civil institutions is well known. Their patriotic 
exertions will never be forrjotten. 



1609-1617.] THE PILGRIMS LIVE IN PEACE. 255 

hearts and wounding of their souls ; yea, such a loss as they 
saw could not be repaired ; for it was hard for them to find 
such another leader and feeder in all respects, as the Tabo- 
rites to find another Ziska.* And although they did not call 
themselves orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet they 
had cause as much to lament, in another regard, their present 
condition. and after usage. 

But to return. I know not but it may be spoken to the 
honor of God, and without prejudice to any, that such was 
the humble zeal and fervent love of this people (whilst they 
thus lived together) towards God and his ways, and the 
single-heartedness and sincere affection one towards another^ 
that they came as near the primitive pattern of the first 
churches as any other church of these latter times have 
done, according to their rank and quality. But seeing it is 
not my purpose to treat of the several passages that befell 
this people whilst they thus lived in the Low Countries, (which 
might worthily require a large treatise of itself,) but to mani- 
fest something of their beginning and after progress in New 
England, which I principally scope and aim at ; yet, because 
some of their adversaries did, upon the rumor of their re- 
moval, cast out slanders against them, as if that State had 
been weary of them, and had rather driven them out, (as the 
heathen histories did feign of Moses and the Israelites when 
they went out of Egypt,) than it was their own free choice 
and motion, I will therefore mention a particular or two to 
show the contrary, and that good acceptation they had in the 
place. 

And first, although it was low with many of them, yet their 
word would be taken amongst the Dutch when they wanted 
money, because they had found by experience how careful 
they were to keep their words,f and saw them so painful and 
diligent in their callings, that they strove to get their custom, 
• 

* See Gieseler's Eccles. Hist. iii. 359, and Encyc. Amer. articles Zisla 
and Huss. 

f A great honor to the Gospel. — 3Torton's Note. 



256 THE AEMINIAN CONTROVERSY. [1612. 

and to employ them above others in their work, for their 
honesty and diligence. 

Again ; the magistrates of the city, about the time of their 
coming away, or a little before, in the public place of justice, 
gave this commendable testimony of them, in reproof of the 
Walloons, who were of the French church in the city. 
" These English," said they, " have lived amongst us now 
this twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation 
come against any of them. But your strifes and quarrels 
are continual," etc. 

In these times, also, were the great troubles raised by the 
Arminians; who, as they greatly molested the whole State, 
so this city in particular, in which was the chief university ; 
so as there were daily and hot disputes in the schools there- 
abouts. And as the students and other learned were divided 
in their opinions herein, so were the two professors or divinity 
readers themselves, the one daily teaching for it, and the other 
against it ; which grew to that pass, that few of the disciples 
of the one would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, 
although he taught thrice a week himself, and WTote sundry 
books,* besides, his manifold pains otherwise, yet he went 
constantly to hear their readings, and heard as well one as 
the other. By which means he was so well grounded in the 
controversy, and saw the force of all their arguments, and 
knew the shifts of the adversary ; and being himself very 
able, none was fitter to buckle with them than himself, as 
appeared by sundry disputes ; so as he began to be terrible to 
the Arminians ; which made Episcopius, the Arminian pro- 
fessor, to put forth his best strength, and set out sundry theses, 
which by public dispute he would defend against all men. 
Nov/ Polyander, the other professor, and the chief preachers 
of the city, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against him. 
Bat he was loth, being a stranger. Yet the other did im- 
portune him, and told him that such was the ability and 
nimbleness of wit of the adversary, that the truth would suf- 

* See Robinson's ^Yorks. 



1613.] THE TRUTH VICTORIOUS. 257 

fer if he did not help them ; so as he condescended, and pre- 
pared himself against the time. And when the time came, 
the Lord did so help him to defend the truth and foil his ad- 
versary, as he put him to an apparent nonplus in this great 
and public audience. And the like he did two or three times 
upon such like occasions ; the which, as it caused many to 
praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, so it pro- 
cured him much honor and respect from those learned men 
and others which loved the truth. 

Yea, so far were they from being weary of him and his 
people, or desiring their absence, as that it was said by some, 
of no mean note, that were it not for giving offence to the 
State of England, they would have preferred him otherwise, 
if he would, and allowed them some public favor. Yea, 
when there was speech of their removal into these parts, 
sundry of note and eminency of that nation would have had 
them come under them ; and for that end made them large 
offers. 

Now although I might allege many particulars and exam- 
ples of the like kind to show the untruth and unlikelihood of 
this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing it was believed of 
few, being only raised by the malice of some who labored 
their disgrace. 



22^ 



CHAPTER IV. 



SHOWING THE REASONS AND CAUSES OP THEIR REMOVAL. 

After they had lived in this city about eleven or twelve 
years, (which is the more observable, being the whole time of 
that famous truce between that State and the Spaniards,) 
and sundry of them were taken away by death, and many 
others began to be well stricken in years, the grave mistress 
experience having taught them many things, these prudent 
governors, with sundry of the sagest members, began both 
deeply to apprehend their present dangers and wisely to 
foresee the future, and think of timely remedy. In the agita- 
tion of their thoughts and much discourse of particulars here- 
about, they began to incline to this conclusion of removal to 
some other place ; not out of any newfangledness, or other 
such like giddy humor, by which men are many times trans- 
ported, to their great hurt and danger, but for sundry weighty 
and solid reasons, the chief of which I will here recite and 
briefly touch. 

1. And first, they found and saw by experience the hard- 
ness of the place and country to be such, as few in comparison 
would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out and 
continue with them. For many that came to them, and many 
more that desired to be with them, could not endure the great 
labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences, which they 
underwent and were contented with. But though they loved 
their persons, and approved their cause, and honored their 
sufferings, yet they left them as it were weeping, as Orpah did 



1617.] EEASONS FOR REMOVAL. 259 

her mother-in-law Naomi, or as those Romans did Cato in 
Utica, who desired to be excused and borne with though they 
could not all be Catos. For many, though they desired to ^ 
enjoy the ordinances of God in their purity, and the liberty 
of the Gospel with them, yet, alas, they admitted of bondage, 
with danger of conscience, rather than to endure these hard- 
ships ; yea, some preferred and chose prisons in England 
rather than this liberty in Holland, with these afflictions. 
But it was thought that if a better and easier place of living 
could be had, it would draw many and take away these dis- 
couragements ; yea, their pastor would often say that many 
of those that both writ and preached now against them, if 
they were in a place where they might have liberty, and live 
comfortably, they would then practise as they did. 

2. They saw that although the people generally bore all 
their difficulties very cheerfully and with a resolute courage, 
being in the best of their strength, yet old age began to come 
on some of them ; and their great and continual labors, with 
other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the time ; so as 
it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that 
within a few years more they were in danger to scatter by 
necessity pressing them, or sink under their burdens, or both ; 
and therefore, according to the divine proverb, that " a wise 
man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself," 
Prov. xxii. 3, so they, like skilful and beaten soldiers, were 
fearful either to be entrapped or surrounded by their enemies, 
so as they should neither be able tc fight nor fly ; and there- 
fore thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of 
better advantage and less danger, if any could be found. 

3. As necessity was a taskmaster over them, so they were 
forced to be such not only to their servants, but in a sort to 
their dearest children ; the which, as it did a little wound the 
tender hearts of many a loving father and mother, so it pro- 
duced also many sad and sorrowful effects. For many of 
their children, that were of best dispositions and gracious 
inclinations, having learned to bear the yoke in their youth, 
and wiUing to bear part of their parents' burden, were often- 
times so oppressed with their heavy labors, that although their 



260 EEASONS FOR REMOVAL. [1617. 

minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under the 
weight of the same, and became decrepit in their early youth ; 
the vigor of nature being consumed in the very bud, as it 
were. But that which was more lamentable, and of all sor- 
rows most heavy to be borne, was that many of their children, 
by these occasions, and the great licentiousness of youth in 
the country, and the manifold temptations of the place, were 
drawn away by evil examples unto extravagant and dangerous 
courses, getting the reins on their necks, and departing from 
their parents. Some became soldiers, others took them upon 
far voyages by sea, and other some worse courses tending to 
dissoluteness and the danger of their souls, to the great grief 
of their parents and dishonor of God ; so that they saw their 
posterity would be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted. 

4. Lastly, (and which was not the least,) a great hope and 
inward zeal they had of laying some good foundation, or at 
least to make some way thereunto, for the propagating and 
advancing the Gospel of the kingdom of Christ in these 
remote parts of the world ; yea, though they should be but 
as stepping-stones unto others for performing of so great a 
work. 

These, and some other like reasons,* moved them to under- 
take this resolution of their removal, the which they after- 
ward prosecuted with so great difficulties ; as by the sequel 
will appear. 

The place they had thoughts on were some of those un- 
peopled countries of America, which are fruitful and fit for 
habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, where there 
are only salvage and brutish people, which range up and down 
little otherwise than the wild beasts. This proposition being 
made public, and coming to the scanning of all, it raised 
many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears 



* Edward Winslow, in his Brief Narrative, gives three other reasons ; 
first, their desire to live under the protection of England and to retain the 
language and the name of Englishmen ; second, their inability to give their 
children such an education as they had themselves received ; and third, their 
grief at the profanation of the sabbath in Holland. 



1617.] REASONS AGAINST EEMOVAL. 261 

and doubts amongst themselves. Some, from their reasons 
and hopes conceived, labored to stir up and encourage the 
rest to undertake and prosecute the same ; others, again, out 
of their fears, objected against it, and sought to divert from 
it, alleging many things, and those neither unreasonable nor 
unprobable ; as that it was a great design, and subject to 
many inconceivable perils and dangers ; as, besides the 
casualties of the seas, (which none can be freed from,) the 
length of the voyage was such as the weak bodies of men 
and women and such other persons, worn out with age and 
travail, (as many of them were,) could never be able to 
endure ; and yet if they should, the miseries of the land 
which they should be exposed unto would be too hard to be 
borne, and likely, some or all of them, to consume and utterly 
to ruinate them. For there they should be liable to famine, 
and nakedness, and the want, in a manner, of all things. The 
changing of the air, diet, and drinking of water would in- 
fect their bodies with sore sicknesses; and all those which 
should escape or overcome these difficulties should yet be 
in continual danger of the savage people, who are cruel, 
barbarous, and treacherous, being most furious in their rage 
and merciless where they overcome, not being content only to 
kill and take away life, but delight to torment men in most 
bloody manner that may be, flaying men alive with the shells 
of fishes, cutting off the joints and members of others by 
piecemeals, and broiling them on the coals, and causing men 
to eat the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they 
live; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And surely 
it could not be thought but the hearing of these things could 
not but move the bowels of men to grate within them, and 
make the weak to quake and tremble. It was further ob- 
jected, that it would require greater sums of money to fur- 
nish such a voyage and to fit them with necessaries, than 
their estates would amount to. And yet they must as well 
look to be seconded with supplies, as presently to be trans- 
ported. Also, the like precedents of ill success and lament- 
able miseries befallen others in the like designs, were easy 
to be found and not forgotten to be alleged; besides their 



262 THE OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. [1617. 

own experience in their former troubles and hardships in 
their removal into Holland, and how hard a thing it was for 
them to live in that strange place, although it was a neigh- 
bor country, and a civil and rich commonwealth. 

It was answered, that all great and honorable actions were 
accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enter- 
prised and overcome with answerable courages. It was 
granted the dangers were great, but not desperate, and the 
difficulties were many, but not invincible ; for although there 
were many of them likely, yet they were not certain. It might 
be that some of the things feared might never befall them ; 
others, by providence, care, and the use of good means, might 
in a great measure be prevented ; and all of them, through 
the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be 
borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not 
to be made and undertaken but upon good ground and reason, 
not rashly or lightly, as many have done for curiosity or hope 
of gain, etc. But their condition was not ordinary. Their 
ends were good and honorable, their calling lawful and urgent, 
and therefore they might expect a blessing of God in their 
proceeding ; yea, although they should lose their lives in this 
action, yet they might have comfort in the same ; and their 
endeavors would be honorable. They lived here but as men 
in exile and in a poor condition ; and as great miseries might 
possibly befall them in this place ; for the twelve years of 
truce were now out, and there was nothing but beating of 
drums and preparing for war, the events whereof are always 
uncertain. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the sav- 
ages of America, and the famine and pestilence as sore here 
as there, and liberty less to look out for remedy. 

After many other particular things answered and alleged 
on both sides, it was fully concluded by the major part to put 
this design in execution, and to prosecute it by the best 
means they could. 



CHAPTER V. 



SHOWING WHAT MEANS THEY USED FOR PREPARATION TO THIS 
WEIGHTY VOYAGE. 

And first, after their humble prayers unto God for his direc- 
tion and assistance, and a general conference held therea- 
bouts, they consulted what particular place to pitch upon and 
prepare for. Some, and none of the meanest, had thoughts 
and were earnest for Guiana, or some of those fertile places 
in those hot climates. Others were for some parts of Vir- 
ginia,* where the English had already made entrance and 
beginning. 

Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, fruit- 
ful, and blessed with a perpetual spring and a flourishing 
greenness ; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in 
abundance and plenty, without any great labor or art of man ; 
so as it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seeing less pro- 
vision of clothing and other things v/ould secure them than 
in more colder and less fruitful countries must be had. As 
also that the Spaniards, having much more than they could 
possess, had not yet planted there, nor anywhere very near 
the same. 

But to this it was answered, that out of question the coun- 
try was both fruitful and pleasant, and might yield riches 
and maintenance to the possessors more easily than to others ; 



* The successful colonization of Virginia commenced in 1G07, at James- 
town. — SJfcBancroft, i. 125 ; Graliame's History of the United States, i. 39. 



264 THEY CONCLUDE TO SETTLE IN VIRGINIA. [1617. 

yet, other things considered, it would not be so fit. And 
first, that such hot countries are subject to grievous diseases, 
and many noisome impediments, which other more temper- 
ate places are free from, and would not so well agree with 
our English bodies. Again, if they should there live and do 
well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long, but 
would displant and overthrow them, as he did the French in 
Florida,* who were settled further from his richest countries ; 
and the sooner, because they should have none to protect 
them, and their own strength would be too small to resist so 
potent an enemy and so near a neighbor. 

On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they 
lived amongst the English which were there planted, or so 
near them as to be under their government, they should be 
in as great danger to be troubled and pers^uted for their 
cause of religion, as if they lived in England, and it might 
be worse ; and if they lived too far off, they should neither 
have succor or defence from them. 

And at length the conclusion was, to live in a distinct body 
by tiiemselves, under the general government of Virginia ; 
and by their friends to sue to His Majesty that he would be 
pleased to grant them free liberty, and freedom of religion. 
And that this may be obtained they were put in good hope 
by some great persons of good rank and quality that were 
made their friends. 

Whereupon two were chosen and sent into England, at the 
charge of the rest, to solicit this matter ; who found the Vir- 
ginia Company very desirous to have them go thither, and 
willing to grant them a patent, with as ample privileges as 
they had or, could grant to any, and to give them the best 
furtherance they could ; and some of the chief of the Com- 
pany doubted not to obtain their suit of the king for liberty 
in religion, and to have it confirmed under the king's broad 
seal, according to their desires. But it proved a harder piece 
of work than they took it for. For although many means 
were used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected ; for 

* See Bancroft, Hist. U. S. i. 67-70. ^ 



1618.] THE AGENTS RETUEN UNSUCCESSFUL. 265 

there were divers of good worth labored with the king to 
obtain it, amongst whom was one of his chief secretaries ; 
and some other wrought with the archbishop to give way 
thereunto. But it proved all in vain. Yet thus far they pre- 
vailed in sounding His Majesty's mind, that he would con- 
nive at them, and not molest them, provided they carried 
themselves peaceably. But to allow or tolerate them by his 
public authority under his seal, they found it would not be 
granted. And this was all that the chief of the Virginia 
Company, or any other of their best friends, could do in the 
case. Yet they persuaded them to go on, for they presumed 
they should not be troubled. And with this answer the mes- 
sengers returned, and signified what diligence had been used, 
and to what issue things were come. 

But this made a damp in the business, and caused some 
distraction. For many were afraid that if they should unset- 
tle themselves, put off their estates, and go upon these hopes, 
it might prove dangerous, and but a sandy foundation. Yea, 
it was thought they might better have presumed hereupon, 
without making any suit at all, than, having made it, to be 
thus rejected. But some of the chiefest thought otherwise, 
and that they might well proceed hereupon, and that the 
King's Majesty was willing enough to suffer them without 
molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirm it 
by any public act ; and furthermore, if there was no security 
in this promise intimated, there would be no greater certainty 
in a further confirmation of the same. For if afterward there 
should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they had 
a seal as broad as the house floor, it would not serve the turn, 
for there would be means enough found to recall or reverse it. 
And seeing, therefore, the course is probable, they must 
rest herein on God's providence, as they had done in other 
things. 

Upon this resolution other messengers were despatched to 
end with the Virginia Company as well as they could, and to 
procure a patent with as good and ample conditions as they 
might by any good means attain ; as also to treat and con- 
clude with such merchants and other friends as had mani- 

23 



266 COKEESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS [1617. 

fested their forwardness to provoke to and adventure in this 
voyage. For which end they had instructions given them 
upon what conditions they should proceed with them ; or else 
to conclude nothing without further advice. And here it will 
be requisite to insert a letter or two that may give light to 
these proceedings. 

A coprj of a Letter from Sir Edioin Sands [^Sandys'] directed to Mr. Jolin 
Robinson and Mr. William Brewster. 

After my hearty salutations, — The agents of your con- 
gregation, Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in 
communication with divers select gentlemen of His Majesty's 
Council for Virginia ; and by the writing of seven articles, 
subscribed with your names, have given them that good de- 
gree of satisfaction which hath carried them on with a reso- 
lution to set forward your desire in the best sort that may be 
for your own and the public good; divers particulars whereof 
we leave to their faithful report, having carried themselves 
here with that good discretion as is both to their own and 
their credit from whom they came. And whereas, being to 
treat for a multitude of people, they have requested further 
time to confer with them that are to be interested in this 
action about the several particulars which in the prosecution 
thereof will fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly 
assented unto ; and so they do now return unto you. If 
therefore it may please God so to direct your desires as that 
on your parts there fall out no just impediments, I trust by 
the same dhection it shall likewise appear that on our parts 
all forwardness to set you forward shall be found in the best 
sort which with reason may be expected. And so I betake 
you with this design, (which I hope verily is the work of 
God,) to the gracious protection and blessing of the Highest. 

Your very loving friends, 

Edwin Sandys.* 
London^ November 12, 1 G 1 7. 

* Sir Edwin Sandys Wtis one of the princijiaJ members of the Virginia 
Comjiany. He was the son of Archbishop Sandys, and a favorite pupil of 



1617.] WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 267 

Their answer ivas as folloioetli. 

Right Worshipful, 

Our humble duties remembered in our own, our messengers', 
and our church's name, with all thankful acknowledgment 
of your singular love, expressing itself, as otherwise, so more 
especially in your great care and earnest endeavor of our 
good in this weighty business about Virginia, which the less 
able we are to requite, we shall think ourselves the more 
bound to commend in our prayers unto God for recompense ; 
whom as for the present you rightly behold in our endeavors, 
so shall we not be wanting on our parts, (the same God as- 
sisting us,) to return all answerable fruit and respect unto the 
labor of your love bestowed upon us. We have, with the best 
speed and consideration withal that we could, set down our 
requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands of 
the greatest part of our congregation, and have sent the same 
unto the Council by our agent, a deacon of our church, John 
Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of 
our company to adjoin himself; to the care and discretion of 
which two we do refer the prosecuting of the business. Now 
we persuade ourselves, right worshipful, that we need not to 
provoke your godly and loving mind to any further or more 
tender care of us, since you have pleased so far to interest us 
in yourself, that, under God, above all persons and things in 
the world we rely upon you, expecting the care of your love, 
the counsel of your wisdom, and the help and countenance of 



the judicious Hooker. In Parliament, he was " a member of great authority," 
according to Hume, and taking the popular side Avas In 1G14 committed by 
James to the Tower for his free speech. Anthony "Wood says he was " a per- 
son of great judgment and of a commanding pen, a solid statesman, mfjenio 
et gravitate morum insignis." He was the author oi^^Europai Speculum ; or 
a View or Survey of the state of Religion in the western part of the World,'' 
and of a metrical version of the Book of Job, the Psalms of David, and other 
poetical parts of Holy Writ. He died in 1629. See Hume's England, vl- 
39, 97, (Pickering's ed.) ; Ilallam's England, i. 391-393. 



268 COERESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS [1617. 

your authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragement 
in the work so far as probabilities may lead, we will not for- 
bear to mention these instances of inducement. 

1. We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us, unto 
whom and whose service we have given ourselves in many 
trials, and that he will graciously prosper our endeavors ac- 
cording to the simplicity of our hearts therein. 

2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother 
country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard 
land, which yet, in great part, we have by patience over- 
come. 

3. The people are, for the body of them, industrious and 
frugal, \Ve think we may safely say, as any company of people 
in the world. 

4. We are knit together as a body in a more strict and 
sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof 
we make [great] conscience ; and by virtue whereof we do 
hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of each other's good, 
and of the whole by every, and so mutual. 

5. And lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom 
small things can discourage, or small discontentments cause 
to wish themselves at home again. We know our entertain- 
ment in England and Holland. We shall much prejudice 
both our arts and means by removal ; where, if we should be 
driven to return, we should not hope to recover our present 
helps and comforts, neither indeed look ever to attain the like 
in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing 
towards their periods. 

These motives we have been bold to tender unto you, 
which you in your wisdom may also impart to any other our 
worshipful friends of the Council with you, of all whose godly 
dispositions and loving towards our despised persons we are 
most glad, and shall not fail by all good means to continue 
and increase the same. We shall not be further troublesome, 
but do, with renewed remembrance of our humble duties to 
your worship, and (so far as in modesty we may be bold) to 
any other of our well-willers of the Council with you, we take 



1617.] WITH THE VIEGINIA COMPANY. 269 

our leaves, committing your persons and counsels to the guid- 
ance and protection of the Almighty. 

Yours, much bounden in all duty, 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 
Leyden,tlie 15th of December, 1G17. 

I found annexed unto the foregoing letters these following 
lines, written by Mr. Bradford with special reference unto the 
fourth particular on the other side written. 

O sacred bond ! Whilst inviolably preserved, how sweet 
and precious were the fruits that flowed from the same. But 
when this fidelity decayed, then their ruin approached. Oh 
that these ancient members had not died or been dissipated, 
(if it had been the will of God,) or else that this holy care 
and constant faithfulness had still lived and remained with 
those that survived, that were in times afterwards added unto 
them. But, alas ! that subtile serpent hath slily wound in 
himself, under fair pretences of necessity and the like, to un- 
twist these sacred bonds and ties, and as it were insensibly, 
by degrees, to dissolve or in a great measure to weaken the 
same. I have been happy, in my first times, to see and with 
much comfort to enjoy the blessed fruits of this sweet com- 
munion. But it is now a part of my misery in old age to find 
and feel the decay and want thereof, in a great measure, and 
with grief and sorrow of heart to lament and bewail the same ; 
and for others' warning and admonition, and my own humilia- 
tion, do I here note the same. 

Thus much by way of digression. For further light in 
these proceedings forenamed, see some other letters and notes, 
as followeth. 

TJte copy of a letter sent to Sir John Worsbigham \_]Vohlenholme'\. 

Right Worshipful, 

With due acknowledgment of our thankfulness for your 
singular care and pains in the business of Virginia, for our 
and (we hope) tl:^e common good, we do remember our hum- 

23* 



270 CORKESPONDENCE OE THE PILGRIMS • [1618. 

ble duties unto you, and have sent, as is desired, a further 
explanation of our judgments in the three points specified 
by some of His Majesty's honorable Privy Council. And al- 
though it be grievous unto us that such unjust insinuations 
are made against us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of 
making our just pm-gation unto the so honorable personages. 
The declarations we have sent inclosed; the one more 
brief and general, which we think the fitter to be presented ; 
the other something more large, and in which we express 
some small accidental difterences, which, if it seem good un- 
to you and other of your worship's friends, you may send 
instead of the former. Our prayer unto God is, that your 
worship may see the fruit of your worthy endeavors, which 
on our part we shall not fail to further by all good means. 
And so praying that you would, with all conveniency that 
may be, give us knowledge of the success of the business 
with His Majesty's Privy Council, and accordingly what 
your further pleasure is, either for our direction or furtherance 
in the same, so we rest 

Your worship's, in all duty, 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 
Leiiderij January 27, 1G17, old style. 

The first brief note teas this. 

Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of pastors for 
teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the 
church's contribution, as also for the two sacraments, bap- 
tism, and the Lord's supper, we do wholly and in all points 
agree with the French Reformed Churches, according to their 
public confession of faith ; though some small differences. 

The oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be 
required of us, if that convenient satisfaction be not given 
by our taking the oath of Allegiance. 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 



1618.] WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY, 271 

The second icas fJds. 

Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, (as in the former, 
etc.) we agree, in all things, with the French Reformed 
Chm-ches, according to their public Confession of Faith; 
though some small differences be to be found in our practices, 
not at all in the substance of the things, but only in some 
accidental circumstances ; as 

1. Their ministers do pray with their heads covered ; we 
uncovered. 

2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are 
able to teach ; which ability they do not require. 

3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the most for 
two or three years ; ours perpetual. 

4. Our elders do administer their office in admonitions and 
excommunications, for public scandals, publicly and before 
the congregation ; theirs more privately and in their con- 
sistories. 

5. We do administer baptism only to such infants as 
whereof the one parent, at the least, is of some church, which 
some of their churches do not observe ; although in it our 
practice accords with their public Confession and the judg- 
ment of the most learned amongst them. 

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none. 
(Subscribed,) 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 

Part of another letter from him that delivered these. 

London, Feb. 14, 1617.* 
Your letter to Sir John Wolstenholme I delivered, almost 
as soon as I had it, to his own hands, and stayed with him 
the opening and reading thereof. There were two papers 
inclosed. He read them to himself, as also the letter ; and 
in the reading he spake to me and said, " Who shall make 
them ? " viz. the ministers. I answered his worship that the 

* 1618, new style. 



272 CORRESPONDENCE OF TIIE PILGRIMS [1618. 

power of making was in the Church,* to be ordained by the 
imposition of hands by the fittest instruments they have. It 
must either be in the Church, or from the Pope; and the 
Pope is Antichrist. " Ho ! " said Sir John, " what the Pope 
holds good, (as in the Trinity,) that we do well to assent to. 
But," said he, " we will not enter into dispute now ; " and as 
for your letters, he would not show them at any hand, lest he 
should spoil all. He expected you should have been of the 
Archbishop's mind for the calling of ministers ; but it seems 
you differed. I could have wished to have known the con- 
tents of your two inclosed, at which he stuck so much, es- 
pecially the larger. I asked his worship, what good news he 
had for me to write to-morrow. He told me, " [Very] good 
news ; for both the King's Majesty and the bishops have con- 
sented." He said he would go to Mr. Chancellor, Sir Fulke 
Greville, as this day, and next week I should know more. I 
met with Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night. He 
wished me to be at the Virginia Court the next Wednesday, 
where I purpose to be. Thus loth to be troublesome at 
present, I hope to have something next week of certainty con- 
cerning you. I commit you to the Lord. 

Yours, S. B. 

These things being long in agitation, and messengers pass- 
ing to and again about them, after all their hopes they were 
long delayed by many obstacles that fell in the way. For at 
the return of these messengers into England, they found 
things far otherwise than they expected. For the Virginia 
Council was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels 
amongst themselves, as no business could well go forward ; 
the which may the better appear in one of the messengers' 
letters, as followeth. 

To his loving friends. 

I had thought long since to have writ unto you ; but could 
not effect that which I aimed at, neither can yet set things 

* See Morton's Memorial, pp. 97-100. 



1619.] WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 273 

as I wished. Yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but jMr. 
Brewster hath written to Mr. Robinson ; but I think myself 
bound also to do something, lest I be thought to neglect you. 
The main hinderance of our proceedings in the Virginia 
business is the dissensions and factions, as they term it, 
amongst the Council and Company of Virginia, which are 
such as that ever since we came up no business could by 
them be despatched. The occasion of this trouble amongst 
them is, that a while since Sir Thomas Smith, repining at 
his many offices and troubles, wished the Company of Vir- 
ginia to ease him of his office in being treasurer and governor 
of the Virginia Company. Whereupon the Company took 
occasion to dismiss him, and chose Sir Edwin Sandys treas- 
urer and governor of the Company, he having sixty voices, 
Sir John Wolstenholme sixteen voices, and alderman John- 
son twenty-four. But Sir Thomas Smith, when he saw 
some part of his honor lost, was very angry, and raised 
a faction to cavil and contend about the election, and 
sought to tax Sir Edwin with many things that might both 
disgi'ace liim and also put him by his office of governor. 
In which contentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor ready 
to intermeddle in any business ; and what issue things will 
come to, I know not, nor are we yet certain. It is most like 
Sir Edwin will carry it away ; and if he do, things will go 
well in Virginia ; if otherwise, they will go ill enough always. 
We hope in two or three Court days things will settle. Mean 
space I think to go down into Kent, and come up again 
about fourteen days or three weeks hence ; except either by 
these aforesaid contentions, or by the ill tidings from Vir- 
ginia, we be wholly discouraged ; of which tidings as fol- 
loweth. 

Capt. Ai'gall is come home this week. He, upon notice of 
the intent of the Council, came away before Sir George 
Yardly [Yeardly] came there, and so there is no small dissen- 
sion. But his tidings is ill,, although his person be welcome. 
He saith Mr. Blackwell's ship came not there until JMarch ; 
but going towards winter they had still north-west w^inds. 



274 COERESPONDENCE OF THE TILGRIMS [1619. 

which carried them to the southward beyond then* course; 
and the master of the ship and some six of the mariners 
dying, it seemed they could not find the Bay, till after long 
seeking and beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. 
Maggner, the captain. Yea, there are dead, he saith, a hun- 
dred and thirty persons, one and other, in the ship. It is said 
there was in all a hundred and eighty persons in the ship, so 
as they were packed together like herrings. They had 
amongst them a flux, and also want of fresh water ; so as it 
is here rather wondered that so many are alive, than that so 
many are dead. The merchants here say it was Mr. Black- 
well's fault to pack so many in the ship ; yea, and there was 
great murmuring and repining amongst them, and upbraiding 
of Mr. Blackwell for his dealing and disposing of them, when 
they saw how he had disposed of them, and how he insulted 
over them. Yea, the streets at Gravesend rang of their ex- 
treme quarrelling, crying out one of another, " Thou hast 
brought me to this. I may thank thee for this." Heavy 
news it is, and I would be glad to hear how far it will dis- 
courage. I see none here discouraged much, but rather desne 
to learn to beware by other men's harms, and to amend that 
wherein they have failed ; as we desire to serve one another 
in love, so take heed of being enthralled by other imperious 
persons, especially if they be discerned to have an eye to 
themselves. It doth often trouble me to think that in this 
business we are to learn, and none to teach. But better so 
than to depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. 
Such a stratagem he made for Mr. Johnson and his people at 
Emden ; much was their subversion. But though he then 
cleanlily yet unhonestly plucked his neck out of the collar, yet 
at last his foot is caught. 

Here are no letters come. The ship Captain Argall came 
in is yet in the west parts. All that we hear is but his report. 
It seemeth he came away secretly. The ship that Mi*. Black- 
well went in will be here shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once 
said ; he thought we should hear no good of them. 

Mr. Brewster is not well at this time. Whether he will go 



1619.] WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 275 

back to you or go into the north, I yet know not. For my- 
self, I hope to see an end of this business ere I come, though 
I am sorry to be thus from you. If things had gone roundly 
forward, I should have been with you within this fourteen 
days. I pray God direct us, and give us that spirit which is 
fitting for such a business. 

Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mv. 
Brewster, I think, hath more largely wTit of to ]Mr. Robinson, 
I leave you to the Lord's protection. 

Yours, in all readiness, etc. 

Robert Cushman. 

London, May tie 8th, 1619. 

A word or two, by way of digression, touching this Mr. 
Blackwell. He was an elder of the church of Amsterdam, a 
man well known of most of them. He declined from the 
truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with him when 
they departed asunder in that woful manner which brought 
so great dishonor to God, scandal to the truth, and outward 
ruin to themselves, in this world. But I hope, notwithstand- 
ing, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at 
rest with God, in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the 
haven of happiness, though some of their bodies were thus 
buried in the terrible seas, and others sunk under the burden 
of bitter afflictions. He, with some others, had prepared for 
to go to Virginia ; and he with sundry godly citizens being 
at a private meeting (I take it, at a Fast) in London, being 
discovered, many of them were apprehended, whereof Mr. 
Blackwell was one. But he so glossed with the bishops, and 
either dissembled or flatly denied the truth which formerly he 
had maintained ; and not only so, but unworthily betrayed 
and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he 
might slip his own neck out of the collar, and to obtain his 
own freedom brought others into bonds. Whereupon he so 
won the bishops' favor, (but lost the Lord's,) as he was not 
only dismissed, but in open court the Archbishop gave him 
great applause and his solemn blessing to proceed in his 



276 COERESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS. [1619. 

voyage. But if such events follow the bishops' blessing, 
happy are they that miss the same. It is much better to keep 
a good conscience and have the Lord's blessing, whether in 
life or death. But see how that man, apprehended by JNIr. 
Blackwell's means, writes to a friend of his. 

Right dear friend and Christian brother, Mr. Carver, I salute 
you and yours in the Lord. 

Sir, as for my own present condition, I doubt not but you 
well understand it by our brother Masterson, who should have 
tasted of the same cup, had his place of residence and his 
person been as well known as myself. Somewhat I have 
written to Mr. Cushman how the matter still continues. I 
have petitioned twice to Mr. Sheriff, and once to my Lord 
Cook, and have used such reasons to move them to pity, that 
if they were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should 
have soon gained my liberty ; — as that I was a man living 
by my credit, in debt to divers in our city, living in more than 
ordinary charges in a close and tedious prison ; besides great 
rents abroad, all my business lying still, my own servant 
lying lame in the country, my wife being also great with 
child ; and yet no answer until the Lords of His Majesty's 
Council gave consent. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as 
deep in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate 
with a great deal less ado, yea, with an addition of the Arch- 
bishop's blessing. I am sony for Mr. Blackwell's weakness. 
I wish it may prove no worse ; but yet he and some others of 
them were not sony, but thought it was for the best that I 
was nominated ; not because the Lord sanctifies evil to good, 
but that the action was good, yea, for the best. One reason 
I well remember he used was, because this trouble would in- 
crease the Virginia plantation ; that now people began more 
generally to incline to go ; and if he had not nominated some 
such as I, he had not been free, being it was known that many 
citizens, besides themselves, were there. I expect an answer 
shortly what they intend concerning me. I purpose to write 
to some other of you, by whom you shall know the certainty 



1619.J THE PILGRIMS OBTAIN A PATENT, 277 

Thus not having further at present to acquaint you withal, 
commending myself to your prayers I cease, and commit 
you and us all to the Lord. 

Your friend andr brother, in bonds, 

Sabin Starsmore. 
From my Chamler in Wood-street Counter, Sept. 4th, 1618. 

But thus much by the way, which may be of good use.* 

But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, 
they had a patent granted them, and confirmed under the 
Company's seal. But these divisions and distractions had 
shaken off many of their pretended friends, and disappointed 
them of many of their hoped for and proffered means. By 
the advice of some friends this patent was not taken in the 
name of any of their own company, but in the name of IVIr. 
John "VVincob, a religious gentleman, then belonging to the 
Countess of Lincoln, wdio intended to go with them. But 
God so disposed as he never went, nor they ever made use of 
this patent, which had cost them so much labor and charge ; 
as by the sequel will appear. 

This patent being sent over for them to view and consider, 
as also the passages about the propositions between them and 
such merchants and friends as should either go or adventure 
with them, and especially with them on whom they did chiefly 
depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been 
large, they were requested to fit and prepare themselves with 
•all speed. 

A right emblem it may be of the uncertain things of this 
world, that when men have toiled themselves, they vanish 
into smoke. 

Upon a receipt of these things by one of their messengers, 
they had a solemn meeting and a day of humiliation, to seek 



* I have been tlie larger in these things, that the rising generation may 
seriously take notice of the many difficulties their poor leaders underwent iu 
the first enterprises towards coming into New England. 

24 



278 THE PILGEIMS KEEP A FAST. [1620. 

the Lord for his direction. And their pastor took this text. 
" And David's men said unto him, See, we be afraid here in 
Judah. How much more, if we come to Keilah, against the 
hosts of the PhiUstines. Then David asked counsel of the 
Lord again." 1 Sam. xxiii. 3, 4. From which text he taught 
many things very aptly, and befitting their present occasion 
and condition, to strengthen them against their fears and per- 
plexities, and encouraging them in their resolutions. 

In the foregoing five chapters the reader may take a view 
of some of the many difficulties our blessed predecessors went 
through in their first achievement of this weighty enterprise 
of removal of our church into these American parts. The 
immediate following relations in Mr. Bradford's book, out of 
which divers of these matters are recollected, do more es- 
pecially concern the conditions of their agreement with sev- 
eral merchant adventurers towards the voyage, etc., as also 
several letters sent to and fro from friend to friend relating to 
the premises, which are not so pertinent to the nature of this 
small history. Wherefore I shall here omit to insert them, 
judging them not so suitable to my present purpose ; and 
here also cease to follow the foregoing method by way of 
chapters. 

As Morton cliose here to omit a portion of Bradford's Historj-, relating to 
transactions witli the merchant adventurers, we here quote from Hubbard's 
History a few paragraphs which seem essential to the comj)leteness of the 
narrative. 

" Soon after this their agents were sent into England again, 
to conclude of articles and propositions between them and 
such merchants and friends as should either go or adventure 
with them, and those who in order to their removal had sold 
out their estates, put their moneys into a common stock, 
which was to be disposed of by those appointed to make gen- 
eral provision. ]Mi-. Weston was one who had interested him- 
self much in their affau's, undertaking to provide shipping for 
their transportation, but about this time they were informed 



1620.] THE PILGEIMS MEET WITH DISCOUEAGESIENTS. 279 

by Mr. Weston and others, that sundry honorable lords and 
worthy gentlemen had obtained a large patent from the King 
for the more northerly part of America, distinct from the Vir- 
ginia patent, and wholly excluded from their government, and 
to be called by another name, namely. New England. Unto 
which JMr. "Weston and the chiefest of them began to incline, 
thinking it was best for them to go thither; as for other reasons, 
so chiefly for the hope of present profit, to be made by fishing 
on that coast. But in all business the active part is most 
difficult, especially when there are many agents that may be 
concerned. So it was found in them ; for some of them who 
should have gone in England, fell off and would not go. 
Other merchants and friends, that proffered to adventure their 
money, withdrew and pretended many excuses ; some dis- 
liking they went not to Guiana ; others would do nothing 
unless they went to Virginia; and many who were most re- 
lied on refused to adventure if they went thither. In the 
midst of these difficulties, they of Leyden were driven to great 
straits ; but at the length, the generality was swayed to the 
better opinion. Howbeit, the patent for the northern part of 
the country not being fully settled at that time, they resolved 
to adventure with that patent they had, intending for some 
place more southward than that they fell upon in their voy- 
age, at Cape Cod, as may appear afterwards. 

The conditions, on which those of Leyden engaged with 
the merchants, the adventurers, were hard enough at the first 
for the poor people, that were to adventure their persons as well 
as their estates. Yet were their agents forced to change one 
or two of them, to satisfy the merchants, who were not willing 
to be concerned with them ; although the altering them with- 
out their knowledge or consent was very distasteful to them, 
and became the occasion of some contention amongst them 
afterwards. They are these that follow. 

1. The adventurers and planters do agree, that every person 
that goeth, being sixteen years old and upward, be rated at 
ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted a single share. 

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth himself out 
with ten pounds, either in money or other provisions, be ac- 



280 THE CONDITIONS OF THE PARTNEESHIP [1620. 

counted as having twenty pounds in stock, and in the division 
shall receive a double share. 

3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall con- 
tinue their joint-stock and partnership the space of seven 
years, except some unexpected impediments do cause the 
whole company to agree otherwise ; during which time all 
profits and benefits that are gotten by trade, traffic, trucldng, 
working, fishing, or any other means, of any other person or 
persons, shall remain still in the common stock until the 
division. 

4. That at their coming there they shall choose out such a 
number of fit persons as may furnish then- ships and boats 
for fishing upon the sea ; employing the rest in their several 
faculties upon the land, as building houses, tilling and plant- 
ing the ground, and maldng such commodities as shall be 
most useful for the colony. 

5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and the 
profits, namely, the houses, lands, goods, and chattels, be 
equally divided among the adventurers. If any debt or detri- 
ment concerning this adventure. 

6. Whosoever cometh to the colony hereafter, or putteth 
any thing into the stock, shall at the end of the seven years 
be allowed proportionally to the time of his so doing. 

7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or servants, shall 
be allowed for every person, now aged sixteen years and up- 
ward, a single share in the division ; or if he provide them 
necessaries, a double share ; or if they be between ten years 
old and sixteen, then two of them to be reckoned for a person, 
both in transportation and division. 

8. That such children that now go and are under the age 
of ten years, have no other share in the division than fifty 
acres of unmanured land. 

9. That such persons as die before the seven years be ex- 
■ pired, their executors to have their parts or share at the divis- 
ion proportionably to the time of their life in the colony. 

10. That all such persons as are of the colony are to have 
meat, drink, and apparel, and all provisions, oat of the com- 
mon stock and goods of the said colony. 



1620.] WITH THE MERCHANT ADVENTUEERS. 281 

The difference between the conditions thus expressed and 
the former, before their alteration, stood in these two points ; 
first, that the houses and lands improved, especially gardens 
and home fields, should remain undivided, wholly to the plant- 
ers, at the seven years' end ; secondly, that the planters should 
have two days in the week for their own private employment, 
for the comfort of themselves and their families, especially 
such as had them to take care for. 

The altering of those two conditions was very afflictive to 
the minds of such as were concerned in the voyage. But ]VIr. 
Cushman, their principal agent, answered the complaints 
peremptorily, that unless they had so ordered the conditions, 
the whole design would have fallen to the ground ; and neces- 
sity, they said, having no law, they were constrained to be 
silent. The poor planters met with much difficulty both be- 
fore and after the expiring of the seven years, and found much 
trouble in making up accounts with the adventurers about the 
division ; at which time, though those that adventured their 
money were no great gainers, yet those that adventured their 
lives in carrying on the business of the plantation were by 
much the greatest sufferers. 

[Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver, and complains of Mr. 
Weston's neglect in getting shipping in England ; for want 
of which they are in a piteous case at Leyden. And S. F., 
E. W., W. B,, and J. A., write from Leyden to Mr. Carver 
and Cushman, that the coming of Mr. Nash and their pilot is 
a gi'eat encouragement to them. 

Mr. Cushman, in a letter from London to Mr. Carver at 
Southampton, says that Mr. Crabe, a minister, had promised 
to go, but is much opposed, and like to fail ; and in a letter 
to the people at Leyden, that he had hired another pilot, one 
Mr. Clark, who went last year to Virginia ; that he is getting 
a ship, hopes he shall make all ready at London in fourteen 
days, and would have Mr. Reynolds tarry in Holland, and 
bring the ship there to Southampton.] * 

* These last two paragraphs are from Prince. 

Here follows in Bradford's History the same description of their departure 

24* 



282 ROBINSON'S LETTER TO CARVER. [1620. 



A brief Letter toritten ly Mr. Jolm BoVinson to Mr. John Carver, at ilieir part- 
ing aforesaid, in ivhicli the tender love and godly care of a true pastor 
appears. 

My Dear Brother, — 

I received inclosed your last letter and note of information, 
which I shall carefully keep and make use of, as there shall 
be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexity of mind 
and toil of body ; but I hope that you, having always been 
able so plentifully to administer comfort unto others in their 
trials, are so wxll furnished for yourself, as that far greater 
difficulties than you have yet undergone (though I conceive 
them to be great enough) cannot oppress you, though they 
press you, as the Apostle speaketh. " The spirit of a man 
(sustained by the Spirit of God) will sustain his infirmity." 
I doubt not so will yours ; and the better much, when you 
shall enjoy the presence and help of so many godly and wise 
brethren, for the bearing of part of your burden ; who also 
will not admit into their hearts the least thought of suspicion 
of any the least negligence, at least presumption, to have been 
in you, whatsoever they think in others. Now what shall I say 
or write unto you and your good wife, my loving sister? 
Even only this ; I desire, and always shall, mercy and blessing 
unto you from the Lord, as unto my own soul ; and assure 
yourself that my heart is with you, and that I will not fore- 
slow my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have 
wi'itten a large letter to the whole,* and am sorry I shall not 
rather speak than write to them ; and the more, considering 
the want of a preacher, which I shall also make some spur to 
my hastening towards you. I do ever commend my best 
affection unto you ; which if I thought you made any doubt 
of, I would express in more, and the same more ample and 
full words. And the Lord, in whom you trust, and whom 



from Leyden, their embarkation from Delft Haven, and tlieir subsequent 
trials, as is found in the Memorial, ■which need not be repeated. See pages 
13-24. 
* See this letter in Memorial, p. 15-19 of this volume. 



1620.] ROBINSON'S LETTER TO CARVER. 283 

you serve ever in this business and journey, guide you with 
his hand, protect you with his wing, and show you and us 
his salvation in the end, and bring us, in the m^an while, 
together in the place desired (if such be his good will) for his 
Christ's sake. Amen. 

Yours, 

John Robinson. 

July 27iJi, 1620. 

This was the last letter that Mi'. Carver lived to see from 
him.* 



* The remainder of Bradford's History as found on the Church Records 
is in the Memorial. See pages 19-24. 



NEW E]!^GLAND CHEONOLOGY, 



THOMAS PRINCE, 



Mr. Prince having read all the contemporary histories of the first thirteen 
years of the settlement at Plymouth, put the whole in the form of Annals; 
and we have here extracted so much as seemed desirable to make this vol- 
ume a fuU and complete narrative of the events of the time included. 



NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 



1621. 

January 1. Monday, tile people at Plymouth go betimes 
to work, and the year begins with the death of Degory Priest. 

January 3. Some abroad see great fires of Indians and go 
to their cornfields, but discover none of the savages, nor have 
seen any since we came to this harbor. 

January 4. Captain Standish, with four or five more, go 
to look for the natives where their fires were made, find some 
of their houses, though not lately inhabited, but none of the 
natives. 

January 8. Francis Billington having the week before 
from the top of a tree on a high hill discovered a great sea, 
as he thought, goes this day with one of the master's mates 
to view it ; travel three miles to a large water divided into 
two lakes ; the bigger five or six miles in compass with an 
islet in it of a cable's length square. The other three miles 
in compass, and a brook issuing from it, find seven or eight 
houses, though not lately inhabited ; and this day dies Mr. 
Christopher Martin. 

January 9. We labor in building our town in two rows of 
houses for greater safety ; divide by lot the ground we build 
on ; agree that every man shall build his own house, that they 
may make more haste than when they work in common. 

January 12. At noon, John Goodman and Peter Brown 
gathering thatch abroad, and not coming home after their two 
companions, put us in great sorrow; master Leaver with 
three or four more go to seek them, but can hear nothing of 



288 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621. 

them ; next day, thinking the Indians had surprised them, we 
arm out ten or twelve men after them, who go searching 
seven or eight miles, but return without discovery, to our 
great discomfort. 

January 13. Having the major part of our people ashore, 
we purpose there to keep the public worship to-morrow. 

January 14. Lord's Day morning at six o'clock, the wind, 
being very high, we on shipboard see our rendezvous in 
flames ; and because of the loss of the two men, fear the 
savages had fired it, nor can we come to help them for want 
of the tide tiU seven o'clock ; at landing, hear good news of 
the return of our two men, and that the house was fired by 
a spark flying into the thatch, which instantly burnt it up ; 
the gi-eatest sufferers are Governor Carver and Mr. Bradford. 
The two men were lost in the woods on Friday noon ; ranged 
all the afternoon in the wet and cold ; at night it snowing, 
freezing, and being bitter weather, they walked under a tree 
till morning, then travelled by many lakes and brooks ; in the 
afternoon, from a high hill they discover the two isles in our 
harbor, and at night get home faint with travel and want of 
food and sleep, and almost famished with cold. 

January 21. We keep our public worship ashore. 

January 29. Dies Rose, the wife of Captain Standish. 

January 31. This morning the people aboard the ship see 
two savages, (the first that we see at this harbor,) but cannot 
speak with them. 

N. B. This month eight of our number die. 

February 9. This afternoon, our house for our sick people 
is set a fire by a spark lighting on the roof. 

February 16. One of our people a fowling by a creek 
about a mile and a half off, twelve Indians march by him 
towards the town ; in the woods he hears the noise of many 
more, lies close till they are passed by, then hastens home 
and gives the alarm ; so the people abroad return, but see 
none ; only Captain Standish and Francis Cook, leaving their 
tools in the woods, and going for them, find the savages had 
took them away ; and towards night a great fire about the 
place where the man saw them. 



1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHKONOLOGY. 289 

February 17. This morning we first meet for appointing 
military orders, choose Miles Standish for our captain, give 
him power accordingly ; and while we are consulting, two 
savages present themselves on the top of the hill over against 
us about a quarter of a mile off, making signs for us to come 
to them, we send Captain Standish and Mr. Hopkins over 
the brook towards them, one only with a musket, which he 
lays down in sign of peace and parley, but the Indians would 
not stay their coming; a noise of a great many more is 
heard behind the hill, but no more come in sight. 

February 21. Die Mi-. William White, Mr. William Mul- 
lins, with two more. And the 25th dies Mary, the wife of 
Mr. Isaac Allerton. 

N. B. This month, seventeen of our number die. 

]\Iarch 7. The governor with five more go to the Great 
Ponds ; and we begin to sow our garden seeds. 

March 16. This morning, a savage boldly comes alone 
along the houses straight to the rendezvous, surprises us with 
calling out. Welcome Englishmen I Welcome Englishmen ! 
having learned some broken English among the fishermen at 
Monhiggon ; the first Indian we met with, his name Samoset, 
says he is a sagamore or lord of Moratiggon, lying hence a 
day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land, and has 
been in these parts eight months ; we entertain him, and he 
informs us of the country ; that the place we are in is called 
Patuxet, that about four years ago all the inhabitants died of 
an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, 
nor child remaining ; as indeed we find none to hinder our 
possession, or lay claim to it. At night we lodge and watch 
him. 

IMarch 17. This morning we send Samoset to the Massa- 
soits, our next neighbors, whence he came. The Nausites 
near southeast of us being those by whom we were first en- 
countered as before related, are much incensed against the 
English ; about eight months ago slew three Englishmen, and 
two more hardly escaped to Monhiggon ; they were Sir F. 
Gorges' men, as our savage tells us. He also tells us of the 
fight we had with the Nausites, and of our tools lately taken 

25 



290 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621, 

away, which we required him to bring. This people are ill 
aiTected to us because of Hunt, who carried away twenty 
from this place we now inhabit, and seven from the Nausites 
as before observed. He promises within a night or tvv^o to 
bring some of the Massasoits, with beaver skins to trade. 

March 18. Samoset returns with five other men, who 
bring our tools with some skins and make show of friendship ; 
but being the Lord's day, we would not trade, but entertain- 
ing them, bid them come again and bring more, which they 
promise within a night or two ; but Samoset tarries with us. 

March 21. This morning, the Indians not coming, we send 
Samoset to inquire the reason. In his absence, two or three 
savages present themselves on the top of the hill against us, 
with a show of daring us ; but Capt. Standish and another 
with their muskets going over, the Indians whet their arrows 
and make show of defiance ; but as our men advance they 
run away. 
/ March 22. About noon, Samoset returns with Squanto, 
the only native of this place, one of the twenty Hunt had 
carried to Spain, but got into England, lived in Cornhill, 
London, with Mr. John Slanie, merchant, and can speak a 
little English, with three others ;]lbring a few skins and sig- 
nify that their great Sagamore Massasoit, the greatest king 
of the Indians bordering on us, is hard by, with his brother 
Quadequina and their company. After an hour, the Idng 
comes to the top of an hill over against us, with a train of 
sixty men. We send Squanto to him, who brings word that 
we should send one to parley with him. We send ]\Ir. Ed- 
ward Winslow to know his mind, and signify that our gov- 
ernor desires to see him and truck and confirm a peace. 
Upon this the king leaves Mr. Winslow in the custody of 
Quadequina and comes over the brook with a train of tv/enty 
men, leaving their bows and arrows behind them. Captain 
Standish and Master Williamson with six muslteteers meet 
him at the brook, where they salute each other, conduct him 
to a house wherein they place a green rug and three or four 
cushions ; then instantly comes our governor, with drum, 
trumpet, and musketeers ; after salutations, the governor kiss- 



1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 291 

ing his hand, and the king kissing him, they set down, the 
governor entertains him with some refreshments, and then 
they agree on a league of friendship.* 

After this, the governor conducts him to the brook, where 
they embrace and part ; we keeping six or seven hostages for 
our messenger. But Quadequina coming with his troop, we 
entertain and convey him back, receive our messenger, and 
return the hostages. 

March 23. This morning, diverse Indians coming over 
tell us, the king w^ould have some of us come and see him ; 
Captain Standish and Mr. Isaac Allerton go venturously to 
them, wdiom they welcome after their manner; and about 
noon, they return to their place called Sowams, about forty 
miles off to the westward. The king is a portly man, in his 
best years, grave of countenance, spare of speech. And we 
cannot but judge he is willing to be at peace with us, espec- 
ially because he has a potent adversary the Narragansets, 
w^ho are at war v.ath him, against whom he thinks we may 
be some strength, our pieces being terrible to them. But 
Samoset and Squanto tarry. 

This day we meet on common business, conclude our mil- 
itary orders, with some laws convenient for our present state, 
and choose or rather confirm Mr. Carver our governor for the 
following year. 

March 24. Dies Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. Edward 
Winslo\v. 

The first offence since our arrival is of John Billington w^ho 
came on board at London, and is this month convenf^d be- 
fore the whole company for his contempt of the captain's 
lawful command wnth opprobrious speeches, for which he is 
adjudged to have his neck and heels tied together ; but upon 
humbling himself and craving pardon, and it being the first 
offence, he is forgiven. 

This month thirteen of our number die. And in three 
months past, dies half our company ; the greatest part in the 
depth of wanter, wanting houses and other comforts, being 

* See terms of league page 40. 



292 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621. 

infected with the scurvy and other diseases, which their long 
voyage and unaccommodate condition brought upon tliem; 
so as there die sometimes two or three a day, of one hun- 
dred persons scarce fifty remain; the living scarce able to 
bury the dead, the well not sufficient to tend the sick ; there 
being in their time of greatest distress but six or seven, who 
spare no pains to help them ; two of the seven were Mr. 
Brewster their reverend elder, and Mr. Standish their captain. 

The like disease fell also among the sailors, so as almost 
half of their company also die before they sail. 

But the spring advancing it pleases God the mortality be- 
gins to cease, and the sick and lame recover, which puts new 
life into the people, though they had borne their sad afilic- 
tion with as much patience as any could do. 

April 5. We despatch the ship with Captain Jones, who 
this day sails from New Plymouth, and May 6 arrives in 
England. 

After this we plant twenty acres of Indian corn, wherein 
Squanto is a great help, showing us how to set, fish, dress, 
and tend it, of which we have a good increase ; we likewise 
sow six acres of barley and peas ; our barley indifferent good, 
but our peas parched up with the sun. 

May 12. The first marriage in this place, is of Mr. Ed- 
ward Winslow to Mrs. Susanna "White, widow of IMr. Wil- 
liam White. 
/ June 18. The second offence is the first duel fought in 
New England, upon a challenge of single combat with sword 
and dagger betv^een Edward Doty and Edward Leister, ser- 
vants of Mr. Hopkins ; ^ both being wounded, the one in the 
hand, the other in the thigh, they are adjudged by the whole 
company to have their head and feet tied together, and so to 
lie for twenty-four hours, without meat or drink, which is be- 
gun to be inflicted, but within an hour, because of their 
great pains, at their own and their master's humble request, 
upon promise of better carriage, they are released by the 
governor. 

July 2. We agree to send Mr. Edward Winslow and ]\Ii-. 
Steven Hopkins with Squanto to see our new friend Massa- 



1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 293 

soit at Pakaiiokit, to bestow some gratuities on him, bind him 
faster to us, view the country, see how and where he lives, 
his strength, etc. (See Memorial, page 48.) 

Tuesday. At nine this morning, we set out, travel fifteen 
miles westward to Namasket by three in the afternoon. The 
people entertain ns with joy, give us bread they call Maizum, 
and the spawn of shads, which they now have in great plenty, 
and we eat with spoons. By sunset we get eight miles fur- 
ther to a Ware, where we find many of the Namascheuks, i. e. 
Namasket men, a fishing, having caught abundance of bass; 
who welcome us also, and there we lodge. The head of this 
river is said to be not far from the place of our abode, upon 
it are and have been many towns ; the ground very good on 
both sides; for the most part cleared ; thousands of men have 
lived here, who died of the great plague which befell these 
parts about three years before our arrival ; the living not being 
able to bury them, and their skulls and bones appear in many 
places where their dwellings had been. Upon this river Mas- 
sasoit lives ; it goes into the sea a,t Narraganset Bay, where 
the Frenchmen use so much. Next morning we travel six 
miles by the river to a known shoal place, and it being low- 
water, put off our clothes and wade over; thus far the tide 
flows. "We observe few places on the river but what had 
been inhabited, though now greatly w^asted by the plague 
aforesaid. And so we travel to Pacanokit, where Massasoit 
kindly welcomes us and gratefully receives our presents, as- 
sures us he will gladly continue the peace and friendship, tells 
us the ?^arragansets live on the other side of that great bay, 
are a strong people, and many in number, live compactly, and 
were not touched with that v/asting sickness; desires us not 
to let the French trade with them ; and there we lodge. Next 
day, being Thursday, many of their sachems or petty governors 
come to visit us ; we see their games for skins and knives, 
and there lodge again. Friday morning, before sunrise, we 
take our leave, Massasoit retaining Squanto to procure truck 
for us, appoints Tockamahamon in his place, whom we had 
found faithful before and after upon all occasions. That night 
we reach to the "Ware, and the next night home. 

25* 



294 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621. 

July e. John Billington, a boy, being lost in the woods, 
the governor causes him to be inquired for among the natives ; 
at lenscth Massasoit sends word he is at Nauset. He had 
wandered five days, lived on berries, then light of an Indian 
plantation, twenty miles south of us called Manomet, and 
they conveyed him to the people who first assaulted us, but 
the governor sends ten men in a shallop with Squanto and 
Tockamahamon, to fetch him. 

The first day the shallop sails for the harbor at Cummaquid, 
but night coming on, we anchor in the midst of the bay, 
where we are dry at low-water. Next morning the Indians 
on the other side of the channel invite us to come and eat 
with them ; as soon as our boat floats, six of us go ashore, 
leaving four of them pledges in the boat, the rest bring us to 
their sachem, whom they call lyanough, a man not above 
twenty-six years of age, but personable and courteous, who 
gives us plentiful and various cheer. After dinner we take 
boat for Nauset, lyanough and two of his men with us. But 
the day and tide failing, we cannot get in with our shallop, 
lyanough with his men go ashore, and we send Squanto to 
teU Aspinet, the sachem of Nauset, our errand. After sunset, 
Aspinet comes with a great train of a hundred with him 
bringing the boy, one bearing him through the water, delivers 
him to us. The sachem makes his peace with us. We give 
him a knife, and another to him who first entertained the boy. 
At this place we hear the Narragansets had spoiled some of 
Massasoit's men and taken him, which strikes us with some 
fear ; and setting sail, carry lyanough to Cummaquid, and 
get home the next day night. Those people also come and 
make their peace, and we give them full eatisfaction for the 
corn we had formerly found in their country. 

Hobamak a Pinese, or chief captain of Massasoit, also 
comes to dwell among us, and continues faithful as long as 
he lives. 

At our return from Nauset, we find it true that Massasoit 
is put from his country by the Narragansets, and word is 
brought us that Coubatant or Corbitant, a petty sachem un- 
der Massasoit, ever feared to be too conversant with the Nar- 



1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 295 

ragansets, and no friend to the English, is at Namasket, seek- 
ing to draw the hearts of Massasoit's subjects from him, 
speaks disdainfully of us, storms at the peace between Nau- 
set, Cummaquid, and us, and at Squanto the worker of it, as 
also at Tokamahamon and Hobamak. However, Squanto 
and Hobamak go privately to see what is become of their 
king, and lodge at Namasket, but are discovered to Corbitant, 
who besets the house, threatens to kill Squanto and Hoba- 
mak for being friends to us, seizes Squanto and holds a knife 
at his breast, offers to stab Hobamak, but being a stout man 
clears himself, concludes Squanto killed, and flies to our gov- 
ernor with the information. 

August 13. At this the governor assembles our company, 
and taking counsel, it is conceived not fit to be borne ; for if 
we should suffer our friends and messengers thus to be 
wronged, we shall have none to cleave to us, or give us intelli- 
gence, or do us any service, but would next fall upon us, etc. 
We therefore resolve to send ten men to-morrow with Hoba- 
mak, to seize our foes in the night ; if Squanto be killed, to 
cut off Corbitant's head ; but hurt only those who had a hand 
in the murder, and retain Nepcof another sachem in the con- 
federacy, till we hear of Massasoit. 

August 14. Capt. Standish with fourteen men and Hoba- 
mak set out in a rainy day, lose then' way in the night, wet, 
weary, and much discouraged. But finding it again, beset 
Corbitant's house at midnight, where three Indians are sorely 
wounded in trying to break away, but find him gone, and 
Tokamahamon and Squanto safe. Corbitant having only 
threatened Squanto's life and made an offer to stab him.* 

Next morning we march into the midst of the town, Hoba- 
mak telling the Indians what we only intended, they bring 
the best food they have, and we breakfast at Squanto's house ; 
whither all whose hearts are upright to us come ; but Corbi- 
tant's faction fled away. We declare that if Massasoit does 
not return in safety from Narraganset, or if Corbitant should 
make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to Squan- 
to, Hobamak, or any of Massasoit's subjects, we would re- 

* See pp. 48, 49. 



296 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1621. 

venge it to the utter overthrow of him and Ms. With many 
friends attending us, we get home at night, bring with us the 
three wounded savages, whom we cure and send home. 

After this we have many gratulations from divers sachems, 
and much firmer peace. Yea those of the Isle of Capawak 
send to secure our friendship, and Corbitant himself uses the 
mediation of Massasoit to be reconciled. Yea Canonicus, 
chief sachem of the Narragansets, sends a messenger to treat 
of peace. 

Though we are told the Massachusetts often threaten us, 
yet the company think good to send among them, to discover 
the bay, see the country, make -peace, and trade with the na- 
tives. The governor chooses ten men with Squanto and two 
other savages to go in the shallop. 

September 18. At midnight, the tide serving, we set sail. 
Next day get into the bottom of Massachusetts Bay, about 
twenty leagues north from Plymouth, and anchor. Next 
morning, we land under a cliff. The sachem of this place is 
Obbatinewat, and though he lives in the bottom of this bay, 
yet is subject to Massasoit; uses us kindly, and tells us he 
dare not now remain in any settled place for fear of the Tar- 
ratines, who live to the eastward, are wont to come, at har- 
vest, and take away their corn, and many times kill them ; 
and that the squaw sachem or Massachusetts queen is an 
enemy to him. He submits to the king of England, upon our 
promising to be his safeguard against his enemies. We cross 
the bay, which is very large, and seems to have fifty islands. 
Next morning, all but two go ashore, march three miles into 
the country, where corn had been newly gathered. A mile 
hence their late king Nanepashemet had lived ; his house was 
built on a large scaffold, six foot high, and on the top of a 
hill. Not far hence in a bottom we come to a fort he had 
built; the palisades thirty or forty foot high; a trench about 
it breast high ; but one way in, over a bridge. In the midst 
of the palisades stands the frame of a house, where he lies 
buried. A mile hence we come to such another, but on the 
top of a hill, where he was killed. The natives at first fly from 
us, but are at length induced to meet us here, and entertain 



1621.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 297 

US in the best manner they can. Having traded with us, and 
the day near spent, we return to the shallop. Within this 
bay the savages say are two rivers, one of which we saw, hav- 
ing a fair entrance; better harbor for shipping cannot be than 
here ; most of the islands have been inhabited, being cleared 
from end to end ; but their inhabitants all dead or removed. 
Having a light moon, we set sail at evening, and before next 
day noon get home with a considerable quantity of beaver, 
and a good report of the place, wishing we had been seated 
there. 

All the summer no want, while some were trading, others 
were fishing cod, bass, etc. We now gather in our harvest ; 
and as cold weather advances, come in store of water fowl 
wherewith this place abounds, though afterv/ards they by 
degrees decrease ; as also abundance of wild turkies with 
venison, etc. Fit our houses against winter, are in health and 
have all things in plenty. 

November 9. Arrives a ship at Cape Cod, and the tenth 
the Indians bring us word of her being near, but think her a 
Frenchman, upon her making for our bay, the governor orders 
a piece to be fired, to call home such as are abroad at work, 
and we get ready for defence, but unexpectedly find her a 
friend, of fifty-five ton, called the Fortune, in which comes 
Mr. Cushman with thirty-five persons, to live in the planta- 
tion, which not a little rejoices us. But both ship and pas- 
sengers poorly furnished with provisions; so that we are 
forced to spare her some to carry her home, which threatens 
a famine among us, unless we have a timely supply. She 
sailed from London the beginning of July, could not clear 
the channel until the end of August, and brings a letter for 
Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston^f dated London, July 6, wherein 
he writes, we (that is, the adventurers) have procured you a 
Charter, the best we could, better than your former, and with 
less limitation. She finds all our people she left in April, in 
health, except six who died, and stays a month ere she sails 
for England. 

December 11. We have built seven dwelling-houses ; four 
for the use of the plantation, and have made provision for 



298 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1622. 

divers others. Both Massasoit, the greatest king of the 
natives and all the princes and people round us have made 
peace with us, seven of them at once sent their messengers 
for this end. And as we cannot but account it an extraordi- 
nary blessing of God in directing our course for these parts, 
we obtained the honor to receive allowance of our possessing 
and enjoying thereof under the authority of the President 
and Council for the affairs of New England. 

December 13. The ship sails, namely, the Fortune, laden 
with two hogsheads of beaver and other skins, and good 
clapboards as full as she can hold ; the freight estimated near 
five hundred pounds ; Mr. Cushman returning in her, as the 
adventurers had appointed for their better information. But 
in her voyage as she draws near the English coast, is seized 
by the French, carried to France, into the Isle Deu, kept there 
fourteen or fifteen days, robbed of all she had worth taking ; 
then the people and ship released, get to London, February 
14 or 17. 

Upon her departure, the governor and his assistant dispose 
the late comers into several families, find their provisions will 
now scarce hold out six months at half allowance, and there- 
fore put them to it, which they bear patiently. 



1622. 

Soon after the ship's departure, that great people of the 
Narragansets, said to be many thousands strong, can raise 
above five thousand fighting men, notwithstanding they 
desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer, 
begin to breathe forth many threats against us ; so that it is 
the common talk of all the Indians round us, of their prepara- 
tions to come against us. At length Canonicus, their chief 
sachem, in a braving manner sends us a bundle of arrows 
tied with a snakeskin, which Squanto tells us is a challenge 
and threatening. Whereupon our governor with advice of 
others, sends them an answer, that if they had rather war 
than peace, they might begin when they would ; we had done 



1622.] NEW ENGLAND CHEONOLOGT. 299 

them no wrong, nor do we fear them, nor should they find us 
unprovided. By another messenger we send back the snake- 
skin charged with powder and bullets ; but they refuse to 
receive it, and return it to us. Since the death of so many 
Indians they thought to lord it over the rest, conceive we are 
a bar in their way, and see Massasoit already take shelter 
under our wings. 

This makes us more carefully to look to ourselves, and 
agree to inclose our dwellings with strong pales, flankers, 
gates, etc. 

February. We impale our town, taking in the top of the 
hill under which our own town is seated ; make four bulwarks 
or jetties, whence we can defend the whole town, in three 
whereof are gates, which are locked every night ; a watch 
and ward kept in the day. The governor and captain divide 
the company into four squadrons with commanders, every 
one its quarter assigned, to repair to in any alarm. And if 
there be a cry of fire, a company is appointed for a guard 
with muskets, while others quench it, to prevent treachery. 

May. Our provision being spent, a famine begins to pinch 
us, and we look hard for supply, but none anives. 

May e. We spy a boat at sea, which we take to be a 
Frenchman, but proves a shallop from a ship called the Spar- 
row, which Mr. Weston and Beachamp set out a fishing at. 
Damariii's Cove, forty leagues to the eastward, where this 
year are thirty sail of ships a fishing. She brings a letter to 
Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, of January 17, with seven pas- 
sengers on his account ; but no victuals, nor hope of any ; 
nor have we ever any afterwards ; and by his letter find he 
has quite deserted us, and is going to settle a plantation of 
his own. 

The boat brings us a kind letter from Mr. John Huddle- 
ston, or Hudston, a captain of a ship, fishing at the eastward, 
whose name we never heard before, to inform us of a massa- 
cre of four hundred English by the Indians in Virginia, 
M^hence he came. By this boat, the governor returns a grate- 
ful answer ; and with them sends Mr. Winslow in a boat of 
ours to get provisions of the fishing ships ; whom Captain 



300 NEW ENGLAND CHKONOLOGY. [1622. 

Huddleston receives kindly, and not only spares what he can, 
but writes to others to do the like. By which means he gets 
as much bread as amounts to a quarter of a pound a person 
per day, till harvest, and returns in safety. The governor 
causing their portion to be daily given them, or some had 
starved. And by this voyage we not only got a present sup- 
ply, but also learn the way to those parts for our future 
benefit. 

At Mr. Winslow's return, he finds the colony much weaker 
than he left it. The want of bread had abated the strength 
and flesh of some, had swelled others ; and had they not 
been where are diverse sorts of shell fish, they must have 
perished. These extremities befell us in May and June ; and 
in the time of these straits, and indeed before Mr. Winslow 
went to Monhiggon, the Indians began to cast forth many 
insulting speeches, glorying in our weakness, and giving out 
how easy it would be ere long to cut us off; which occasions 
us to erect a fort on the hill above us. 

June e, or July b. Come into our harbor two ships of Mr. 
Weston's, the Charity of one hundred tons, and Swan of 
thirty, with his letter of April 10, and fifty or sixty men, sent 
at his own charge, to settle a plantation for him in the Mas- 
sachusetts Bay, for which he had procured a patent, they 
sailed from London about the last of April, the Charity, the 
bigger ship, leaves them, having many passengers to carry to 
Virginia. We allow this people housing, and many being 
sick, they have the best means our place affords. 

By ]\Ir. Weston's ship comes a letter from Mr. John Pierce, 
in whose name the Plymouth patent is taken ; signifying that 
whom the governor admits into the association he will 
approve. 

July 16. Our number is about one hundred persons, all in 
health, [that is, free from sickness, though not from weak- 
ness,] near sixty acres of ground well planted with corn, be- 
sides gardens replenished with useful fruits. 

This summer we build a timber fort, both strong and 
comely, with flat roof and battlements ; on which ordnance 
are mounted, a watch kept, and it also serves as a place of 
public worship. 



1622.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 301 

Mr. "Weston's people stay here the most part of the sum- 
mer, while some seek out a place for them. They exceed- 
ingly waste and steal our corn, and yet secretly revile us. At 
length their coasters return, having found in the Massachu- 
setts Bay a place they judged fit for settlement, named 
Wichaguscusset, or Wesagusquasset, or Wessagusset, since 
called Weymouth ; whither upon their ship (that is, the 
Charity,) returning from Virginia, the body of them go, leav- 
ing their sick and lame with us till they had built some hous- 
ing, whom our surgeon by God's help, recovers gratis, and 
they afterwards fetch home, nor have we any recompense for 
this courtesy, nor desire it. They prove an unruly company, 
have no good government over them ; by disorder will soon 
fall to want if Mr. Weston come not quickly among them. 
Nor had they been long from us ere the Indians fill our ears 
with clamors against them, for stealing their corn, and other 
abuses. 

Our crop proving scanty, partly through weakness for want 
of food, to tend it, partly through other business, and partly 
by much being stolen, a famine must ensue next year, unless 
prevented. But 

Aug. e. By an unexpected Providence, come into our 
harbor two ships ; namely, the Sparrow, INIr. Weston's, who 
having made her voyage of fish, goes to Virginia, where both 
she and her fish are sold. The other called the Discovery, 
Captain Jones, commander, on her way from Virginia, home- 
ward, being sent out by some merchants to di«scover the shoals 
about Cape Cod, and harbors between this and Virginia. 
Of her we buy knives and beads, which are now good trade, 
though at cent per cent or more, and yet pay away coat 
beaver at 3i'. a pound (which a few years after yields 205.) 
By which means we are fitted to trade, both for corn and 
beaver. 

In this ship comes Mr. John Porey, who had been secretary 
in Virginia, and is going home in her; who after his depart- 
ure sends the governor a letter of thanks, dated August 28 ; 
wherein he highly commends Mr. Ainsworth's and Robinson's 

26 



302 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1623. 

works. And after his return to England, does this poor plan- 
tation much credit among those of no mean rank. 

Sept. e. or Oct. b. Mr. Weston's largest ship, the Charity, 
returns to England, leaving his people sufficiently victualled. 
The lesser, namely, the Swan, remains with his plantation 
for their further help. 

Nov. The governor goes with them, but seeing no passage 
through the shoals of Cape Cod, puts into a harbor at Man- 
amoyk. That evening the governor, with Squanto and 
others, go ashore to the Indian houses, stay all night, trade 
with the natives, get eight hogsheads of corn and beans. 
Here Squanto falls sick of a fever, bleeding much at the nose, 
which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom, and here in a few 
days dies ; desiring the governor to pray that he might go 
the Englishman's God in heaven, bequeathing his things to 
sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love ; 
of whom we have a great loss. *Thence sail to the Massa- 
chusetts, find a great sickness among the natives, not unlike 
the plague, if not the same ; must give as much for a quart 
of corn as we used for a beaver skin. The savages renew 
their complaints to our governor against those English. 
Thence sail to Nauset, buy eight or ten hogsheads of corn 
and beans, as also at Mattachiest ; but our shallop being cast 
away, we cannot get our corn aboard ; our governor causes it 
to be stacked and covered ; and charging the Indians with it, 
he procures a guide, sets out on foot, being fifty miles, receiv- 
ing all respect from the natives by the way, weary and with 
galled feet comes home ; three days after, the ship comes 
also ; and the corn being divided, Mr. Weston's people return 
to their plantation. 

1623. 

January. Captain Standish being recovered, takes another 
shallop, sails to Nauset, finds the corn left there in safety, 
mends the other shallop, gets the corn aboard the ship ; but 
it being very cold and stormy, is obliged to cut the shallops 
from the stern of the ship, and loose them ; but the storm 
being over, finds them. While we lodge ashore, an Indian 



1623.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 303 

steals some trifles out of the shallop as she lay in a creek ; 
which when the captain missed, he takes some of his com- 
pany, goes to the sachem, requires the goods, or would revenge 
it on them before he left them. On the morrow, the sachem 
comes to om- rendezvous with many men, salutes the captain, 
licking his hand and bowing down, delivers the goods, says 
he had beaten the stealer, was very sorry for the fact, orders 
the women to make and bring us bread, and is glad to be 
reconciled ; so we come home and divide the corn as before. 

After this the governor with another company goes to 
Namasket, buys corn there ; where a great sickness rising 
among the natives, our people fetch it home. 

The governor also, with Hobamak and others, go to Mano- 
met, a town near twenty miles south of Plymouth," stands on 
a fresh river running into a bay towards the Narraganset 
which cannot be less than sixty miles from thence. It will 
bear a boat of eight or ten tons to this place ; hither the Dutch 
or French or both used to come. It is from hence to the bay 
of Cape Cod about eight miles, out of which bay the sea 
flows into a creek about six miles, almost directly towards 
the town. The heads of this creek and river are not far dis- 
tant. The sachem of this place is Caunacum, who, Septem- 
ber 13, last, with many others, owned themselves subjects of 
King James, and now uses the governor very kindly ; the 
governor lodging here in a very bitter night, buys corn, but 
leaves it in the sachem's custody. 

February. Having not much corn left. Captain Standish 
goes again with six men in the shallop to Mattachiest, meet- 
ing with the like extreme weather, being froze in the harbor 
the first night, gets a good quantity of corn of the natives ; 
through extremity is forced to lodge in their houses, which 
they much press, with a design to kill him, as after appeared. 
For now begins a conspiracy among the Indians to destroy 
the English, though to us unknown ; but the captain ordering 
his men to keep awake by turns, is saved. Here also an 
Indian steals some trifles, which the captain no sooner per- 
ceived, but though he had no more than six men with him, 
yet draws them from the boat, besets the sachem's house, 



304 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1623. 

where most of the people were, and threatens to fall upon 
them without delay, if they would not forthwith restore them ; 
signifying that as he would not offer the least injury, so he 
would not receive any, without due satisfaction. Hereupon 
the sachem finds out the party, makes him return the goods ; 
and this act so daunts their courage, that they dare not 
attempt any thing against the captain ; but to appease his 
anger, bring corn afresh to trade ; so as he lades his shallop 
and comes home in safety. 

March b. The captain having refreshed himself, takes a 
shallop and goes to Manomet for the corn the governor had 
bought. Being with two of his men far from the boat at 
Caunacum's house, two natives come in from the Massachu- 
setts, the chief of whom is Wituwamet, a notable, insulting 
Indian ; who had formerly imbrued his hands in the blood 
both of French and English, derides our weakness and boasts 
his valor. He came, as appears afterwards, to engage Cauna- 
cum in the conspiracy ; the weather being cold, they would 
persuade the captain to send to the boat for the rest of his 
company ; but he refusing, they help carry the corn. There 
a lusty savage of Paomet, had undertaken to kill him in the 
rendezvous before they part ; upon which they intend to fall 
on the other. But the night being exceeding cold, the captain 
could not rest without turning his sides to the fire continually ; 
whereby the Indian missed his opportunity. The next day 
would fain persuade the captain to go to Paomet, where he 
had much corn, and the captain put forth with him ; but the 
wind forcing them back, they come to Plymouth. 

March. While the captain was at Manomet, news comes 
to Plymouth that Massasoit is like to die, and that a Dutch 
ship is driven ashore before his house so high that she could 
not be got off till the tides increase. Upon which the gover- 
nor sends Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hambden, a 
gentleman of London, with Hobamak to visit and help him, 
and speak with the Dutch. The first night we lodge at 
Namasket. Next day at one, come to a ferry in Corbitant's 
country, and three miles further to Mattapuyst, his dwelling- 
place, though he be no friend to us, but find him gone to 



1623.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 805 

Pakanokit, about five or six miles off. Late within night 
we get thither, whence the Dutch had departed about two in 
the afternoon, find Massasoit extremely low, his sight gone, 
his teeth fixed, having swallowed nothing for two days, but 
using means, he surprisingly revives ; we stay and help him 
two nights and two days ; at the end of the latter, taking our 
leave he expresses his great thankfulness ; we come and lodge 
with Corbitant, at Mattapuyst, who wonders that we being 
but two should be so venturous. Next day, on our journey, 
Hobaraak tells us, that at his coming away, Massasoit 
privately charged him to tell Mr. Winslow, there was a plot 
of the Massachusuks against Weston's people, and lest we 
should revenge it, against us also ; that the Indians of Paomet, 
Nauset, Mattachiest, Succonet, the Isle of Capawak, Mano- 
met, and Agaway wom are joined with them ; and advises 
us by all means, as we value our lives and the lives of our 
countrymen, to kill the conspirators at Massachusetts, and the 
plot would cease ; and without delay, or it would be too late. 
That night we lodge at Namasket, the next day get home ; 
where we find Captain Standish had sailed this day for the 
Massachusetts, but contrary winds had driven him back, and 
the Paomet Indian still soliciting the captain to go with him. 
At the same time, Wissapinewat, another sachem, brother to 
Obtakiest, sachem of the IMassachusetts, reveals the same 
thing. 

March 23. Being a yearly court day, the governor com- 
municates his intelligence to the whole company, and asks 
their advice ; who leave it to the governor, with his assistant 
and the captain to do as they think most meet. Upon this, 
they order the captain to take as many men as he thinks 
sufficient, to go forthwith and fall on the conspirators, but for- 
bear till he makes sure of Wituwamet, the bloody savage, 
before spoken of. The captain takes but eight lest he should 
raise a jealousy. 

The next day comes one of Weston's men, through the 
woods to Plymouth, though he knew not a step of the way, 
but indeed had lost the path, which was a happy mistake ; 
for being pursued, the Indian thereby missed him but by little, 

26* 



306 NEW ENGLAND CHEONOLOGY. [1623. 

and went to Manomet ; the man makes a pitiful narration of 
their weak and dangerous state, with the insults of the Indians 
over them, and that to give the savages content, since Sanders 
went to Monhiggon, they had hanged one who had stole their 
corn, though he was bedrid,* and yet they were not satis- 
fied. Some died with cold and hunger; one in gathering 
shell-fish, was so weak that he stuck in the mud and was 
found dead in the place ; the rest were ready to starve, and 
he dare stay no longer. 

The next day the captain sails and arrives there, is sus- 
pected, insulted, and threatened by the savages. But at 
length watching an opportunity, having Wituwamet and Pek- 
suot, a notable Pinese, that is counsellor and warrior, with 
another man, and a brother of Wituwamet, with as many of 
his own men together, he falls upon and after a violent strug- 
gle slays the three former with their own knives, orders the 
last to be hanged, goes to another place, kills another, fights 
and makes the rest to fly, and INIr. Weston's men kill two 
more. But the captain releases the Indian women, would 
not take their beaver coats, nor suffer the least discourtesy to 
be offered them. 

While Capt. Standish was gone, the savage who went to 
Manomet, returning through our town was secured till the 
captain came back; then confessed the plot, and says that 
Obtakiest was drawn to it by the importunity of his people ; 
is now sent to inform him of the grounds of our proceeding, 
and require him to send us the three Englishmen among 
them. After some time, Obtakiest persuades an Indian wo- 
man to come and tell the governor, he was sorry they were 
killed before he heard from us, or he would have sent them, 
and desires peace. 

But this action so amazes the natives, that they forsake 
their houses, run to and fro, live in swamps, etc. ; which brings 
on them sundry diseases, whereof many die ; as Caunacum, 
sachem of Manomet ; Aspines, sachem of Nauset ; lyanough, 

* " In his stead did 



Hang an old weaver that was bedrid." 

HUDIBRASS. 



1623.] KEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 307 

sachem of Mattachiest ; and many others are still daily dying 
among them. From one of those places a boat is sent to the 
governor with presents to work their peace ; but not far from 
Plymouth is cast away, when three are drowned, and one es- 
caping, dare not come to us. 

April b. No supply being heard of nor knowing when to 
expect any, we consider how to raise a better crop, and not 
languish still in misery. AVe range all the youth under some 
family, agree that every family plant for their own particular, 
and trust to themselves for food, but at harvest bring in a 
competent portion for the maintenance of public officers, fish- 
ermen, etc., and in all other things go on in the general way 
as before ; for this end assign every family a parcel of land 
in proportion to their number, though make no division for 
inheritance ; which has very good success, makes all indus- 
trious, gives content ; even the women and children now go 
into the field to work, and much more corn is planted than 
ever. 

Shortly after Mr. Weston's people went to the eastward, 
he comes there himself with some of the fishermen, under 
another name and disguise of a blacksmith ; where he hears 
the ruin of his plantation ; and getting a shallop with a 
man or two comes on to see how things are ; but in a storm 
is cast away in the bottom of the bay between Pascataquak 
and Merrimak river, and hardly escapes with his life, after- 
wards he falls into the hands of the Indians, who pillage him 
of all he saved from the sea, and strip him of all his clothes 
to his shirt. At length he gets to Pascataquak, borrows a 
suit of clothes, finds means to come to Plymouth, and desires 
to borrow some beaver of us. Notwithstanding our straits, 
yet in consideration of his necessity, we let him have one 
hundred and seventy odd pounds of beaver, with which he 
goes to the eastward, stays his small ship and some of his 
men, buys provision and fits himself, which is the foundation 
of his future courses ; and yet never repaid us any thing save 
reproaches, and becomes our enemy on all occasions. 

April m. We begin to set our corn, the setting season 
being good till the latter end of May. But by the time our 



308 KEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1623. 

corn is planted, our victuals are spent ; not knowing at night 
where to have a bit in the morning, and have neither bread 
nor corn for three or four months together, yet bear our wants 
with cheerfulness and rest on providence. 

Having but one boat left, we divide the men into several 
companies, six or seven in each ; who take their turns to go 
out with a net and fish, and return not till they get some, 
though they be five or six days out; knowing there is nothing 
at home, and to return empty would be a great discourage- 
ment. When they stay long, or get but little, the rest go a 
digging shell-fish ; and thus we live the summer ; only send- 
ing one or two to range the woods for deer, they now and then 
get one, which we divide among the company ; and in the 
winter are helped with fowl and groundnuts. 

Now also we hear of the third repulse our supply had, of 
their safe though dangerous return to England, and of their 
preparing to come to us. Upon all which, another day is set 
apart for solemn and public thanksgiving. 

From the general, subscribed by thirteen, we have also a 
letter wherein they say, Let it not be grievous to you, that 
you have been instruments to break the ice for others who 
come after with less difficulty ; the honor shall be yours to the 
world's end; we bear you always in our breasts, and our 
hearty affection is toward you all, as are the hearts of hun- 
dreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtless pray 
your safety as their own. 

August 14. The fourth marriage is of Gov. Bradford to 
]VIrs. Alice Southworth, widow. 

September 10. The pinnace being fitted for trade and dis- 
covery to the southward of Cape Cod, is now ready to sail ; 
and this day the Ann, having been hired by the company, 
sails for London, being laden with clapboards, and all the 
beaver and other furs we have ; with whom we send JNIr. 
Winslow, to inform how things are and procure what we 
want. 

Now our harvest comes, instead of famine we have plenty, 
and the face of things is changed to the joy of our hearts ; nor 
has there been any general want of food among us since to 
this day. 



1624.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 309 

The pinnace being sent about the Cape to trade with the 
Narragansets, gets some corn and beaver, yet makes but a 
poor voyage ; the Dutch having used to furnish them with 
cloth and better commodities, whereas she had only beads 
and knives, which are not there much esteemed. 

1624. 

About this year, the fame of the plantation at New Ply- 
mouth being spread in all the western parts of England, the 
Reverend Mr. White, a famous Puritan minister of Dorches- 
ter, excites several gentlemen there to make way for another 
settlement in New England ; who now on a common stock, 
send over sundry persons to begin a plantation at Cape Ann, 
employ Mr. John Tilly their overseer of planting, and Mr. 
Thomas Gardener of the fishery for the present year. , 

March. By Mr. Winslow we have several letters ; (1) from 
Mr. Robinson to the governor, dated Ley den, December 19, 
[I suppose new style, but in ours December 9,] 1623, wherein 
he writes with great concern and tenderness about our killing 
the savage conspirators at the Massachusetts ; says, O how 
happy a thing had it been that you had converted some be- 
fore you killed any I etc. (2) From the same to Mr. Brews- 
ter, dated Leyden, December 20, [I suppose new style, but in 
ours December 10,] 1623, wherein he writes of the deferring 
of their desired transportation through the opposition of some 
of the adventurers ; five or six being absolutely bent for them ^ 
above all others, five or six are their professed adversaries, the 
rest more indifferent, yet influenced by the latter, who above 
all others are unwilling that he should be transported, etc. 
(3) From R. C. [I conclude Mr. Cushman at London,] dated 
January 24, 1623, 4, wherein he writes, they send a carpenter 
to build two ketches, a lighter and six or seven shallops, a 
salt man to make salt, and a preacher, though not the most 
eminent, for whose going (says he) Mr. Winslow and I gave 
way to give content to some at London ; the ship to be laden 
as soon as you can, and sent to Bilboa, to send Mr. Winslow 
again ; we have taken a patent for Cape Ann, etc. 



310 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1624. 

This spring the people requesting the governor to have 
some land for continnaneo, and not by yearly lot as before, 
he gives every person an acre to them and theirs, as near the 
town as can be, and no more till the seven years expire, that 
we may keep close together for greater defence and safety. 

The ship is soon discharged and sent to Cape Ann a fish- 
ing, and some of our planters to help build her stages to their 
own hinderance; but through the drunkenness of the master 
wdiich the adventurers sent, made a poor voyage, and would 
have been worse, had we not kept one a trading there who 
got some skins for the company. 

The fishing masters sending us word, that if we would be 
at the cost, they would help to weigh our pinnace near Da- 
marin's Cove, and their carpenter should mend her ; we there- 
fore sent, and with several ton of cask fastened to her at low- 
water, they buoy her up, and hale her ashore, mend her, and 
our people bring her to us again. 

June 17. Born at Plymouth to Governor Bradford, his son 
William, who afterwards becomes deputy governor of the 
colony. 

This month dies Mr. George Morton, a gracious servant of 
God, an unfeigned lover and promoter of the common good 
and growth of this plantation, and faithful in whatever public 
employment he was intrusted with. 

The ship carpenter sent us is an honest and very industri- 
ous man, quickly builds us two very good and strong shallops, 
with a great and strong lighter, and had hewn timber for two 
ketches ; but this is spoilt ; for in the hot season of the year 
he falls into a fever and dies, to our great loss and sorrow. 

But the salt man is an ignorant, foolish, and self-willed 
man ; w^ho chooses a spot for his salt-works, will have eight 
or ten men to help him, is confident the ground is good, 
makes a carpenter rear a great frame of a house for the salt 
and other like uses; but finds himself deceived in the bot- 
tom ; will then have a ligliter to carry clay, etc., yet all in 
vain ; he could do nothing but boil salt in pans. The next 
year is sent to Cape Ann, and there the pans are set up by 



1624.] NEW ENGLAND CIIEONOLOGY. 311 

the fishery ; but before the summer is out, he burns the house, 
and spoils the pans, and there is an end of this chargeable 
business. 

July. Upon this the governor calls a court, summons the 
whole company to appear, charges Lyford and Oldham with 
plotting and writing against us, which they deny. The gov- 
ernor then produces their own letters, they are confounded 
and convicted ; Oldham being outrageous would have raised 
a mutiny, but his party leaves him, and the Court expels 
them the colony ; Oldham presently, though his wife and 
family have leave to stay the winter, or till he can make pro- 
vision to remove them comfortably. He goes and settles at 
Natasco, i. e. Nantasket, [at the entrance of the Massachu- 
setts Bay] where the Plymouth people had before set up a 
building to accommodate their trade with the Massachusetts ; 
and there ]Mr. Roger Conant and some others with their fam- 
ilies retire and stay a year and some few months. Lyford 
has leave to stay six months, owns his fault before the court, 
that all he had written is false, and the sentence far less than 
he deserves ; afterwards confesses the same to the church 
with many tears, begs forgiveness, and is restored to his 
teaching. 

August 5. The ninth marriage at New Plymouth is of 
Mr. Thomas Prince with Mrs. Patience Brewster, [he is af- 
terwards governor ; and by this only hint I find he was now 
in the country.] 

Aug. 22. At New Plymouth, there are now about one 
hundred and eighty persons ; some cattle and goats, but 
many swine and poultry ; thirty-two dwelling houses ; the 
town is impaled about half a mile in compass ; on a high 
mount in the town, they have a fort well built with wood, 
lime, and stone, and a fair watchtower. The place it seems 
is healthful ; for in the three last years, notwithstanding their 
great want of most necessaries, there hath not one died of 
the first planters. And this year they have freighted a ship 
of one hundred and eighty tons, etc. 

The general stock already employed by the adventurers to 
Plymouth, is about seven thousand pounds. 



312 KEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1625. 

At Cape Ann there is a plantation beginning by the Dor- 
chester men, which they hold of those of New Plymouth ; 
who also by them have set up a fishing work. 

1625. 

This winter Mr. White with the Dorchester adventurers, 
hearing of some religious persons lately removed from New 
Plymouth to Nantasket from dislike of their rigid principles, 
among whom was Mr. Roger Conant, a pious, sober, and 
prudent gentleman, they choose Mr. Conant to manage their 
affairs at Cape Ann, both of planting and fishing ; and Mr. 
White engages Mr. Humphrey, their treasurer, to signify to 
him the same by writing. They also invite Mr. Lyford to be 
minister to the plantation, and Mr. Oldham to manage their 
trade with the natives. 

But upon this decision the company of adventurers to 
Plymouth break in pieces ; two thirds of them deserting us ; 
yea, some of Lyford's and Oldham's friends set out a ship 
a fishing, under one Mr. Hewes, and getting the start of ours 
they talie our stage and other provisions made for fishing at 
Cape Ann the year before, to our great charge, and refuse to 
restore it without fighting ; upon which we let them keep it, 
and our governor sends some planters to help the fishermen 
build another. 

Yet some of the adventurers still cleaving to us, they by 
Mr. Winslow write on December 18, 1624, as follows : We 
cannot forget you, nor our friendship and fellowship we have 
had some years, our hearty affections towards you (unknown 
by face) have been no less than to our nearest friends, yea to 
our ownselves. As there has been a faction among us [at 
London] more than two years, so now there is an utter breach 
and sequestration. The Company's debts are not less than 
1,400/., and we hope you will do your best to free them. We 
are still persuaded you are the people that must make a 
plantation in those remote places when all others fail. We 
have sent some cattle, clothes, hoes, shoes, leather, etc., but in 
another nature than formerly, having committed them to the 



1625.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 313 

charge of Mr. Allerton and Winslow to sell, as our factors, 
etc. The goods are ordered to be sold at seventy per cent, 
advance, a thing thought unreasonable and a great oppres- 
sion. The cattle are the best commodity. 

They send also two ships a fishing upon their own account ; 
the one is the pinnace which had been sunk and weighed as 
before ; the other a large ship, which makes a great voyage 
of good dry fish, that would fetch 1,800/. at Bilboa or St. 
Sebastians, whither her owners had ordered her ; but there 
being a rumor of a war with France, the master, timorous, 
sails to Plymouth and Portsmouth, whereby he loses the op- 
portunity, to their great detriment. The lesser ship is filled 
with goodly codfish taken on the bank, with eight hundred 
weight of beaver, besides other fur from our plantation. 
They go joyfully together homeward, the bigger ship towing 
the lesser all the way till they are shot deep into the English 
channel, almost within sight of Plymouth; when a Turkish 
man-of-war takes the lesser and carries her off" to Sally, where 
the master and men are made slaves, and many of the beaver 
skins sold for four pence apiece. 

In the bigger ship Captain Standish goes out agent, both 
to the remaining adventurers for more goods, and to the New 
England Council to oblige the others to come to a composi- 
tion ; but arrived there in a bad time, the State being full of 
trouble, and the plague very hot in London ; there die such 
multitudes weekly that trade is dead, little money stirring, 
and no business can be done. However, he engages several 
of the Council to promise their helpfulness to our plantation ; 
but our remaining adventurers are so much weakened by 
their loss of the fish, and of the ship the Turks had taken, 
they can do but little. 

Meanwhile, God gives us peace and health with contented 
minds ; and so succeeds our labors that we have corn sufficient 
and some to spare, with other provisions ; nor had we ever 
any supply [from England] but what we first brought with 
us. After harvest we send a boat load of corn forty or fifty 
leagues to the eastward up Kennebec river ; it being one of 
those two shallops our carpenter built the year before, for we 

27 



814 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1627. 

have no larger vessel. We had laid a deck over her midship 
to keep the corn dry, but the men were forced to stand in all 
weathers without any shelter, and the time of year begins to 
gi'ow tempestuous, but God preserves and prospers them, for 
they bring home seven hundred weight of beaver besides 
other fur, having little or nothing but our corn to purchase 
them. This voyage was made by Mr. Winslow and some 
old standards, for seamen we have none. 

December 23. From December 22, 1624, to this day, there 
die of the plague in London and Westminster, 41,313. 



1626. 

About a year after we had sent Oldham away, as he is 
sailing for Virginia, being in extreme danger, he makes a free 
and large confession of the wrongs he had done the church 
and peo])le at Plymouth ; and as he had sought their ruin the 
Lord might now destroy him ; beseeching God to forgive him, 
making vows if he be spared to carry otherwise ; and being 
spared he after carries fairly to us, owns the hand of God to 
be with us, seems to have an honorable respect for us, and 
we give him liberty to come and converse with us when he 
pleases. 

April b. We hear of Captain Standish arriving in a fish- 
ing ship, send a boat to fetch him, and welcome he is ; had 
taken up for us 150/. though at 50 per cent. ; which, his ex- 
pense deducted, he laid out in suitable goods, and has pre- 
pared the way for our composition with the Company. But 
the news he brings is sad in many regards ; not only of the 
losses mentioned, whereby some of our friends are disabled 
to help us, and others dead of the plague ; but also that our 
dear pastor Mr. Robinson is dead, about the fiftieth year of 
his age, which strikes us with great sorrow. His and our 
enemies had been continually plotting how they might hinder 
his coming hither ; but the Lord has appointed him a better 
place. 

Having now no business but trading and planting, we set 



1627.] NEW ENGLAND CHEONOLOGY. 315 

ourselves to follow them. The people finding corn a com- 
modity, haying sold it at six shillings a bushel, they use great 
diligence in planting ; and the trade being retained for the 
general good, the governor and other managers apply it to 
the best advantage. For wanting proper goods, and under- 
standing the plantation at Monhiggon, belonging to some 
merchants of Plymouth [in England] is to break up, and 
divers goods to be sold, the governor with jMr. Winslow take 
a boat and with some hands go thither. Mr. David Thomp- 
son, who lives at Piscataway, going with us on the same de- 
sign, we agree to buy all their goods and divide them equally. 
Our moiety comes to 400/. we also buy a parcel of goats 
which we distribute to our people for corn to their great con- 
tent. We likewise buy the French goods aforesaid, which 
makes our part arise to above 500/. and which we mostly pay 
with the beaver and commodities we got last winter, and 
what we had gathered this summer. 

After harvest, with our goods and corn, we get such store 
of trade, as to discharge some other engagements, namely, 
the money took up by Capt. Standish, with the remains of 
former debts, to get some clothing for the people, and have 
some commodities beforehand. 

This year we send Mr. Allerton to England, to finish with 
the adventurers, take up more money, and buy us goods. 

Finding we run great hazards in going such long voyages 
in a little open boat, especially in the winter season, we con- 
sider how to get a small pinnace. And having no ship- 
builder, but an ingenious housewright, who wrought with our 
ship-carpenter, deceased, at our request he tries his skill, saws 
our bigger shallop across the middle, lengthens her five or six 
foot, strengthens her with timbers, builds her up decks, and 
makes her a convenient vessel. The next year we fit her 
with sails and anchors, and she does us service seven years. 



1627. 

Not many days after the governor came home, the people 
at JMonamoyack send him word that their ship being mended. 



316 NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1627. 

a great storm drove her ashore, and so shattered her as to 
make her wholly unfit for sea ; beg leave and means to trans- 
port themselves and goods to us, and be with us till they find 
passage to Virginia. We readily help to transport and shel- 
ter them and their goods in our houses. ] The chief among 
them are Mr. Fells and Silsby, who have many servants. 
Upon their coming to Plymouth and being somewhat settled, 
seeing the winter before them, and like to be the latter end of 
the year before they can get to Virginia, the masters desire 
some ground to employ their servants, clear, plant, and help 
bear their charge, which being granted, they raise a great deal 
of corn. I 

This spring, at the usual season of the ships' coming, Mr. 
Allerton returns, having taken up for us 2001. at thirty per 
cent., laid them out in suitable goods and brings them to the 
great content of the plantation. With no small trouble and 
the help of sundry faithful friends who took much pains, he 
made a composition with the adventurers on October 26 last, 
which they signed November 15 ; a draught of which he 
brings for our acceptance ; wherein we allow them 1,800/. pay- 
ing 200/. at the Royal Exchange every Michaelmas, the first 
payment to be in 1628 ; in consideration of which the com- 
pany sell us all their shares, stocks, merchandises, lands, and 
chattels, which is well approved and agreed to by the whole 
plantation ; though they scarce know how to raise the pay- 
ment, discharge their other engagements, and supply their 
yearly wants ; seeing they are forced to take up moneys or 
goods at such high interests ; yet they undertake it, and seven 
or eight of the chief become jointly bound in behalf of the 
rest to make said payments ; wherein we run a great venture, 
as our condition is, having many other heavy burdens upon 
us, and all things in an uncertain state among us. 

Upon this, to make all easy, we take every head of a family, 
with every young man of age and prudence, both of the first 
comers and those who have since arrived into partnership 
with us ; agree the trade shall be managed as before, to pay 
the debts, that every single freeman shall have a single share, 
and every father of a family also leave to purchase a share for 



1627.] KEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 317 

himself, one for his wife, one for every child living with him ; 
and every one shall pay his part toward the debts according 
to the shares he holds ; which gives content to all. We ac- 
cordingly divide one cow and two goats by lot to every six 
shares ; and swine, though more in number, in the same pro- 
portion ; to every share twenty acres of tillable land by lot, 
besides the single acres with the gardens and homesteads 
they had before ; the most abutting on the water-side, five in 
breadth and four in depth ; but no meadows laid out till many 
years after, because being strait of meadow it might hinder 
additions to us ; though at every season all are ordered where 
to mow, in proportion to their number of cattle. 

[May and June.] For greater convenience of trade, to dis- 
charge our engagements, and maintain ourselves, we build a 
small pinnace at Monamet, a place on the sea, twenty miles 
to the south ; to which by another creek on this side we trans- 
port our goods by water within four or five miles, and then 
carry them overland to the vessel ; thereby avoid our com- 
passing Cape Cod with those dangerous shoals, and make 
our voyage to the southward with far less time and hazard. 
■ For the safety of our vessel and goods we there also build a 
house, and keep some servants ; who plant corn, rear swine, 
and are always ready to go out with the bark ; which takes 
good effect, and turns to advantage. / 

July. But besides the discharge oi our heavy engagements, 
our great concern is to help over our friends at Leyden ; who 
as much desire to come to us as we desire their company. 
The governor, therefore, with Mr. Edward Winslow, Thomas 
Prince, Miles Standish, "William Brewster, John Alden, John 
Rowland, and Isaac Allerton, now run a great venture ; and 
hire the trade of the colony for six years, to begin the last of 
next September ; and for this with the shallop called the Bass 
Boat, and pinnace lately built in IManomet, with the stock in 
the storehouse, we this month undertake to pay the 1,800/. 
with all other debts of the plantation, amounting to 600/. 
more ; bring over for them fifty pounds a year in hoes and 
shoes, sell them for corn at six shillings a bushel ; and at the 
end of the term return the trade to the colony. 

27* 



318 KEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1628. 

The latter end of the summer the Virginia people at Plym- 
outh sell us their corn, go thither in a couple of barks ; and 
afterwards several of them express their thankfulness to us. 
And [now it seems] Mr. Lyford sails with some of his people 
also to Virginia, and there shortly dies. 

With the return of the ships we send IVlr. AUerton again to 
England. 1st. To conclude our bargain with the company, 
and deliver our nine bonds for the paying the 2001. at every 
JMichaelmas for nine years. 2d. To carry our beaver and 
pay some of our late engagements ; for our excessive interest 
still keeps us low. 3d. To get a patent for a fit trading place 
on Kennebeck river ; especially since the planters at Pascato- 
way and other places eastward of them, as also the fishing 
ships envy our trading there, and threaten to get a patent to 
exclude us ; though Ave first discovered and began the same, 
and brought it to so good an issue. 4th. To deal with some 
of our special friends in London, to join with the said eight 
undertakers, both for the discharge of the colony's debts, and 
the helping our friends from Leyden. 

Nov. 6. Mr. AUerton concludes our bargain with the com- 
pany at London, delivers our bonds and receives their deed. 



1628. 

Mr. AUerton having settled all things in a hopeful way, re- 
turns in the first of the spring with our supply for trade. The 
fishermen with whom he comes used to set forth in winter 
and be here betimes. He has paid the first 200/. of our 1,800/. 
to the adventurers ; as also all our debts to others, except Mr. 
Sherley, Beachamp, and Andrews, to whom we now owe but 
400 and odd pounds ; informs that our said three friends and 
some others will join us in our six years' bargain, and will send 
to Leyden for a number to come next year; brings a competent 
supply of goods, with a patent for Kennebeck, but so strait 
and ill bounded as we are forced to get renewed and enlarged 
the next year, as also that we have at home, to our great 
charge. He likewise brings us one INIr, Rogers, a young man, 
for minister. 



1628.] NEW ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. 319 

The New Plymouth people having obtained their patent 
for Kennebeck, now erect a house up the river, in a con- 
venient place for trade ; and furnish it both winter and sum- 
mer with corn and other commodities, such as the fishermen 
had traded with ; as coats, shirts, rugs, blankets, biscuit, peas, 
prunes, etc. ; what we could not get from England we buy of 
the fishing ships, and so carry on the business as well as we 
can. 

This year the Dutch send to us again from their plantation 
both kind letters and diverse commodities ; as sugar, linen 
stuffs, etc. ; come with their bark to our house at Monamet ; 
their secretary Rasier comes with trumpeters, etc. ; but not 
being able to travel to us by land, desires us to send a boat 
within side [the Cape] to fetch him ; so we send a boat to 
Manonscusset, and bring him with the chief of his company 
to Plymouth. After a few days' entertainment he returns to 
his bark ; some of us go with him, and buy sundry goods. 
After which beginning they often send to the same place, and 
we trade together divers years, sell much tobacco for linens, 
stuffs, etc., which proves a great benefit to us, till the Vir- 
ginians find out their colony. 

But that which in time turns most to our advantage is, 
their now acquainting and entering us in the trade of wam- 
pam ; telling us how vendible it is at their fort Orania, and 
persuading we shall find it so at Kennebeck. Upon this, we 
buy about fifty pounds worth. At first it sticks, and it is two 
years before we can put it off; till the inland Indians come to 
know it, and then we can scarce procure enough for many 
years together. By which and other provisions, we quite cut 
off" the trade both from the fishermen and stragghng planters. 
And strange it is to see the great alteration it in a few years 
makes among the savages. For the Massahcusetts and others 
in these parts had scarce any; it being only made and kept 
among the Pequots and Narragansets, who grew rich and 
potent by it ; whereas the rest who use it not, are poor and 
beggarly. 

Hitherto the natives of these parts have no other arms but 
bows and arrows, nor many years after. But the Indians in 



320 KE"W ENGLAND CHRONOLOGY. [1629. 

the eastern parts, having commerce with the French, first 
have guns of them, and at length they make it a common 
trade. In time, our English fishermen follow their example ; 
but upon comjDlaint against them, the king by a strict proc- 
lamation forbid the same, and commanded that no sort of 
arms or munition be traded with them. 



1629. 

August. Thirty -five of our friends with their families from 
Leyden arrive at New Plymouth. They were shipped at 
London in May with the ships that came to Salem ; which 
bring over many pious people to begin the churches there and 
in the Massachusetts Bay. So their being thus long kept back 
is now recompensed by Heaven with a double blessing ; in 
that we not only enjoy them beyond .our late expectation, 
when all hope seemed to be cut off", but with them many 
more godly friends and Christian brethren, as the beginning of 
a larger harvest to Christ, in the increase of his people and 
churches in these parts of the earth, to the admu'ation of 
many and almost wonder of the world. 

The charge of our Leyden friends is reckoned on the sev- 
eral families ; some fifty pounds, some forty, some thirty, as 
their number and expenses were ; which our undertakers pay 
for gratis ; besides giving them houses, preparing them 
grounds to plant on, and maintain them with corn, etc., above 
thirteen or fourteen months before they have a harvest of their 
own production.* 

* See notes on pages 110-112. 



GOV. BRADFOED'S DIALOGUE. 



MORTON'S PREFACE. 



Godly and Conscientious Reader, 

It is a great part of the happiness of heaven, that the 
saints in celestial glory are and shall be all of one mind ; and 
it is not unprobably gathered by the learned, that when " the 
Lord shall be one, and his name one," there shall be a joint 
concurrence of the saints in and about the matters of God. 
In the mean time, it is no small grief to every modest, mod- 
erate-minded Christian, to see such discord among the best 
of saints ; whereas if the ground of the difference were some- 
times well scanned, it would appear to be more in circum- 
stance than in substance, more nominal, or respecting names 
or abusive names given, than in substantial realities. Rev. 
INIr. INIanton, in his sermon before the honorable House of 
Commons, saith, " The devil getteth great advantages by 
names amongst Christians, as Lutherans, Calvinists, Presby- 
terians, Independents, inventing," saith he, " either such as 
may tend to contempt or derision, as of old Christians, of late 
Puritans, or to tumult and division, as those names amongst 
us, under which the members of Christ sadly gather into 
bodies and parties." 

Let me add hereunto, that the mischief of this also ap- 
peared when light sprung out of [the] darkness of Popery. 
Then the godly were forced to sustain the name of Puritans 
and the nickname of Brownists, so as many of the godly in 



324 MORTON'S PREFACE. 

our nation lay in obscurity under contempt of those names ; * 
and afterwards, as light appeared, notwithstanding became 
one in the profession and practice of the truth respecting the 
kingly office of Christ, wherein they seemingly differed but a 
little before, both in New England and in Old England; but 
yet so as some estrangedness remains amongst those, al- 
though that in the main and substance of things they are of 
one mind, and with oneness of heart and mouth do serve the 
Lord, and do agree in and about the matters of the kingdom 
of Christ on earth. Yea, and I doubt not but some such of 
them as were of the eminentest on both sides, who are now 
departed this life, do agree and have sweet communion with 
each other in their more nobler part in glory. 

I have lately met with a plain, well composed, and useful 
Dialogue, penned by that honored pattern of piety, William 
Bradford, Esq. late Governor of the Jurisdiction of New 
Plymouth Colony, which occasionally treats something of 
this matter, together with and in defence of such as I may 
without just offence term martyrs f of Jesus, and in de- 
fence of the cause they suffered for; it being no other in 
effect but what our church and the churches of Christ in 
New England do both profess and practise. I will not 
defend, neither doth he, all the words that might fall from 
those blessed souls in defence of the truth, who suffered 
so bitterly as they did from such as erewhile (if I mistake 
not) were forced to fly into Germany for the cause of God 
in Queen Mary's days, and returned again in the happy 
reign of Queen Elizabeth, and turned prelates and bitter per- 
secutors. This thing considered, and other things also, if 
some passages that fell from them might have been spared, 
yet in many things we all offend, and " oppression will make 
a wise man mad," saith Solomon. Such circumstantial 



* These differences were partly blown up amongst these Christians by the 
names of Brownist and Turitans. -^ Moi-lon's Note. 

■j- ]Mr. Ilcnry Barrow, INIr. John Greenwood, Mr. John Penry, Mr. AVil- 
liam Dennis, [Mr. John] Coping, and Elias [Thacker] and several others 
that sulFered much, though not put to death. — Morton's Note. 



MORTON'S PREFACE. 325 

weakness will not unsaint a Christian, nor render him no 
martyr, if his cause be good, as you will find it to be by the 
perusing of this Dialogue, I doubt not ; but let it speak for 
itself. 

Gentle reader, I hope thou wilt obtain a clear resolution 
about divers things, whereof possibly thou wert in doubt of 
formerly respecting the premises ; in the transcribing whereof 
I have taken the best care I could to prevent offence and to 
procure acceptance. If any good comes thereof, let God 
have all the praise. 



28 



GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 



A DIALOGUE, OK THE SUM OF A COXFEREISrCE BETWEEN SOME 
YOUNG MEN BORN IN NEW ENGLAND AND SUNDRY ANCIENT 
MEN THAT CAME OUT OF HOLLAND AND OLD ENGLAND, [WRIT- 
TEN] ANNO DOMINI 1648. 

YOUNG MEN. 

Gentlemen, you were pleased to appoint us this time to 
confer with you, and to propound such questions as might 
give us satisfaction in some things wherein we are ignorant, 
or at least further light to some things that are more obscure 
unto us. Our first request, therefore, is, to know your minds 
concerning the true and simple meaning of those of The 
Separation, as they are termed, when they say the Church of 
England is no Church, or no true Church. 



ANCIENT MEN. 

For answer hereunto, first, you must know that they speak 
of it as it then was under the hierarchical prelacy, which since 
have been put down by the State, and not as it is now 
unsettled. 

2. They nowhere say, that we remember, that they are no 
Church. At least, they are not so to be understood ; for they 
often say the contrary. 



328 GOV. BKADFOED'S DIALOGUE. 

3. When they say it is no true Church of Christ, they do 
not at all mean as they are the elect of God, or a part of the 
Catholic Church, or of the mystical body of Christ, or visible 
Christians professing faith and holiness, (as most men under- 
stand the church) ; for which purpose hear what Mr. Robin- 
son in his Apology, page 53. " If by the Church," saith he, 
" be understood the Catholic Church, dispersed upon the face 
of the whole earth, we do willingly acknowledge that a sin- 
gular part thereof, and the same visible and conspicuous, is 
to be found in the land, and with it do profess and practise, 
what in us lies, communion in all things in themselves lawful, 
and done in right order." 

4. Therefore they mean it is not a true church as it is a 
National Church, combined together of all in the land pro- 
miscuously under the hierarchical government of archbishops, 
their courts and canons, so far differing from the primitive 
pattern in the Gospel. 

YOUNG MEN. 

Wherein do they differ then from the judgment or practice 
of our churches here in New England ? 



ANCIENT MEN. 

Truly, for matter of practice, nothing at all that is in any 
thing material ; these being rather more strict and rigid in 
some proceedings about admission of members, and things 
of such nature, than the other ; and for matter of judgment, 
it is more, as we conceive, in words and terms, than matter 
of any great substance ; for the churches and chief of the 
ministers here hold that the National Church, so constituted 
and governed as before is said, is not allowable according to 
the primitive order of the Gospel ; but that there are some 
parish assemblies that are true churches by virtue of an im- 
plicit covenant amongst themselves, in which regard the 
Church of England may be held and called a true church. 

Where any such are evident, we suppose the other will not 



GOV. BRADrOED'S DIALOGUE. 329 

disagree about an implicit covenant, if they mean by an im- 
plicit covenant that which hath the substance of a covenant 
in it some way discernible, though it be not so formal or or- 
derly as it should be. But such an implicit as is no way 
explicit, is no better than a Popish implicit faith, (as some of 
us conceive,) and a mere fiction, or as that which should be 
a marriage covenant which is no way explicit. 



YOUNG MEN. 

Wherein standeth the difference between the rigid Brown- 
ists and Separatists and others, as we observe our ministers 
in their writings and sermons to distinguish them ? 



ANCIENT MEN. 

The name of Brownists is but a nickname, as Puritan and 
Huguenot, etc., and therefore they do not amiss to decline 
the odium of it in what they may. But by the rigidness of 
Separation they do not so much mean the difference, for our 
churches here in New England do the same thing under the 
name of secession from the corruptions found amongst them, 
as the other did under the name or term of separation from 
them. Only this declines the odium the better. See Rever- 
end Mr. Cotton's Answer to Mr. Baylie, page the 14th. 

That some which were termed Separatists, out of some 
mistake and heat of zeal, forbore communion in lawful things 
with other godly persons, as prayer and hearing of the word, 
may be seen in what that worthy man, ]Mr. Robinson, hath 
published in dislike thereof. 

YOUNG MEN. 

We are well satisfied in what you have said. But they 
differ also about synods. 

28* 



330 GOV. BKADFOED'S DIALOGUE. 



ANCIENT MEN. 

It is true we do not know that ever they had any solemn 
Synodical Assembly. And the reason may be, that those in 
England living dispersed and could not meet in their ordinary 
meetings without danger, much less in synods. Neither in 
Holland, where they might have more liberty, were they of 
any considerable number, being but those two churches, that 
of Amsterdam and that of Leyden. Yet some of us know 
that the church [of Leyden] sent messengers to those of Am- 
sterdam, at the request of some of the chief of them, both 
elders and brethren, when in their dissensions they had de- 
posed Mr. Ainsworth and some other both of their elders and 
brethren, Mr. Robinson being the chief of the messengers 
sent ; which had that good effect, as that they revoked the 
said deposition, and confessed their rashness and error, and 
lived together in peace some good time after. But when the 
churches want neither peace nor light to exercise the power 
which the Lord hath given them, Christ doth not direct them 
to gather into synods or classical meetings, for removing of 
known offences either in doctrine or manners ; but only send- 
eth to the pastors or presbyters of each church to reform 
within themselves what is amongst them. " A plain pattern," 
saith Mr. Cotton in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 95, " in 
case of public offences tolerated in neighbor churches, not 
forthwith to gather into a synod or classical meeting, for re- 
dress thereof, but by letters and messengers to admonish one 
another of what is behooveful ; unless upon such admonition 
they refuse to hearken to the wholesome counsel of their 
brethren." And of this matter Mr. Robinson thus writeth in 
his book. Just, page 200, " The officers of one or many 
churches may meet together to discuss and consider of mat- 
ters for the good of the church or churches, and so be called 
a Church Synod, or the like, so they infringe no order of 
Christ or liberty of the brethren ; " not differing herein from 
Mr. Davenport and the principal of our ministers. 



GOV. BEADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 331 



YOUNG MEN. 

But they seem to differ about the exercise of prophecy, that 
is, that men out of office, having gifts, may upon occasion 
edify the church publicly and openly, and applying the Scrip- 
tures ; which seems to be a new practice. 



ANCIENT MEN. 

It doth but seem so; as many things else do that have by 
usurpation grown out of use. But that it hath been an an- 
cient practice of the people of God, besides the grounds of 
Scripture, we will give an instance or two. We find in the 
ancient Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, lib. vi. cap. 19, 
how Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, being pricked with 
envy against Origen, complaineth in his letters that there was 
never such a practice heard of, nor no precedent to be found 
that laymen in presence of bishops have taught in the church ; 
but is thus answered by the bishop of Jerusalem and the 
bishop of Cesarea : " We know not," say they, " why he re- 
porteth a manifest untruth, when as there may be found such 
as in open assemblies have taught the people ; yea, when as 
there were present learned men that could profit the people, 
and moreover holy bishops, who at that time exhorted them 
to preach. For example, at Laranda Euelpis was requested 
of Neon, at Iconium Paulinus was requested by Celsus, at 
Synada Theodoras was requested by Atticus, who were godly 
brethren, etc."* 

The second instance is out of Speed's Cloud of Witnesses, 
page 71. Saith he, " Rambam or Maymon records, that in 
the synagogues, first, only a Levite must offer sacrifice ; 
secondly, but any in Israel might expound the law ; thhxlly. 



* See Doctor Fulke also on Romans the xi. in answer to tlie Rhemists. 
Bradford's Note. 



332 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

the expounder must be an eminent man, and must have leave 
from the master of the synagogue ; and so contends that 
Christ, Luke iv. 16, taught as any of Israel might have done 
as well as the Levites ; and the like did Paul and Barnabas, 
Acts xiii. 15." 

If any out of weakness have abused at any time their 
liberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes weak 
ministers may their office, and yet the ordinance good and 
lawful. 

And the chief of our ministers in New England agree 
therein. See Mr. Cotton's Answer to Baylie, page the 27th, 
2d part. " Though neither all," saith he, " nor most of the 
brethren of a church have ordinarily received a gift of public 
prophesying, or preaching, yet in defect of public ministry, it 
is not an unheard of novelty that God should enlarge private 
men with public gifts, and to dispense them to edification ; 
for we read that when the church at Jerusalem were all scat- 
tered abroad, except the Apostles, yet they that were scattered 
went everywhere preaching the word." Acts viii. 4 ; xi. 19 ; 
XX. 21. 

Mr. Robinson also, in his Apology, page 55, chapter 8, to 
take off the aspersion charged on them, as if all the members 
of a church were to prophesy publicly, answers, " It comes 
within the compass but of a few of the multitude, haply two 
or three in a church, so to do ; and touching prophecy," saith 
he, " we think the very same that the Synod held at Embden, 
1571, hath decreed in these words : ' First, in all churches, 
whether but springing up, or grown to some ripeness, let the or- 
der of prophecy be observed, according to Paul's institution. 
Secondly, into the fellowship of this w^ork are to be admitted 
not only the ministers, but the teachers too, as also of the 
elders and deacons, yea, even of the multitude, which are will- 
ing to confer their gift received of God to the common utility 
of the church ; but so as they first be allowed by the judg- 
ment of the ministers and others.' So we believe and prac- 
tice with the Belgic chm'ches, etc." See more in the imme- 
diate following page. 



GOV. BEADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 



YOUNG MEN. 



We cannot but marvel that in so few years therg should b e 
so great a change, that they who were so hotly persecuted by 
the prelates, and also opposed by the better sort of ministers, 
not only Mr. GifFord, ]Mr. Bernard, and other such like, but 
many of the most eminent both for learning and godliness, 
and yet now not only these famous men and churches in New 
England so fully to close with them in practice, but all the 
godly party in the land to stand for the same way, under the 
new name of Independents, put upon them. 



ANCIENT MEN. 

It is the Lord's doing, and it ought to be marvellous in our 
eyes ; and the rather, because Mr. Bernard, in his book, made 
their small increase in a few years one and the chief argument 
against the way itself. To which Mr. Robinson answered, 
that " Religion is not always sown and reaped in one age ; 
and that John Huss and Jerome of Prague finished their tes- 
timony a hundred years before Luther, and WicklifF, well- 
nigh as long before them, and yet neither the one nor the 
other with the like success as Luther. And yet," saith he, 
" many are already gathered into the kingdom of Christ ; and 
the nearness of many more throughout the whole land, (for 
the regions are white unto the harvest,) doth promise within 
less than a hundred years, if our sins and theirs make not us 
and them unworthy of this mercy, a very plenteous harvest ; " 
{Juslif. folio 62) ; as if he had prophesied of these times. Yea, 
some of us have often heard him say that " even those minis- 
ters and other godly persons that did then most sharply oppose 
them, if they might come to be from under the bishops, and 
live in a place of rest and peace, where they might comfort- 
ably subsist, they would practice the same things which they 
now did." And truly,' many of us have seen this abundantly 
verified, not only in these latter times, but formerly. 



334 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

Dr. Ames* was esti-anged from and opposed Mr. Robinson ; 
and yet afterwards there was loving compliance and near 
agreement between them ; and, which is more strange, Mr. 
Johnson himself, who was afterwards pastor of the chm-ch of 
God at Amsterdam, was a preacher to the company of Eng- 
lish of the Staple at Middleburg, in Zealand, and had great 
and certain maintenancef allowed him by them, and was 
highly respected of them, and so zealous against this way as 
that [when] Mr. Barrow's and Mr. Greenwood's Refutation of 
Gijfford was privately in printing in this city, he not only was 
a means to discover it, but was made the ambassador's instru- 
ment to intercept them at the press, and see them burnt ; the 
which charge he did so well perform, as he let them go on 
until they were wholly finished, and then surprised the whole 
impression, not suffering any to escape ; and then, by the 
magistrates' authority, caused them all to be openly burnt, 
himself standing by until they were all consumed to ashes. 
Only he took up two of them, one to keep in his own study, 
that he might see their eiTors, and the other to bestow on a 
special friend for the like use. But mark the sequel. When 
he had done this work, he went home, and being set down in 
his study, he began to turn over some pages of this book, and 
superficially to read some things here and there as his fancy 
led him. At length he met with something that began to 
work upon his spirit, which so wrought with him as drew him 
to this resolution, seriously to read over the whole book ; the 
which he did once and again. In the end he was so taken, 
and his conscience was ti'oubled so, as he could have no rest 
in himself until he crossed the seas and came to London to 
confer with the authors, who were then in prison, and shortly 
after executed. After which conference he was so satisfied 



* William Ames was one of the most acute controversial ■writers of his age. 
lie fled from persecution in lG09,was Theological Professor at Franckcr for 
twelve years, was a member of the Synod of Dort, and wrote several Treatises 
besides his Medulla Theologia?. He designed to come to New England, but 
died in 1633. 

f £200 per annum. — Bradford's Note. 



GOV. BRADrORD'S DIALOGUE. 335 

and confirmed in tlie truth, as he never returned to his place 
anymore at Middleburg, but adjoined himself to their society 
at London, and was afterwards committed to prison, and then 
banished ; and in conclusion coming to live at Amsterdam, 
he caused the same books, which he had been an instrument 
to burn, to be new printed and set out at his own charge. 
And some of us here present testify this to be a true relation, 
which we heard from his own mouth before many witnesses. 



YOUNG MEN. 

We have seen a book of Mr. Robert Baylie's, a Scotchman, 
wherein he seemeth to take notice of the spreading of the 
truth under the notion of error, and casts all the disgraces he 
can on it, and ranks it with others the foulest errors of the time, 
and endeavors to show how lilce a small spark it revived out 
of the ashes, and was brought from Leyden over the seas into 
New England, and there nourished with much silence until it 
spread to other places in the country, and by eminent hands 
from thence into Old England. 



ANCIENT MEN. 

As we dare say j\Ir. Baylie intends no honor to the persons 
by what he says, either to those here or from whence they 
came, so are they far from seeking any to themselves, but 
rather are ashamed that their weak working hath brought no 
more glory to God ; and if in any thing God hath made any 
of them instruments for the good of his people in any meas- 
ure, they desire he only may have the glory. And whereas 
INIr. Baylie affirmeth that, however it was, in a few years the 
most who settled in the land did agree to model themselves 
after Mr. Robinson's pattern, we agree with reverend Mr. 
Cotton, that, " there was no agreement by any solemn or com- 
mon consultation ; but that it is true they did, as if they had 
agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity, set up, by the 



336 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

help of Christ, the same model of churches, one like to anoth- 
er ; and if they of Plymouth have helped any of the first 
comers in their theory, by hearing and discerning their prac- 
tices, therein the Scripture is fulfilled that the kingdom of 
heaven is like unto leaven which a woman took and hid in 
three measures of meal until all was leavened." Matth. xiii. 
33. Answer to Mi*. Baylie, page 17. 

YOUNG MEN. 

We desire to know how many have been put to death for 
this cause, and what manner of persons they were, and what 
occasions were taken against them by bringing them to their 
end. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

We know certainly of six that were publicly executed, be- 
sides such as died in prisons; Mr. Henry Barrow, Mr. Green- 
wood, (these suffered at Tyburn) ; Mr. Penry at St. Thomas 
Waterings, by London ; Mr. William Dennis at Thetford, in 
Norfollc; two others at St. Edmund's, in Suffolk, whose 
names were Copping and Elias [Thacker.] These two last 
mentioned were condemned by cruel Judge Popham, whose 
countenance and carriage was very rough and severe toward 
them, with many sharp menaces. But God gave them cour- 
age to bear it, and to make this answer : — 

" My Lord, your face -we fear not, . 
And for your threats we care not, 
And to come to your read service, we dare not." 

These two last named were put to death for dispersing of 
books. 

For Mr. Dennis, he was a godly man, and faithful in his 
place ; but what occasion was taken against him, we know 
not, more than the common cause. 

For Mr. Penry, how unjustly he was charged, himself hath 
made manifest to the world in his books, and that declaration 



GOV. BKADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 337 

which he made a little before his sufferings ; all which are ex- 
tant in print, with some of his godly letters.* 

As for IV'Ir. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood, it also appears by 
their own writings how those statutes formerly made against 
the Papists were ^\Tested against them, and they condemned 
thereupon ; as may be seen by their examinations. 

YOUNG MEN. 

But these were rigid Brownists, and lie under much asper- 
sion, and their names much blemished and beclouded, not 
only by enemies, but even by godly and very reverend men. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

They can no more justly be called Brownists, than the dis- 
ciples might have been called Judasites; for they did as much 
abhor Brown's apostasy, and profane course, and his defec- 
tion, as the disciples and other Christians did Judas's treach- 
ery. 

And for their rigid and roughness of spirit, as some of them, 
especially IVIi-. Barrow, is taxed, it may be considered they 
were very rigidly and roughly dealt with, not only by the 
Lord's enemies and their enemies, but by some godly persons 
of those tinie^ differing in opinions from them ; which makes 
some of us call to mind what one Dr. Taylor hath written in 
a late book in these stirring times. " Such an eminent man," 
saith he, " hath had the good hap to be reputed orthodox by 
posterity, and did condemn such a man of such an opinion, 
and yet himself erred in as considerable matters ; but meeting 
with better neighbors in his lifetime, and a more charitable 
posterity after his death, hath his memory preserved in honor; 
and the other's name suffers without cause." Of which he 
gives instances in his book entitled The Liberty of Prophesy- 
ing, page 33 and following. 

"We refer you to Mr. Robinson's Answer to Mr. Bernard, 

* See Memoir ofPenry, just published by the Cong. Board of Publication. 

29 



338 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

where he charges him with blasphemy, railing, scoffing, etc. 
" For Mr. Barrow," saith Mr. Robinson, " as I say with Mr. 
Ainsworth, that I will not justify all the words of another 
man, nor yet mine own, so say I also with Mr. Smith, that 
because I know not by what particular motion of the spirit 
he was guided to write in those phrases, I dare not censure 
him as you do ; especially considering with what fiery zeal 
the Lord hath furnished such his servants at all times, as he 
hath stirred up for special reformation. Let the example of 
Luther alone suffice, whom into what terms his zeal carried, 
his writings testify ; and yet both in him and in Mr. Barrow 
there might be with true spiritual zeal fleshly indignation 
mingled." Answer to Mr. Bernard, folio 84. 

And further in page 86 he saith, that " such harsh terms 
wherewith he entertains such persons and things in the church 
as carry with them most appearance of holiness, they are to be 
interpreted according to his meaning, with this distinction, 
that Mr. Barrow speaks not of these persons and things sim- 
ply, but in a respect, and so and so considered ; and so no 
one term given by iVIr. Barrow but may, at the least, be toler- 
ated." 

YOUNG MEN. 

But divers reverend men have expressed concerning this 
matter that God is not wont to make choice of fnen infamous 
for gross sins and vices before their calling, to make them any 
instruments of reformation after their calling, and proceed to 
declare that Mi*. Barrow was a great gamester and a dicer 
when he lived in court, and getting much by play, would 
boast of loose spending it with courtesans, etc. 



ANCIENT MEN. 

Truly, with due respect to such reverend men be it spoken, 
those things might well have been spared from putting in 
print, especially so long after his death, when not only he, but 
all his friends are taken out of the world that might vindicate 
his name. That he was tainted with vices at the court be- 



GOV. BEADEOKD'S DIALOGUE. 339 

fore his conversion and calling, it is not very strange ; and if he 
had lived and died in that condition, it is like he might have 
gone out of the world without any public brand on his name, 
and have passed for a tolerable Christian and member of the 
church. He had hurt enough done him, whilst he lived, by 
evil and cruel enemies ; why should godly men be prejudi- 
cated to him after his death in his name ? Was not the Apos- 
tle Paul a persecutor of God's saints unto death ? And doth 
not the same Apostle, speaking of scandalous and lascivious 
persons, say, " And such were some of you ; but ye are washed, 
but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in the name of the 
Lord Jesus and by the spirit of our God." 1 Cor. vi. 11. 

And if histories deceive us not, was not Cyprian a magi- 
cian before his conversion, and Augustine a Manichaean ? 
And Vv'hen it was said unto him in the voice he heard, ToUe 
et lege, he was directed to that place of Scripture, " Not in 
gluttony and drunkenness, nor in chambering and wantonness, 
nor in strife and envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus 
Christ, and take no thought for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts of 
it." By which it may seem that if God do not make choice 
of such men as have been infamous for gross vices before 
their calling, yet sometimes he is wont to do it, and is free to 
choose whom he pleaseth for notable instruments for his own 
work. As for other things that have been spoken of him and 
Mr. Greenwood and Mr. Penry, we leave them as they are. 
But some of us have reason to think there are some mistakes 
in the relations of those things. Only we shall add other 
public testimonies concerning them from witnesses of very 
worthy credit, which are also in print. 

First, from Mr. Phillips. A famous and godly preacher, 
having heard and seen Mr. Barrow's holy speeches and prep- 
arations for death, said, " Barrow, Barrow, my soul be with 
thine ! " The same author also reports, that Queen Elizabeth 
asked learned Dr. Reynolds what he thought of those two 
men, JNIr. Barrow and JNIr. Greenwood ; and he answered her 
Majesty that it could not avail any thing to show his judg- 
ment concerning them, seeing they were put to death ; and 
being loath to speak his mind further, her Majesty charged 



340 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

him upon his allegiance to speak. Whereupon he answered, 
that he was persuaded if they had lived, they would have 
been two as worthy instruments for the church of God, as 
have been raised up in this age. Her Majesty sighed, and 
said no more. But after that, riding to a park by the place 
where they were executed, and being willing to take further 
information concerning them, demanded of the right honor- 
able the Earl of Cumberland, that was present when they 
suffered, what end they made. He answered, " a very godly 
end, and prayed for your Majesty, and the State," etc. We 
may also add what some of us have heard by credible infor- 
mation, that the Queen demanded of the Archbishop what he 
thought of them in his conscience. He answered, " he 
thought they were the servants of God, but dangerous to the 
State." " Alas ! " said she, " shall we put the servants of God 
to death ? " And this was the true cause why no more of 
them were put to death in her days.) 

YOUNG MEN. 

Did any of you know Mr. Barrow ? if we may be so bold 
to ask, for we would willingly know what [was] his life and 
conversation ; because some, we perceive, have him in pre- 
cious esteem, and others can scarce name him without some 
note of obloquy and dislike. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

We have not seen his person ; but some of us have been 
well acquainted with those that knew him familiarly both be- 
fore and after his conversion ; and one of us hath had con- 
ference with one that was his domestic servant, and tended 
upon him both before and some while after the same. 

He was a gentleman of good worth, and a flourishing 
courtier in his time, and, as appears in his own answers to 
the Archbishop and Dr. Cousens, he was some time a student 
at Cambridge and the Inns of Court, and accomplished with 
strong parts. 



GOV. BEADFOKD'S DIALOGUE. 341 

We have heard his conversion to be on this wise. "Walk- 
ing in London one Lord's day with one of his companions, 
he heard a preacher at his sermon very loud, as they passed 
by the church. Upon which Mr. Barrow said unto his con- 
sort, " Let us go in and hear what this man saith that is thus 
earnest." " Tush," saith the other, " what ! shall we go to 
hear a man talk ? " etc. But in he went and sat down. And 
the minister was vehement in reproving sin, and sharply ap- 
plied the judgments of God against the same ; and, it should 
seem, touched him to the quick in such things as he was 
guilty of, so as God set it home to his soul, and began to 
work his repentance and conversion thereby. For he was so 
stricken as he could not be quiet, until by conference with 
godly men and further hearing of the word, with diligent read- 
ing and meditation, God brought peace to his soul and con- 
science, after much humiliation of heart and reformation of 
life ; so as he left the court, and retired himself to a private 
life, sometime in the country and sometime in the city, giv- 
ing himself to study and reading of the Scriptures and other 
good works very diligently. And being missed at court by 
his consorts and acquaintance, it was quickly bruited abroad 
that Barrow was turned Puritan. What his course was after- 
wards, his writings show, as also his sufferings and conference 
with men of all sorts do declare, until his life was taken from 
him. 

And thus much we can further affirm, from those that well 
knew him, that he was very comfortable to the poor and those 
in distress in their sufferings ; and when he saw he must die, 
he gave a stock for the relief of the poor of the church, which 
was a good help to them in their banished condition after- 
wards. Yea, and that which some will hardly believe,~^he did 
much persuade them to peace, and composed many differ- 
ences that were grown amongst them whilst he lived, and 
would have, it is like, prevented more that after fell out, if he 
had continued. 

29* 



342 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 



YOUNG MEN. 

We thank you for your pains. We hope it will extend 
further than our satisfaction. We cannot but marvel that 
such a man should be by so many aspersed. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

It is not much to be marvelled at; for he was most plain 
in discovering the cruelty, fraud, and hypocrisy of the enemies 
of the truth, and searching into the corruptions of the time, 
which made him abhorred of them ; and peradventure some- 
thing too harsh against the baitings of divers of the preachers 
and professors that he had to deal with in those times, who 
out of fear or weakness did not come so close up to the truth 
in their practice as their doctrines and grounds seemed to 
hold forth. Which makes us remember what was the an- 
swer of Erasmus to the Duke of Saxony, when he asked his 
opinion whether Luther had erred. He answered, " his opin- 
ions were good, but wished he would moderate his style, 
which stirred him up the more enemies, no doubt." 

YOUNG MEN. 

We find in the writings of some such who were very emi- 
nent in their times for piety and learning, that those of the 
Separation * found more favor in our native country than 
those who were reproached by the name of Puritans ; and 
after much discourse thereabouts, come to this conclusion, 
that no comparison will hold from the Separatists to them 
in their sufferings but a minori; and then they go on and say 
what a compulsory banishment has been put upon those 
blessed and glorious lights, ]Mr. Cartwright, Mr. Parker, Dr. 
Ames, etc. 

* For an account of the difference between the Puritans and the Separa- 
tists, see Prince's Annals, pp. 302-305. 



GOV. BEADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 343 



ANCIENT MEN. 



Far be it from any of us to detract from or to extenuate 
the sufferings of any of the servants of God, much less from 
those worthies forenamed, or any others afterwards men- 
tioned. Yet, under favor, we crave pardon if we cannot con- 
sent to the judgment of such eminent ones for piety and 
learning above hinted. We doubt not, but do easily grant, 
that the sufferings of those reproached by the name of Puri- 
tans were great, especially some of them, and were better 
known to those pious and learned [men] first above intimated, 
than the sufferings of those that are reproached by the name 
of Brownists and Separatists. But we shall give you some 
instances, and leave it to you and some others to consider of. 

1. Though no more were publicly executed, yet sundry 
more were condemned, and brought to the gallows, and as- 
cended the ladder, not knowing but they should die, and have 
been reprieved, and after banished ; some of which we have 
known and often spoken with. 

2. Others have not only been forced into voluntary banish- 
ment, by great numbers, to avoid further cruelty, but divers, 
after long and sore imprisonment, have been forced to abjure 
the land by oath, never to return without leave. In anno 
1604 four persons at once were forced to do so at a public 
Sessions in London, or else upon refusal they were to be 
hanged. This their abjuration was done on the statute of 
the 35 of Queen Elizabeth. Some of these we have also 
known. 

3. We find mention in a printed book of seventeen or 
eighteen that have died in several prisons in London in six 
years' time before the year 1592, besides what have been in 
other parts of the land, and since that time, perishing by cold, 
hunger, or noisomeness of the prison. 

4. In the same year we find a lamentable petition, now in 
print, of sixty persons committed unbailable to several pris- 
ons in London, as Newgate, the Gatehouse, Clink, etc., being 
made close prisoners, allowing them neither meat, drink, nor 



344 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

lodging, nor suffering any whose hearts the Lord would stir 
up for their relief, to have any access unto them ; so as they 
complain that no felons, ti-aitors, nor murderers in the land 
were thus dealt with ; and so after many other grievous com- 
plaints conclude with these words : " We crave for all of us 
but the liberty either to die openly, or to live openly in the 
land of our nativity. If we deserve death, it beseemeth the 
majesty of justice not to see us closely murdered, yea starved 
to death with hunger and cold, and stifled in loathsome dun- 
geons. If we be guiltless, we crave but the benefit of our in- 
nocence, viz. that we may have peace to serve our God and 
our Prince in the place of the sepulchres of our fathers." 

And what number since those, who have been put unto 
compulsory banishment and other hard sufferings, as loss of 
goods, friends, and long and hard imprisonments, under which 
many have died, — it is so well known, that it would make 
up a volume to rehearse them, and would not only equalize 
but far exceed the number of those godly called Puritans that 
have suffered. Suppose they were but few of them ministers 
that suffered, as above expressed ; yet their sorrows might be 
as great, and their wants more, and their souls as much 
afflicted, because more contemned and neglected of men. 

But some have said they were excommunicated ; and that 
was no great matter as excommunications went in those days. 
So were these, not only while they were living, but some of 
them many times after they were dead ; and as some of the 
other were imprisoned, so were more of these. But it is 
further said, all of them were deprived of their ministry ; 
and so were these of their livelihood and maintenance, al- 
though they had no offices to lose. But those remained still 
in the land, and were succoured and sheltered by good peo- 
ple in a competent wise, the most of them, and sundry of 
them lived as well, as may easily be proved, if not better, 
than if they had enjoyed their benefices ; whereas the other 
were, a great number of them, forced to fly into foreign lands 
for shelter, or else might have perished in prisons ; and these 
poor creatures endured, many of them, such hardships (as is 
well known to some of us) as makes our hearts still ache to 
remember. 



GOV. BEADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 345 

We some of us knew Mr. Parker, Doctor Ames, and Mr. 
Jacob * in Holland, when they sojom-ned for a time in Ley- 
den ; and all three boarded together and had then' victuals 
dressed by some of our acquaintance, and then they lived 
comfortable, and then they were provided for as became their 
persons. And after Mr. Jacob returned, and Mr. Parker v/as 
at Amsterdam, where he printed some of his books, and ]Mr. 
Ames disposed of himself to other places, it was not worse 
with him ; and some of us well know how it fared then with 
many .precious Christians in divers times and places. To 
speak the truth, the professors in England, though many of 
them suffered much at the hands of the prelates, yet they had 
a great advantage of the Separatists ; for the Separatists had 
not only the prelates and their faction to encounter with, (and 
what hard measure they met with at their hands, above the 
other, doth sufficiently appear by what is before declared,) but 
also they must endure the frowns, and many times the sharp 
invectives, of the forward ministers against them, both in 
public and private ; and what influence they had upon the 
spirits of the people, is well enough known also ; by reason 
hereof the ministers in foreign countries did look awry at 
them when they would give help and countenance to the 
other. 



YOUNG MEN. 

Indeed, it seems they have sometimes suffered much hard- 
ness in the Low Countries, if that be true that is reported of 
such a man as Mr. Ainsworth, that he should live for some 
time with nine pence a week. To which is replied by 
another, that if people suffered him to live on ninepence a 
week, with roots boiled, either the people were grown extreme 
low in estate, or the growth of their godliness was come to a 
very low ebb. 



* See Appendix — Congregationalism in England. 



346 GOV. BRADEORD'S DIALOGUE. 



ANCIENT MEN. 

The truth is, their condition for the most part was for 
some time very low and hard. It was with them as, if it 
should be related, would hardly be believed. And no marvel. 
For many of them had lain long in prisons, and then were 
banished into Newfoundland, where they were abused, and 
at last came into the Low Countries, and wanting money, 
trades, friends, or acquaintances, and languages to help them- 
selves, how could it be otherwise ? The report of Mr. Ains- 
worth was near those times, when he was newly come out of 
L'eland with others poor, and being a single young man and 
very studious, was content with a little. And yet, to take 
off the aspersion from the people in that particular, the chief 
and true reason thereof is mistaken ; for he was a very mod- 
est and bashful man, and concealed his wants from others, 
untU some suspected how it was with him, and pressed him 
to see how it was ; and after it was known, such as were able 
mended his condition ; and when he was married afterwards, 
he and his family were comfortably provided for. But we 
have said enough of these things. They had few friends to 
comfort them, nor any arm of flesh to support them ; and if 
in some things they were too rigid, they are rather to be pit- 
ied, considering their times and sufferings, than to be blasted 
with reproach to posterity. 



YOUNG MEx\. 

Was that Brown that fell away and made apostasy, the 
first inventor and beginner of this way ? 



ANCIENT MEN. 

No, verily ; for, as one answers this question very well in a 
printed book, almost forty years ago, that the prophets, apos- 
tles, and evangelists have in their authentic writings laid 
down the ground thereof; and upon that ground is their 



GOV. BRADFOED'S DIALOGUE. 347 

building reared up and surely settled. Moreover, many of 
the martyrs, both former and latter, have maintained it, as is 
to be seen in The Acts and Monuments of the Church. Also, 
in the days of Queen Elizabeth there was a separated church, 
whereof Mr. Fitts was pastor, and another before that in the 
time of Queen Mary, of which Mr. Rough was pastor or 
teacher, and Cudbert Simpson a deacon, who exercised 
amongst themselves, as other ordinances, so church censures, 
as excommunication, etc., and professed and practised that 
cause before Mr. Brown wrote for it. But he being one that 
afterwards wrote for it, they that first hatched the name of 
Puritans and bestowed it on the godly professors that desned 
reformation, they likewise out of the same storehouse would 
needs bestow this new livery upon others that never would 
own it, nor had reason so to do. Mr. Cotton, likewise, in his 
Answer to Mr. Baylie, page fourth, shows how in the year 
1567 there were a hundred persons who refused the common 
liturgy, and the congregations attending thereunto, and used 
prayers and preaching and the sacraments amongst them- 
selves, whereof fourteen or fifteen were sent to prison, of 
whom the chiefest were Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon, James Ireland, 
Robert Hawkins, Thomas Rowland, and Richard Morecroft; 
and these pleaded their separation before the Lord Mayor, 
Bishop Sands, and other commissioners on June 20, 1567, 
about eighty years ago, being many years before Brown. 
Divers other instances might be given. 

YOUNG MEN. 

But if we mistake not, Mr. Brown is accounted by some of 
good note to be the inventor of that way which is called 
Brownism, from whom the sect took its name. Moreover, it 
is said by such of note as aforesaid, that it is not God's 
usual manner of dealing to leave any of the first publishers or 
restorers of any truth of his to such fearful apostasy. 



348 GOV. BEADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 



ANCIENT MEN. 

Possibly this speech might arise from a common received 
opinion. But reverend Mr. Cotton, in his answer to Mr. 
Baylie, saith, " the backsliding of Brown from that way of 
Separation is a just reason why the Separatists may disclaim 
denomination from him, and refuse to be called Brownists, 
after his name ; and to speak with reason," saith he, " if any 
be justly to be called Brownists, it is only such as revolt from 
Separation to formality, and from thence to profaneness." 
Page 5. 

To which we may add, that it is very injurious to call 
those after his name, whose person they never knew, and 
whose writings few if any of them ever saw, and whose errors 
and backslidings they have constantly borne witness against; 
and what truths they have received have been from the light 
of God's sacred word, conveyed by other godly instruments 
unto them ; though Brown may sometimes have professed 
some of the same things, and now fallen from the same, as 
many others have done. 

YOUNG MEN. 

Seeing we have presumed thus far to inquire into these 
ancienter times of you, and of the sufferings of the aforesaid 
persons, we would likewise entreat you, though never so 
briefly, to tell us something of the persons and carriages of 
other eminent men about those times, or immediately after, 
as Mr. Francis Johnson, Mr. Henry Ainsworth, Mi'. John 
Smith, Mr. John Kobinson, Mr. Richard Clifton. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

Here are some in the company that knew them all familiar- 
ly, whom we shall desire to satisfy your request. 

Those answered. We shall do it most willingly; for we 
cannot but honor the memory of the men for the good that 



GOV. BKADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 349 

not only many others but we ourselves have received by them 
and their ministry ; for we have heard them all, and lived un- 
der the ministry of divers of them for some years. We shall 
therefore speak of them in order briefly. 

Mr. Johnson, 

Of whom something was spoken before, was pastor of the 
church of God at Amsterdam. A very gi*ave man he was, 
and an able teacher, and was the most solemn in all his ad- 
ministrations that we have seen any, and especially in dis- 
pensing the seals of the covenant, both baptism and the Lord's 
supper. And a good disputant he was. We heard Mr. 
Smith upon occasion say, that he was persuaded no men liv- 
ing were able to maintain a cause against those two men, 
meaning Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth, if they had not the 
truth on their side. He, by reason of many dissensions that 
fell out in the church, and the subtilty of one of the elders of 
the same, came after many years to alter his judgment about 
the government of the church, and his practice thereupon, 
which caused a division among them. But he lived not 
many years after, and died at Amsterdam after his return 
from Embden. 

YOUNG MEN. 

But he is much spoken against for excommunicating his 
brother and his own father, and maintaining his wife's cause, 
who was by his brother and others reproved for her pride in 
apparel. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

Himself hath often made his own defence, and others for 
him. The church did, after long patience towards them and 
much pains taken with them, excommunicate them for their 
unreasonable and endless opposition, and such things as did 
accompany the same ; and such was the justice thereof, as he 
could not but consent thereto. In our time his wife was a 
grave matron, and very modest both in her apparel and all 

30 



350 GOV. BEADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

her demeanor, ready to any good works in her place, and 
helpful to many, especially the poor, and an ornament to his 
calling. She was a young widow when he married her, and 
had been a merchant's wife, by whom he had a good estate, 
and was a godly woman ; and because she wore such ap- 
parel as she had been formerly used to, which were neither 
excessive nor immodest, for their chiefest exceptions were 
against her wearing of some whalebone in the bodice and 
sleeves of her gown, corked shoes, and other such like things 
as the citizens of her rank then used to wear. And although, 
for offence sake, she and he were willing to reform the fashions 
of them so far as might be without spoiling of their garments, 
yet it would not content them except they came full up to 
their size. Such was the strictness or rigidness (as now the 
term goes) of some in those times, as we can by experience 
and of our own knowledge show in other instances. We 
shall for brevity sake only show one. 

We were in the company of a godly man that had been a 
long time prisoner at Norwich for this cause, and was by 
Judge Cooke set at liberty. After going into ihe country he 
visited his friends, and returning that way again to go into the 
Low Countries by ship at Yarmouth, and so desired some of 
us to turn in with him to the house of an ancient woman in the 
city, who had been very kind and helpful to him in his sufTer- 
ings. She knowing his voice made him very welcome, and 
those with him. But after some time of their entertainment, 
being ready to depart, she came up to him and felt of his band, 
(for her eyes were dim with age,) and perceiving it was some- 
thing stiffened with starch, she was much displeased, and re- 
proved him very sharply, fearing God would not prosper his 
journey. Yet the man was a plain countryman, clad in grey 
russet, without either welt or guard, (as the proverb is,) and the 
band he wore scarce worth threepence, made of their own 
homespinning; and he was godly and humble as he was 
plain. What would such professors, if they were now living, 
say to the excess of our times ? 



GOV. BRADrOED'S DIALOGUE. 351 



Mr. Henry Ainsworth, 

A man of a thousand, was teacher of this church at Amster- 
dam at the same time when Mr. Johnson was pastor. Two 
worthy men they were and of excellent parts. He continued 
constant in his judgment and practice unto his end in those 
things about the church government, from which Mr. Johnson 
swerved and fell. He ever maintained good correspondence 
with Mr. Robinson at Leyden, and would consult with him 
in all matters of weight, both in their differences and after- 
wards. A very learned man he was, and a close student, 
which much impaired his health. We have heard some, 
eminent in the knowledge of the tongues, of the university of 
Leyden, say that they thought he had not his better for the 
Hebrew tongue in the university, nor scarce in Europe. He 
was a man very modest, amiable, and sociable in his ordinary 
course and carriage, of an innocent and unblamable life and 
conversation, of a meek spnit, and a calm temper, void of 
passion, and not easily provoked. And yet he would be some- 
thing smart in his style to his opposers in his public writings ; 
at which we that have seen his constant carriage, both in pub- 
lic disputes and the managing of all church affairs, and such 
like occurrences, have sometimes marvelled. He had an ex- 
cellent gift of teaching and opening the Scriptures ; and 
things did flow from him with that facUity, plainness, and 
sweetness, as did much affect the hearers. He was powerful 
and profound in doctrine, although his voice was not strong ; 
and had this excellency above many, that he was most ready 
and pregnant in the Scriptures, as if the book of God had 
been written in his heart ; being as ready in his quotations, 
without tossing and turning his book, as il they had lain open 
before his eyes, and seldom missing a word in the citing of 
any place, teaching not only the word and doctrine of God, 
but in the words of God, and for the most part in a con- 
tinued phrase and words of Scripture. He used great dex- 
terity, and was ready in comparing Scripture with Scripture, 



352 GOV. BEADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

one with another. In a word, the times and place in which 
he lived were not worthy of such a man. 

YOUNG MEN. 

But we find that he is taxed, in a book writ by George 
Johnson, with apostasy and to be a man-pleaser, etc. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

Who can escape the scourge of tongues ? Christ himself 
could not do it when he was here upon earth, although there 
was no guile found in his mouth ; nor Moses, although he 
was the meekest man in the earth. For man-pleasing, they 
that tax him [do it] because he concurred against their violent 
and endless dissensions about the former matters. And for 
his apostasy, this was all the matter. When he was a young 
man, before he came out of England, he at the persuasion of 
some of his godly friends went once or twice to hear a godly 
minister preach ; and this was the great matter of apostasy, 
for which those violent men thought him worthy to be deposed 
from his place, and for which they thus charge him. And 
truly herein they may worthily bear the name of rigid, etc. 

Mr. John Smith 

Was an eminent man in his time, and a good preacher, and 
of other good parts ; but his inconstancy, and unstable judg- 
ment, and being so suddenly carried away with things, did 
soon overthrow him. Yet we have some of us heard him 
use this speech : " Truly," said he, " we being now come into 
a place of liberty, are in great danger, if we look not well to 
our ways ; for we are like men set upon the ice, and therefore 
may easily slide and fall." But in this example it appears it 
is an easier matter to give good counsel than to follow it, to 
foresee danger than to prevent it : which made the prophet to 
say, " O Lord, the way of man is not in himself, neither is 
it in man to wallc and to direct his steps." He was some 



GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 353 

time pastor to a company of honest and godly men which 
came with him out of England, and pitched at Amsterdam. 
He first fell into some errors about the Scriptures, and so into 
some opposition with Mr. Johnson, who had been his tutor, 
and the church there. But he was convinced of them by the 
pains and faithfulness of Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth, 
and revoked them ; but afterwards was drawn away by some 
of the Dutch Anabaptists, who finding him to be a good 
scholar and unsettled, they easily misled the most of his peo- 
ple, and other of them scattered away. He lived not many 
years after, but died there of a consumption, to which he was 
inclined before he came out of England. His and his people's 
condition may be an object of pity for after times. 

Mr. John Robinson * 

Was pastor of that famous church of Leyden, in Holland ; a 
man not easily to be paralleled for all things, whose singular 
vh'tues we shall not take upon us here to describe. Neither 
need we, for they so well are known bothj^y friends and ene- 
mies. As he was a man learned and of solid judgment, and 
of a quick and sharp wit, so was he also of a tender con- 
science, and very sincere in all his ways, a hater of hypoc- 
risy and dissimulation, and would be very plain with his best 
friends. He was very courteous, affable, and sociable in his 
conversation, and towards his own people especially. He 
was an acute and expert disputant, very quick and ready, and 
had much bickering with the Arminians, who stood more in 
fear of him than any of the university. He was never satis- 
fied in himself until he had searched any cause or argument 
he had to deal in thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we 
have heard him sometimes say to his familiars that many 
times, both in writing and disputation, he knew he had suf- 
ficiently answered others, but many times not himself; and 
was ever desirous of any light, and the more able, learned, 

* See Robinson's Life and Works, published by the Congregational Board 
of Publication, 3 vols. 

*30 



354 GOV. BEADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

and holy the persons were, the more he desired to confer and 
reason with them. He was very profitable in his ministry 
and comfortable to his people. He was much beloved of 
them, and as loving was he mito them, and entirely sought 
their good for soul and body. In a word, he was much es- 
teemed and reverenced of all that knew him, and his abilities 
[were acknowledged] both of friends and strangers. But we 
resolved to be brief in this matter, leaving you to better and 
more laro;e information herein from others. 



Mr. Richard Clifton 

"Was a grave and fatherly old man when he came first into 
Holland, having a great white beard ; and pity it was that 
such a reverend old man should be forced to leave his coun- 
try, and at those years to go into exile. But it was his lot ; 
and he bore it patiently. Much good had he done in the 
countiy where he lived, and converted many to God by his 
faithful and painful ministry, both in preaching and catechiz- 
ing. Sound and orthodox he always was, and so continued 
to his end. He belonged to the church at Leyden ; but being 
settled at Amsterdam, and thus aged, he was loath to remove 
any more ; and so when they removed, he was dismissed to 
them there, and there remained until he died. Thus have we 
briefly satisfied your desire. 

YOUNG MEN. 

We are very thankful to you for your pains. We perceive 
God raiseth up excellent instruments in all ages to carry on 
his own work ; and the best of men have their failings some- 
times, as we see in these our times, and that there is no new 
thing under the sun. But before we end this matter, we de- 
sire you would say something of those two churches that 
were so long in exile, of whose guides we have already heard. 



GOV. BEADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 355 



ANCIENT MEN. 

Truly there were in them many worthy men ; and if you 
had seen them in their beauty and order, as we have done, 
you would have been much affected therewith, we dare say. 
At Amsterdam, before their division and breach, they were 
about three hundred communicants, and they had for their 
pastor and teacher those two eminent men before named, and 
in our time four grave men for ruling elders, and three able 
and godly men for deacons, one ancient widow for a deacon- 
ess, who did them service many years, though she was sixty 
years of age when she was chosen. She honored her place 
and was an ornament to the congregation. She usually sat 
in a convenient place in the congregation, with a little birchen 
rod in her hand, and kept Kttle children in great awe from dis- 
tm'bing the congregation. She did frequently visit the sick 
and weak, especially women, and, as there was need, called 
out maids and young women to watch and do them other 
helps as their necessity did require ; and if they were poor, 
she would gather rehef for them of those that were able, or 
acquaint the deacons ; and she was obeyed as a mother in 
Israel and an officer of Christ. 

And for the church of Leyden, they were sometimes not 
much fewer in number, nor at all inferior in able men, though 
they had not so many officers as the other ; for they had but 
one ruling elder with their pastor, a man well approved and 
of great integrity ; also they had three able men for deacons. 
And that which was a crown unto them, they lived together 
in love and peace all their days, without any considerable dif- 
ferences or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such as 
was easily healed in love ; and so they continued until with 
mutual consent they removed into New England. And what 
their condition hath been since, some of you that are of their 
children do see and can tell. Many worthy and able men 
there were in both places, who lived and died in obscurity in 
respect of the world, as private Christians, yet were they 
precious in the eyes of the Lord, and also in the eyes of such 



356 GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 

as knew them, whose vh'tues we with such of you as are their 
children do follow and imitate. 



YOUNG MEN. 

If we may not be tedious, we would request to know one 
thing more. It is commonly said that those of the Separa- 
tion hold none to be true churches but their own, and con- 
demn all the churches in the world besides ; which lieth as a 
foul blot upon them, yea even on some here in New England, 
except they can remove it. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

It is a manifest slander laid upon them ; for they hold all 
the Reformed Churches to be true churches, and even the 
most rigid of them have ever done so, as appears by their 
Apologies and other writings ; and we ourselves some of us 
know of much intercommunion that divers have held with 
them reciprocally, not only with the Dutch and French, but 
even with the Scotch, who are not of the best mould, yea and 
with the Lutherans also ; and we believe they have gone as 
far herein, both in judgment and practice, as any of the 
churches in New England do or can do, to deal faithfully and 
bear witness against their corruptions. 

Having thus far satisfied all your demands, we shall here 
break off this conference for this time, desiring the Lord to 
make you to grow up in grace and wisdom and the true fear 
of God, that in all faithfulness and humility you may serve 
him in your generations. 

YOUNG MEN. 

Gentlemen, we humbly thank you for your pains with us 
and respect unto us, and do further crave that upon any fit 
occasions we may have access unto you for any further in- 
formation, and herewith do humbly take our leave. 



i 



VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 



VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 



A JOURNEY TO PAKANOKIT, THE HABITATION OF THE GREAT KING 
MASSASOIT; AS ALSO OUR MESSAGE, THE ANSWER AND EN- 
TERTAINMENT WE HAD OF HIM.* 

It seemed good to the company, for many considerations, 
to send some amongst them to Massasoit, the greatest com- 
mander amongst the savages bordering upon us ; partly to 
know where to find them, if occasion served, as also to see 
then- strength, discover the country, prevent abuses in their 
disorderly coming unto us, make satisfaction for some con- 
ceived injuries to be done on our parts, and to continue the 
league of peace and friendship between them and us. For 
these and the like ends, it pleased the governor to make 
choice of Steven Hopkins and Edward Winslow to go unto 
him ; and having a fit opportunity, by reason of a savage 
called Tisquantum, that could speak English, coming unto 
us, with all expedition provided a horseman's coat of red cot- 
ton, and laced with a slight lace, for a present, that both they 
and their message might be the more acceptable amongst 
them. 

The message was as follows : That forasmuch as his sub- 
jects came often and without fear upon all occasions amongst 



* Written probably by ]Mr. Winslow. 



360 VISITS TO 3MASSAS0IT. 

US, so we were now come unto him ; and in witness of the 
love and good-will the English bear unto him, the governor 
hath sent him a coat, desuing that the peace and amity that 
was between them and us might be continued ; not that we 
feared them, but because we intended not to injure any, de- 
siring to live peaceably, and as with all men, so especially 
with them our nearest neighbors. But whereas his people 
came very often, and very many together unto us, bringing 
for the most part their wives and children with them, they 
were welcome ; yet we being but strangers as yet at Patuxet, 
alias New Plymouth, and not knowing how our corn might 
prosper, we could no longer give them such entertainment as 
we had done, and as we desired still to do. Yet if he would 
be pleased to come himself, or any special friend of his de- 
sired to see us, coming from him they should be welcome. 
And to the end we might know them from others, our gover- 
nor had sent him a copper chain ; desiring if any messenger 
should come from him to us, we might know him by bringing 
it with him, and hearken and give credit to his message ac- 
cordingly ; also requesting him that such as have skins should 
bring them to us, and that he would hinder the multitude 
from oppressing us with them. And whereas, at our first 
arrival at Paomet, called by us Cape Cod, we found there 
corn buried in the ground, and finding no inhabitants, but 
some graves of dead new buried, took the corn, resolving, if 
ever we could hear of any that had right thereunto, to make 
satisfaction to the full for it; yet since we understand the 
owners thereof were fled for fear of us, our desire was either 
to pay them with the like quantity of corn, English meal, or 
any other commodities we had, to pleasure them withal ; re- 
questing him that some of his men might signify so much 
unto them, and we would content him for his pains. And 
last of all, our governor requested one favor of him, which 
was that he would exchange some of their corn for seed with 
us, that we might make trial which best agreed with the soil 
where we live. 

With these presents and message we set forward the 10th 



VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 361 

June,* about nine o'clock in the morning, our guide resolving 
that night to rest at Namasket, a town under Massasoit, and 
conceived by us to be very near, because the inhabitants 
flocked so thick upon every slight occasion amongst us ; but 
we found it to be some fifteen English miles. On the way 
we found some ten or twelve men, women, and children, 
which had pestered us till we were weary of them, perceiving 
that (as the manner of them all is) where victual is easilest to 
be got, there they live, especially in the summer; by reason 
whereof, our bay affording many lobsters, they resort every 
spring-tide thither; and now returned with us to Namasket. 
Thither we came about three o'clock after noon, the inhabi- 
tants entertaining us with joy, in the best manner they could, 
giving us a kind of bread called by them tnaizium, and the 
spawn of shads, which then they got in abundance, insomuch 
as they gave us spoons to eat them. With these they boiled 
musty acorns ; but of the shads we eat heartily. After this 
they desired one of our men to shoot at a crow, complaining 
what damage they sustained in their corn by them ; who 
shooting some fourscore off and killing, they much admired 
at it, as other shots on other occasions. 

After this Tisquantum told us we should hardly in one day 
reach Pakanokit, moving us to go some eight miles further, 
where we should find more store and better victuals than 
there. Being willing to hasten our journey, we went and 
came thither at sunsetting, where we found many of the 
Namascheucks (they so called the men of Namasket) fishing 
upon a weir, which they had made on a river which belonged 
to them, where they caught abundance of bass. These wel- 
comed us also, gave us of their fish, and we them of our vict- 
uals, not doubting but we should have enough wherever we 
came. There we lodged in the open fields, for houses 
they had none, though they spent the most of the summer 
there. The head of this river is reported to be not far from 
the place of our abode. Upon it are and have been many 



* Morton In liis Memorial says, July 2. See p. 48. 
31 



362 VISITS TO MASSxiSOIT. 

towns, it being a good length. The ground is very good on 
both sides, it being for the most part cleared. Thousands of 
men have lived there, which died in a great plague not long 
since ; and pity it was and is to see so many goodly fields, 
and so well seated, without men to dress and manure the 
same. Upon this river dwellcth Massasoit. It cometh into 
the sea at the Narraganset Bay, where the Frenchmen so 
much use. A ship may go many miles up it, as the savages 
report, and a shallop to the head of it; but so far as we saw, 
we are sure a shallop may. But to return to our journey. 

The next morning we brake our fast, took our leave, and 
departed ; being then accompanied with some six savages. 
Having gone about six miles by the river side, at a known 
shoal place, it being low-water, they spake to us to put off 
our breeches, for we must wade through. Here let me not 
forget the valor and courage of some of the savages on the 
opposite side of the river ; for there were remaining alive only 
two men, both aged, especially the one, being above three- 
score. These two, espying a company of men entering the 
river, ran very swiftly, and low in the grass, to meet us at the 
bank ; where with shrill voices and great courage, standing 
charged upon us with their bows, they demanded what we 
were, supposing us to be enemies, and thinking to take ad- 
vantage on us in the water. But seeing we were friends, 
they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we be- 
stowed a small bracelet of beads on them. Thus far we are 
sure the tide ebbs and flows. 

Having here again refreshed ourselves, we proceeded in 
our journey, the weather being very hot for travel; yet the 
country so well watered, that a man could scarce be dry, but 
he should have a spring at hand to cool his thirst, besides 
small rivers in abundance. But the savages will not will- 
ingly drink but at a spring head. When we came to any 
small brook, where no bridge was, two of them desired to 
carry us through of their own accords ; also, fearing we were 
or would be weary, offered to carry our pieces ; also, if we 
would lay off any of our clothes, we should have them car- 
ried ; and as the one of them had found more special kind- 



VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 863 

ness from one of the messengers, and the other savage from 
the other, so they showed their thankfulness accordingly in 
affording us all help and furtherance in the journey. 

As we passed along, we observed that there were few 
places by the river but had been inhabited ; by reason whereof 
much ground was clear, save of weeds, which grew higher 
than our*heads. There is much good timber, both oak, wal- 
nut tree, fir, beech, and exceeding great chestnut trees. The 
country, in respect of the lying of it, is both champaign and 
hilly, like many places in England. In some places it is very 
rocky, both above-ground and in it ; and though the country 
be wild and overgi'own with woods, yet the trees stand not 
thick, but a man may well ride a horse amongst them. 

Passing on at length, one of the company, an Indian, 
espied a man and told the rest of it. We asked them if they 
feared any. They told us that if they were Narraganset men 
they would not trust them. Whereat we called for our 
pieces, and bid them not to fear ; for though they were 
twenty, we two alone would not care for them. But they 
hailing him, he proved a friend, and had only two women 
with him. Their baskets were empty; but they fetched 
water in their bottles, so that we drank with them and de- 
parted. After we met another man, with other two women, 
which had been at rendezvous by the salt water ; and their 
baskets were full of roasted crab fishes and other dried shell 
fish, of which they gave us; and we eat and drank with 
them, and gave each of the women a string of beads and 
departed. 

After we came to a town of Massasoit's, where we eat 
oysters and other fish. From thence we went to Pakanokit;* 
but Massasoit was not at home. There we stayed, he being 
sent for. When news was brought of his coming, our guide 
Tisquantum requested that at our meeting we would dis- 
charge our pieces. But one of us going about to charge his 
piece, the women and children, through fear to see him take 

* Morton says, p. 48, that " tliey found Lis (Massasoit's) place to be about 
forty miles from New Plymouth." 



364 VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 

up his piece, ran away, and could not be pacified till he laid 
it down again ; who afterward were better informed by our 
interpreter. Massasoit being come, we discharged our pieces 
and saluted him ; who, after their manner, kindly welcomed 
us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him ; 
where, having delivered our foresaid message and presents, 
and having put the coat on his back and the chain about his 
neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his 
men also to see their king so bravely attired. 

For answer to our message, he told us we were welcome, 
and he would gladly continue that peace and friendship 
which was between him and us ; and, for his men, they should 
no more pester us as they had done ; also, that he would send 
to Paomet, and would help us with corn for seed, according 
to our request. 

This being done, his men gathered near to him, to whom 
he turned himself and made a great speech ; they sometimes 
interposing, and, as it were, confirming and applauding him 
in that he said. The meaning whereof was, as far as we 
could learn, thus : Was not he, Massasoit, commander of the 
country about them ? Was not such a town his, and the 
people of it? And should they not bring their skins unto 
us ? To which they answered, they were his, and would be 
at peace with us, and bring their skins to us. After this man- 
ner he named at least thirty places, and their answer was as 
aforesaid to every one ; so that as it was delightful, it was 
tedious unto ris. 

This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to dis- 
coursing of England and of the King's Majesty, marvelling 
that he would live without a wife. Also he talked of the 
Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer them to come to Narra- 
ganset, for it was King James's country, and he also was 
King James's man. Late it grew, but victuals he offered 
none ; for indeed he had not any, being he came so newly 
home. So we desired to go to rest. He laid us on the bed 
with himself and his wife, they at the one end and we at the 
other, it being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a 
thin mat upon them. Two more of his chief men, for want 



VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 365 

of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse 
weary of our lodging than of our journey. 

The next day, being Thursday, many of their sachims, or 
petty governors, came to see us, and many of their men also. 
There they went to their manner of games for skins and 
knives. There we challenged them to shoot with them for 
skins, but they durst not ; only they desired to see one of us 
shoot at a mark, who shooting with hail-shot, they wondered 
to see the mark so full of holes. 

About one o'clock Massasoit brought two fishes that he 
had shot ; they were like bream, but three times so big, and 
better meat. These being boiled, there were at least forty 
looked for share in them ; the most eat of them. This meal 
only we had in two nights and a day ; and had not one of us 
bought a partridge, we had taken our journey fasting. Very 
importunate he was to have us stay with them longer. But 
we desired to keep the Sabbath at home ; and feared we 
^ should either be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with 
bad lodging, the savages' barbarous singing, (for they use to 
sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and mos- 
quitoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our 
being there; we much fearing that if we should stay any 
longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of 
strength. So that on the Friday morning, before sunrising, 
we took our leave and departed, Massasoit being both grieved 
and ashamed that he could no better entertain us; and re- 
taining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure 
truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, 
in his place, whom we had found faithful before and after 
upon all occasions. 

At this town of Massasoit's, where we before eat, we were 
again refreshed with a little fish, and bought about a handful 
of meal of their parched corn, which was very precious at 
that time of the year, and a small string of dried shell-fish, 
as big as oysters. The latter we gave to the six savages that 
accompanied us, keeping the meal for ourselves. When we 
drank, we eat each a spoonful of it with a pipe of tobacco, 
instead of other victuals ; and of this also we could not but 

31* 



366 VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 

give them so long as it lasted. Five miles they led us to a 
house out of the way in hope of victuals ; but we found no- 
body there, and so were but worse able to return home. That 
night we reached to the weir where we lay before ; but the 
Namascheucks were returned, so that we had no hope of any 
thing there. One of the savages had shot a shad in the 
water, and a small squirrel, as big as a rat, called a neuxis ; 
the one half of either he gave us, and after went to the weir 
to fish. From hence we wrote to Plymouth, and sent To- 
kamahamoB before to Namasket, willing him from thence to 
send another, that he might meet us with food at Namasket. 
Two men now only remained with us ; and it pleased God 
to give them good store of fish, so that we were well refreshed. 
After supper we went to rest, and they to fishing again. 
More they gat, and fell to eating afresh, and retained sufficient 
ready roast for all our breakfasts. 

About two o'clock in the morning, arose a great storm of 
wind, rain, lightning, and thunder, in such violent manner 
that we could not keep in our fire ; and had the savages not 
roasted fish when we were asleep, we had set forward fasting ; 
for the rain still continued with great violence, even the whole 
day through, till we came within two miles of home. Being 
wet and weary, at length we came to Namasket. There we 
refreshed ourselves, giving gifts to all such as had showed us 
any kindness. Amongst others, one of the six that came 
with us from Pakanoldt, having before this on the way un- 
kindly forsaken us, marvelled we gave him nothing, and told 
us what he had done for us. We also told him of some dis- 
courtesies he offered us, whereby he deserved nothing. Yet 
we gave him a small trifle ; whereupon he offered us tobacco. 
But the house being full of people, we told them he stole 
some by the way, and if it were of that, we would not take 
it ; for we would not receive that which was stolen, upon any 
terms ; if we did, our God would be angiy with us, and de- 
stroy us. This abashed him, and gave the rest great content. 
But, at our departure, he would needs carry him on his back 
through a river whom he had formerly in some sort abused. 
Fain they would have had us to lodge there all night, and 



VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 867 

wondered we would set forth again in such weather. But, 
God be praised, we came safe home that night, though wet, 
weary, and surbated. 



WINSLOW'S SECOND JOUENEY TO PAKANOKIT, TO VISIT MASSASOIT 
IN HIS SICKNESS. 

During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, news 
came to Plymouth that Massasoit was like to die, and that 
at the same time there was a Dutch ship driven so high on 
the shore by stress of weather, right before his dwelling, that 
till the tides increased, she could not be got off. Now it 
being a commendable manner of the Indians, when any, es- 
pecially of note, are dangerously sick, for all that profess 
friendship to them to visit them in their extremity, either in 
their persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to 
them ; therefore it was thought meet, being a good and war- 
rantable action, that as we had ever professed friendship, so 
we should now maintain the same, by observing this their 
laudable custom ; and the rather, because we desired to have 
some conference with the Dutch, not knowing when we should 
have so fit an opportunity. To that end, myself having 
formerly been there, and understanding in some measure the 
Dutch tongue, the governor again laid this service upon my- 
self, and fitted me with some cordials to administer to him ; 
having one Master John Hamden, a gentleman of London, 
who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the 
country, for my consort, and Hobamak for our guide. So 
we set forward, and lodged the fii-st night at Namasket, where 
we had friendly entertainment. 

The next day, about one of the clock, we came to a ferry 
in Corbatant's country, where, upon discharge of my piece, 
divers Indians came to us from a house not far off. There 
they told us that INIassasoit was dead, and that day buried ; 
and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, 
having hove off their ship already. This news struck us 



368 • VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 

blank, but especially Hobamak, who desired we might re- 
turn with all speed. I told him I would first think of it. 
Considering now, that he being dead, Corbatant was the 
most like to succeed him, and that we were not above three 
miles from Mattapuyst, his dwelling-place, although he were 
but a hollow-hearted friend towards us, I thought no time so 
fit as this to enter into more friendly terms with him, and the 
rest of the sachems thereabout ; hoping, through the blessing 
of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to settle 
their affections towards us ; and though it w^ere somewhat 
dangerous, in respect of our personal safety, because myself 
and Hobamak had been employed upon a service against 
him, which he might now fitly revenge ; yet esteeming it the 
best means, leaving the event to God in his mercy, I resolved 
to put it in practice, if Master Hamden and Hobamak 
durst attempt it with me ; whom I found willing to that or 
any other course might tend to the general good. So we 
went towards Mattapuyst. 

In the way, Hobamak, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake 
forth into these speeches : Neen ivomasu sagimus, neen u'O- 
masii saffimus, etc. " My loving sachem, my loving sachem! 
INlany have I known, but never any like thee." And turning 
him to me, said, whilst I lived, I should never see his like 
amongst the Indians ; saying, he was no liar, he was not 
bloody and cruel, like other Indians ; in anger and passion he 
was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards such as 
had offended him ; ruled by reason in such measure as he 
would not scorn the advice of mean men ; and that he gov- 
erned his men better with few strokes, than others did with 
many ; truly loving where he loved ; yea, he feared we had 
not a faithful friend left among the Indians ; showing how 
he ofttimes restrained their malice, etc., continuing a long 
speech, with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, 
as it would have made the hardest heart relent. 

At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the sacliimo 
comaco, for so they call the sachem's place, though they call 
an ordinary house iviteo ; but Corbatant, the sachem, was 



VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 369 

not at home, but at Pakanokit, which was some five or six 
miles off. The squaw sachem, for so they called the sa- 
chem's wife, gave us friendly entertainment. Here we in- 
quired again concerning Massasoit ; they thought him dead, 
but knew no certainty. Whereupon I hired one to go with 
all expedition to Pakanokit, that we might know the certainty 
thereof, and withal to acquaint Corbitant with our there be- 
ing. About half an hour before sunsetting the messenger re- 
turned, and told us that he was not yet dead, though there 
was no hope we should find him living. Upon this we were 
much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it was 
late within night ere we got thither. About two of the clock 
that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed ; so that in that re- 
spect our journey was frustrate. 

When we came thither, we found the house so full of men 
as we could scarce get in, though they used their best dili- 
gence to make way for us. There were they in the midst of 
their charms for him, making such a hellish noise, as it dis- 
tempered us that were well, and therefore unlike to ease him 
that was sick. About him were six or eight women, who 
chafed his arms, legs, and thighs, to keep heat in him. When 
they had made an end of their charming, one told him that 
his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having 
understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, 
Who was come ? They told him Winsnow, for they cannot 
pronounce the letter /, but ordinarily n in the place thereof. 
He desired to speak with me. When I came to him, and 
they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took. 
Then he said twice, though very inwardly. Keen Winsnoiu ? 
which is to say, " Art thou Winslow ? " I answered, Ahhe, 
that is. Yes. Then he doubled these words; Malta neen 
ivonckanet name7i, Winsnow ! that is to say, " O Winslow, I 
shall never see thee again." 

Then I called Hobamak, and desired him to tell Massasoit, 
that the governor, hearing of his sickness, was sorry for the 
same; and though, by reason of many businesses, he could not 
come himself, yet he sent me with such things for him as he 
thought most likely to do him good in this his extremity ; 



370 VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 

and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently give him ; 
which he desired ; and having a confection of many comfort- 
able conserves, etc., on the point of my knife I gave him some, 
which I could scarce get through his teeth. When it was 
dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed the juice of it ; whereat 
those that were about him much rejoiced, saying he had not 
swallowed any thing in two days before. Then I desired to 
see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and his tongue 
swelled in such a manner, as it was not possible for him to 
eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up. 
Then I washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got 
abundance of corruption out of the same. After which I 
gave him more of the confection, which he swallowed with 
more readiness. Then he desiring to drink, I dissolved some 
of it in water, and gave him thereof. "Within half an hour 
this wrought a great alteration in him, in the eyes of all that 
beheld him. Presently after his sight began to come to him, 
which gave him and us good encouragement. In the mean 
time I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool. They 
said he slept not in two days before, and had not had a stool 
in five. Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap 
we had by the way, in breaking a bottle of drink, \vhich the 
governor also sent him, saying, if he would send any of his 
men to Patuxet, I would send for more of the same ; also for 
chickens to make him broth, and for other things, which I 
knew were good for him ; and would stay the return of the 
his messenger, if he desired. This he took marvellous 
kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of 
the clock in the morning ; against which time I made ready 
a letter, declaring therein our good success, the state of his 
body, etc., desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and 
such physic as the surgeon durst administer to him. 

He requested me, that the day following, I would take my 
piece, and kill him some fowl, and make him some English 
pottage, such as he had eaten at Plymouth ; which I prom- 
ised. After, his stomach coming to him, I must needs make 
him some without fowl, before I went abroad, which some- 
what troubled me, being unaccustomed and unacquainted in 



VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 371 

such businesses, especially having nothing to make it com- 
fortable, my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being 
we must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some 
corn, and take the flour from it, and set over the grit, or bro- 
ken corn, in a pipkin, for they have earthen pots of all sizes. 
When the day broke, we went out, it being now March, to 
seek herbs, but could not find any but strawberry leaves, of 
which I gathered a handful, and put into the same ; and be- 
cause I had nothing to relish it, I went forth again, and 
pulled up a sassafras root, and sliced a piece thereof, and 
boiled it, till it had a good relish, and then took it out again. 
The broth being boiled, I strained it through my handker- 
chief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and liked 
it very well. After this his sight mended more and more ; 
also he had three moderate stools, and took some rest ; inso- 
much as we with admiration blessed God for giving his bless- 
ing to such raw and ignorant means, making no doubt of his 
recovery, himself and all of them acknowledging us the in- 
struments of his preservation. 

That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to 
another amongst those that were sick in the town, requesting 
me to wash their mouths also, and give to each of them some 
of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk. This 
pains I took with wilhngness, though it were much offensive 
to me, not being accustomed to such poisonous savors. After 
dinner he desired me to get him a goose or duck, and make 
him some pottage therewith, with as much speed as I could. 
So I took a man with me, and make a shot at a couple of 
ducks, some six score paces off", and killed one, at which he 
wondered. So we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making 
more broth therewith, which he much desired. Never did I 
see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short 
a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobamak I 
must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very 
sick again if he did eat it. This he acquainted INIassasoit 
therewith, who would not be persuaded to it, though I 
pressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the 
weakness of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. 



372 VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 

Nohvithstanding, he made a gi'oss meal of it, and ate as 
much as would well have satisfied a man in health. About 
an hour after he began to be very sick, and straining very 
much, cast up the broth again ; and in overstraining himself, 
began to bleed at the nose, and so continued the space of 
four hours. Then they all wished he had been ruled, con- 
cluding now he would die, which we much feared also. 
They asked me what I thought of him. I answered, his 
case was desperate, yet it might be it would save his life ; for 
if it ceased in time, he would forthwith sleep and take rest, 
which was the principal thing he wanted. Not long after 
his blood stayed, and he slept at least six or eight hours. 
AVhen he awaked, I washed his face, and bathed and suppled 
his beard and nose with a linen cloth. But on a sudden he 
chopped his nose in the water, and drew up some therein, 
and sent it forth again with such violence, as he began to 
bleed afresh. Then they thought there was no hope ; but we 
perceived it was but the tenderness of his nostril, and there- 
fore told them I thought it would stay presently, as indeed it 
did. 

The messengers were now returned; but finding his 
stomach come to him, he would not have the chickens killed, 
but kept them for breed. Neither durst we give him any 
physic, which was then sent, because his body was so much 
altered since our instructions ; neither saw we any need, not 
doubting now of his recovery if he were careful. Many, 
V\'hilst we were there, came to see him ; some by their report, 
from a place not less than a hundred miles. To all that 
came one of his chief men related the manner of his sickness, 
how near he was spent, how amongst others his friends the 
English came to see him, and how suddenly they recovered 
him to this strength they saw, he being now able to sit up- 
right of himself. 

The day before our coming, another sachem being there, 
told him that now he might see how hollow-hearted the Eng- 
lish were, saying if we had been such friends in deed, as we 
were in show, we would have visited him in this his sickness, 
using many arguments to withdraw his affections, and to per- 



VISITS TO I^IASSASOIT. 373 

suade him to give way to some things against us, which 
were motioned to him not long before. But upon this his re- 
covery, he brake forth into these speeches : Now I see the 
Enghsh are my friends and love me ; and whilst I live, I will 
never forget this kindness they have showed me. Whilst we 
were there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers'. 
Divers other things were worthy the noting ; but I fear I have 
been too tedious. 

At our coming away, he called Hobamak to him, and pri- 
vately (none hearing, save two or three other of his pnieses,* 
who are of his council) revealed the plot of the Massacheu- 
seucks, before spoken of, against Master Weston's colony, 
and so against us ; saying that the people of Nauset, Paomet, 
Succonet, Mattachiest, Manomet, Agowaywam, and the isle 
of Capawack, were joined with them ; himself also in his 
sickness was earnestly solicited, but he would neither join 
therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we re- 
spected the lives of our countrymen, and our own after safety, 
he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the 
authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were 
wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began ; 
if, said he, upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell 
them, when their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, 
they being not able to defend themselves, that then it will be 
too late to recover their lives ; nay, through the multitude of 
adversaries, they shall with gi*eat difficulty preserve their own ; 
and therefore he counselled without delay to take away the 
principals, and then the plot would cease. With this he 
charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the way, that I 
might inform the governor thereof, at my first coming home. 
Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him ; who 
retm'ned many thanks to our governor, and also to ourselves 
for our labor and love ; the like did all that were about him. 
So we departed. 

That night, through the earnest request of Corbatant, who 
until now remained at Sawaams, or Pakanokit, we lodged 

* The same as pinse, words used by them to signify, a hrave. 
32 



874 VISITS TO MASSASOIT. 

m 

with him at Mattapuyst. By the way I had much confer- 
ence with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable 
politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better 
pleased than when the like are returned again upon him. 
Amongst other things he asked me, if in case he were thus 
dangerously sick, as Massasoit had been, and should send 
word thereof to Patuxet for maskiet, that is, physic, whether 
then Mr. Governor would send it ; and if he would, whether 
I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered, 
Yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks. After that, 
being at his house, he demanded further, how we durst, being 
but two, come so far into the country. I answered, where 
was true love, there was no fear ; and my heart was so up- 
right towards them, that for mine own part I was fearless to 
come amongst them. But, said he, if your love be such, 
and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it to pass, that 
when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with 
the mouths of your pieces presented towards us ? Where- 
upon I answered, it was the most honorable and respective 
entertainment we could give them ; it being an order amongst 
us so to receive our best respected friends ; and as it was 
used on the land, so the ships observed it also at sea, which 
Plobamak knew and had seen observed. But shaking the 
head, he answered, that he liked not such salutations. 

Fm'ther, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat be- 
fore we did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he 
asked us, what was the meaning of that ordinary custom. 
Hereupon I took occasion to tell them of God's works of 
creation and preservation, of his laws and ordinances, espec- 
ially of the ten commandments ; all which they hearkened 
unto with great attention, and liked well of; only the sev- 
enth commandment they excepted against, thinking there 
were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied 
to one woman; about which we reasoned a good time. 
Also I told them, that whatsoever good things we had, we 
received from God, as the author and giver thereof; and 
therefore craved his blessing upon that we had, and were 
about to eat, that it might nourish and strengthen our bod- 



VISITS TO IMASSASOIT. 375 

ies ; and having eaten sufficient, being satisfied therewith, we 
again returned thanks to the same our God, for that our re- 
freshing, etc. This all of them concluded to be very well ; 
and said, they believed almost all the same things, and that 
the same power that we called God, they called Kiehtan. 
Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which 
would be too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful to 
them, than comfortable to us. Here we remained only that 
night, but never had better entertainment amongst any of 
them. 

The day following, in our journey, Hobamak told me of 
the private conference he had with Massasoit, and how he 
charged him perfectly to acquaint me therewith, as I showed 
before ; which having done, he used many arguments himself 
to move us thereunto. That night we lodged at Namasket ; 
and the day following, about the midway between it and 
home, we met two Indians, who told us, that Captain Stand- 
ish was that day gone to the Massachusetts. But contrary 
winds again drove him back ; so that we found him at home ; 
where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very importunate 
that the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair 
wind to go with him. But their secret and villanous pur- 
poses being, through God's mercy, now made known, the 
Governor caused Captain Stan dish to send him away, with- 
out any distaste or manifestation of anger, that we might the 
better effect and bring to pass that which should be thought 
most necessary. 



APPENDIX 



oo* 



APPENDIX. 



Page 161. 

the labors of the pilgrims and early settlers of the 
plymouth colony for the instruction and conversion 
op the indians. 

There is no account of anj special effort to christianize the In- 
dians until after the banishment of Roger Williams (1636), when the 
government of Plymouth Colony enacted laws, "providing for the 
preaching of the gospel among them, and with the concurrence of 
the chiefs, for constituting courts to punish misdemeanors." vSimilar 
laws were afterwards passed in Massachusetts. Mr. Williams was, 
that year, " fourteen weeks among them in their smoky holes," learn- 
ing their language, and endeavoring to enlighten them in the things 
of the kingdom. Mr. Mayhew began his labors on the Vineyard in 
1643, but it was several years before he entered with systematic 
earnestness in the great work which he ultimately accomplished. 
Mr. Eliot preached his first sermon to them in 1G4G, but gathered no 
church until 1660. Mr. Bourne began his labors as early as 1641, 
but it was several years before it was generally known that he and 
Mr. Tupper were " doing a great work " in Sandwich, and on the 
Cape. Mr. Cotton began his labors on the Vineyard in 1663, and 
having learned their language, often preached and taught there, and 
also to their assemblies after his settlement in Plymouth in 1667. 
Mr. Pierson, Mr. James, and Mr. Fitch, labored on Long Island and 



380 APPENDIX. 

in Connecticut. How mucli would have been done for the spiritual 
good of the " sons of the forest," if Mr. Winslow, governor of Ply- 
mouth, had not devised the means of supporting these missionaries or 
ministers, seems quite uncertain. 

In 1649, Gov. Winslow was in England, as agent of the Colonies 
in their concerns with the mother country, and perceiving that a door 
was opening for successful labor among the Indians in the colonies, 
" requested that some persons of known piety and integrity might be 
constituted a corporation to receive and improve the free contribu- 
tions which might be made for the encouraging of the propagating 
the gospel among them." A tract was circulated (sent from New 
England) with the title of " The clear sunshine of the Gospel 
breaking forth upon the Indians in New England." " Mr. Pelham 
assisted Gov. Winslow in forwarding the collections, and in July, 
1649, Parliament passed an act or ordinance for the advancement of 
this good work." It would seem that the tract of Roger Williams 
(mentioned hereafter) was very efficient in arousing the good people 
of England to these measures. It was published in 1643, and in 
1644, "several noblemen and other members of Parliament, ad- 
dressed a letter to the Gov. and assistants of Massachusetts," in his 
favor, in which they speak of " his industry and travels among the 
Indians, and of his printed labors, the like whereof we have not seen 
extant from any part of America." Kno. Will. 200. The preamble 
to the act recites the " certain intelligence received " in respect to 
labors by the " ministers and others," and that " fit instruments 
should be encouraged in propagating the gospel to these poor 
heathen ; " and then enacts that Gov. Winslow and fifteen others 
(then in England) " shall be a corporation for furthering so good a 
work, and that a general collection be made for the furtherance of 
the work through all England and Wales ; that the ministers read the 
act to their people, and stir them up to liberal contributions." On 
the restoration a new charter was obtained, " and commissioners were 
appointed by the Corporation, and vacancies by death or otherwise, 
have, from time to time, been filled until the present day. Perhaps 
no fund of this natui-e has ever been more faithfully applied for the 
purposes for which it was raised." Hutch, i. 151-155. There was 
considerable opposition to the collections, " but subscriptions were 
opened in London and in the army, by the promotion of Mr. Wins- 
low and Mr. Pelham, and an amount collected which gave a yearly 
income of £700 or £800 sterling. The approjiriations by the commis- 



EFFOETS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 381 

sioners were for printing books in the Indian language, sustaining 
preachers and teachers, and the education of Indian youth for the 
ministry. In 1661, they disbursed for printing the Bible £237 5s., 
for Mr. Eliot's salary £50, for Mr. Mayhew's £30, for Mr. Bourne's 
£25, and large sums for the education of young persons ; the whole 
amounting to £728 8s. Qd. Probably this was a fair average of the 
yearly disbursements." — Hist. Coll. i. 258. 

In the tract before referred to (the Key, etc., 1643),* he gives a 
very satisfactory account of the Indians, their habits and customs, a 
vocabulary of their language, their religion and superstitions, and 
adds, " to that point of their conversion, so much to be longed for, 
and by all New England so much pretended ; and I hope in truth. 
For myself, I have uprightly labored to suit my endeavors to my 
pretences ; and of later times, to attain their language, I have ran 
through varieties of intercourses with them, day and night, summer 
and winter, by land and sea. Many solemn discourses I have had 
with all sorts of nations of them, from one end of the country to 
another. I know there is no small preparation in the hearts of mul- 
titudes of them. I know their solemn confessions to myself, and one 
to another of their lost wandering conditions. I know strong con- 
victions upon the consciences of many of them, and their desires ut- 
tered that way. I know not with how little knowledge and grace of 
Christ the Lord may save, and therefore will neither despair nor re- 
port much." He relates the case of Wequash, the Pequot chief, 
whom he early addressed on the subject of the Christian faith, and 
whom, with some self-denial and inconvenience, he visited in his last 
sickness ; from which it appears that his preaching had sunk deep 
into the heart of the chief, and he seems to have died a believer. 
— Hist. Coll. 206-229. 

This was in the year 1643, before which time we have no records 
of labor of this kind. After this, "Williams had the charge of State 
affairs of the most trying kind. But he continued to preach as he 
could, generally every Lord's day, though he did not believe he had 
any commission to establish churches. Mr. Eliot and Mr. Gookins 
he numbers among his most fast friends. Mr. Calender says (p. 57), 
" Mr. Williams used to hold a public worship sometimes, though not 



* In the biography of Eoger "Williams, prefixed to the " Bloody Tenet," it is 
said, " He taught the Indians Christianity, and was the first of the American Pil- 
grims to convey to these savage tribes the message of salvation." 



I 



382 APPENDIX. 

weekly, and he used to go once a month to Mr. Smith's m the Narra- 
ganset, for the same end, and made many laudable attempts to in- 
struct the Indians." Dr. Bentley says (p. 84), " He understood the In- 
dians better than any man of his age ; he made not so many converts, 
but he made more sincere friends." He closes his book by devout 
ascriptions to the Most High, who has supported him iu so many va- 
rieties of hardship and outward miseries, and in his converse with 
barbarous nations, and prays that his "Key" may be the means of 
opening a door of unknown mercies to them. 

Mr. Richard Bourne and Mr. Thomas Tupper were long and faith- 
ful laborers for the temporal and spiritual welfare of the Indians " in 
the Plymouth Patent." They were early emigrants, and seem to have 
been among the first purchasers of the Sandwich lands, (in 1637,) 
and the town having been incorporated they appear on the list of 
Freemen (1641). They wei'e gentlemen of wealth and earnest puri- 
tans ; and they forthwith took an interest in the conversion of the na- 
tives, who were very numerous in that region ; the pestilence which 
swept away the Plymouth Indians not having reached that place. It 
would seem that they lost no time in learning the language and enter- 
ing upon the work, " tljough not educated for the ministry, they turned 
their attention to gospelizing the Indians." After laboring a few years 
more privately, they both conducted public worship on Lord's day, in 
the native congregations. " Mr. Tupper's attention was towards the 
northward, and westward of Sandwich, where he founded a church 
near Herring River, which was supplied by a succession of ministers 
of his name; the last pastor, being his great-grandson, died in 1787. 
His congregation was 180." — Hist. Coll. iii. 188, 189 ; Ibid. i. 201. 

Mr. Bourne was a man of great energy of character, and a Chris- 
tian philanthropist. "We find him in 1658 purchasing land for a per- 
manent location of a town for the " South Sea Indians," as the natives 
there were called, and finally, in 1660, fixing upon Marshpee, and se- 
curing the lands there to them and their descendants for ever. Mr. 
Hawley says, " There is no place I ever saw so adapted to an Indian 
town as this. It is situated on the sound, in sight of the Vineyard, 
cut into necks of land, and has two inlets from the sea ; well watered, 
and three fresh ponds in the centre of the plantation, and in the two 
salt water bays are plenty of fish, and in the rivers, trouts, herrings, 
etc., and in the woods plenty of game, deer, etc. Mr. Bourne 
was a man of that discernment, that he considered it as vain to 
propagate Christian knowledge among any people without a ter- 



EFFOETS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 383 

ritory where they might remain in peace from generation to gen- 
eration, and not be ousted. The deed was confirmed by the colony 
court " so that no part or parcel of the lands could be bought by or 
sold to any white person or persons without the consent of all the 
Indians, not even with the consent of the general court." (Mr. Bourne 
afterwards writes that the tract was tive miles in width and ten miles 
in length.) Mr. Bourne pursued his evangelical work and was finally 
ordained pastor of an Indian church in this place in 1G70." He died 
in 1 685. — Hist. Coll. iii. 188-190, 

" The church was formed of his own disciples and converts, and the 
solemnities performed by the famous Mr. Eliot and other miuisters." 
A regular civil government was established in the plantation of which 
Mr. Bourne's son and grandson were successively presidents ; and the 
pastor who succeeded INIr. Bourne was one of his Indian converts, 
named Popnomet. In 1757 the commissioners of the corporation be- 
fore mentioned persuaded Rev. Gideon Ilawley, who had been before 
ordained as an evangelist and preacher to the western Indians, to 
proceed to Marshpee, where he was installed, and was " occupied 
there more than half a century in benevolent exertion to enlighten 
the darkened mind, and promote the salvation of his Indian brethren. 
As a missionary he was peculiarly qualified ; for there was a dignity 
in his manner, and an authority in his voice, which had a great influ- 
ence with the Indians. The history of his precious labors is very in- 
teresting, and in estimation by all." — Al. B. Diet.', Hist. Coll. iv. 
50-67. 

The tradition of his labors is very favorable. In 1694 there were 
between eighty and ninety Indian houses in Marshpee, and probably 
at least four hundred Indians, " All of whom valued themselves on 
being Christians." The plantation still continues, but there is little 
pure Indian blood in the population, so freely has been their inter- 
mixture Avith the negro race. 

"With considei'able reluctance, "rather desiring his work should 
speak for him," Mr. Bourne gives an account to Mr. Gookins of the 
numbers and condition of the Indians under his ministration in 1674; 
from which it appears that the plantation is of the extent before men- 
tioned, and secured to the Indians " under hand and seal ; " that he 
lives on the plantation, and that the Indians in the villages which he 
visits number about five hundred, and that he has four Indian assist- 
ants employed statedly, and four other occasional helpers. — Hist. 
Coll. i. 196-199. 

It seems to have been taken for granted by the historians that Mr. 



384 APPENDIX. 

Bourne unci Mr. Tapper began their work subsequently to Mr. Eliot. 1 
But none of them give the time of their commencement. When first 
known out of their plantation, they had learned the language, were 
preaching to the Indians, and had numerous converts. We may well 
presume, from the facts we have, that their work [in fact] began as 
early as their acquaintance with the savages there. Mr. Eliot seems 
not to have known half the churches which were established in the 
Old Colony in his time. He mentions but one ; it will hereafter ap- 
pear that there were four or five. 

Christianity seems to have taken an earlier and deeper root among 
the Indians on the islands than in any place in New England. The 
Mayhews (father, son, grandson, great-grandson), may be said to be 
(ecclesiastically) " a race of kings," — certainly of Patriarchs and 
" men of God." The father, (Thomas,) was the " civil governor," and 
on the death of his son, became also " the gospel minister of the Vine- 
yard and neighboring islands." In 1642 they were established on that 
island, and his son, who was a minister, forthwith began the study of 
the Indian language, and the work of teaching the gospel to the nu- 
merous Indians there. Hiacoomes, one of them, soon became a con- 
vert and learned to read, and immediately began to make strong ap- 
peals to his brethren against their idolatry and superstitions, and to 
make known to them the truths of the gospel. This was in 1645. 
Young Mayhew, having obtained their affection and confidence and 
learned their language, in the year 1646 commenced preaching and 
public histruction. (The same year in which Mr. Eliot began a sim- 
ilar work.) " He had visited the natives in their abodes, slept in 
their smoky wigwams, spent much of the nights in teaching them 
Scripture history, and before the close of the year 1650, a hundred 
Indians entered into solemn covenant to obey the Most High God, im- 
ploring his mercy through the blood of Christ. In 1652 there were 
two hundred and eighty-two of the heathen who had embraced Chris- 
tianity, among whom were eight of their powaws or priests." Mr. 
Mayhew's success encouraged him to make still greater efforts for 
their good, and he sailed for England, to represent the case and con- 
dition of the natives to the Society for Propagating the Gospel, (which 
has been mentioned,) in order to obtain the means of greater useful- 
ness. The ship in which he sailed foundered at sea, and he and all 
on board perished. His age was thirty-seven. 

The death of the son seemed to lay a necessity on the father, and 
he, with Hiacoomes, undertook to fill up the vacancy — a labor which 
called for all their resources. He preached to the English on the 



EFFOETS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. ^85 

Island and to the natives, visiting them in the remote parts of the 
Island, collecting them into congregations, and by his instructions pre- 
paring for them preachers, teachers, and rulers. In 1G74 he writes 
Mr. Gookin that " a church was gathered fifteen yeai's before, which 
church has now become thjfee churches, having each a pastor and an 
elder. The families are three hundred, and but one of them that 
prays not to God. There are ten Indian preachers of good knowl- 
edge and holy conversation ; seven jurisdictions, and six meetings 
every Lord's day. There is also a church in Nantucket, where there 
are many praying Indians and three hundred fixmilies." — Hist. Coll. i. 
205. 

Great caution was used in gathering churches and in the admission 
of members ; in general several magistrates and ministers were pres- 
ent at the organizations of the churches, and the ordination of pastors 
and elders. Mr. Eliot attended the examination of these at the Vine- 
yard. These churches subsisted longer and prospered better than 
any Indian churches in New England, except that at Marshpee. Mr. 
Mayhew, the father, died in 1681, aged 93. He had been assisted in 
his labors by Mr. Cotton, afterward settled at Plymouth, from 1064 
to 16G7. 

Hiacoomes seems to have been the best Indian preacher of whom 
we have any account. As has been said, he began to teach his " cop- 
per-colored brethren in 1645 ; he met with great opposition and abuse 
from the powaws. lie greatly lamented the loss of young Mayhew," 
by whom he had been enlightened in the knowledge of the truth, 
and whose instructions gave him the power of instructing others. In 
1670, at the organization of the second church, he was ordained pas- 
tor, and Tackanash teacher, by Mr. Eliot and Mr. Cotton. At the 
ordination of the successor of Tackanash he gave the charge, and was 
one of them who imposed hands. He died in 1690, aged 80. "He 
was a faitliful and successful minister, slow of speech, grave in man- 
ners, and of blameless life, and sound in doctrine." 

John, son of the last-mentioned Mr. Mayhew, was called to the min- 
istry by the English on the Island, at the age of 21 (1673), and hav- 
ing a perfect understanding of the Indian language, began, at the 
same time, to preach to the Indians. He taught alternately in all their 
assemblies, and assisted them in their ecclesiastical concerns. He died 
in the sixteenth year of his ministry, leaving an Indian church of one 
hundred communicants, and several well instructed teachers in the 
different congregations. The church seems to have been the first 
Indian church gathered in New England (1659). Experience, son 

33 



386 APPENDIX. 

of the last mentioned, at the age of 21 (1694), began to preach to 
this church, and took charge of five or six assemblies for worship. 
Being well versed in the language, he was employed by the Society 
for propagating the Gospel to make a version of the Psalms, and the 
Gospel of John, which he did and which was published. He also 
published an account of the converts, of thirty Indian ministers, and 
eighty others, " worthy of remembrance on account of their piety." 
It would seem that Mr. Mayhew, by his frequent visits to Nantucket, 
was the instrument of gathering a church there. Their pastors and 
teachers in the churches and assemblies, and also their " rulers, were 
all native Indians." 

Mr. John Cotton (son of the distinguished immigrant of that name) 
went early in life to the Vineyard, and there preached to the English, 
and having learned the Indian language, preached also to the natives. 
After three years' labor he was called to settle in the ministry at 
Plymouth, and after about a year's probation settled there in 1669. 
It seems he continued his care and oversight of the Indians in the 
Plymouth Colony after his settlement, and often preached in the dif- 
ferent congi-egations. He says, " I often preach at Katsaumat, at 
Assawamit, Namasket, and Titicut (Middleborough). He mentions 
also Coquit (Dartmouth), and Sakonet (Little Compton), and Acush- 
nett (New Bedford). It seems that Mr. Bourne sometimes preached 
at these places." — Hist. Coll. i. 198-200. lie was able to give instruc- 
tion with great facility ; his knowledge of the language enabled him 
to revise the Indian Bible of Mr. Eliot, and to be the editor of the 
second edition in 1685. As many Indians attended the Courts at 
Plymouth, he took that opportunity to preach to them.* 

As has been said, INIr. Eliot began his missionary labors among the 
Indians in 164:6. All our histories give him full credit "as a work- 
man that needeth not to be ashamed:" his perseverance, self-denial, 
and success were worthy of all praise. liis qualifications were good, 
his hardihood and fearlessness were great, and many were converted 
by his instrumentality. But it requires some consideration before we 



*■ It is not possible, in this summary, to give an adequate account of the unex- 
ampled lahoi'S and success of the Mayhews, among the numerous Indians on 
these islands. A very full account of the " Indian converts, their lives and 
dying speeches, their godly preachers and other good and religious men and 
women," is given by Experience Mayhew, who preached the gospel on the islands. 
Printed in London in 1727, p. 310. A book of much interest, and which riclily 
deserves a reprint. Tlie lives and labors of the Mayliews, who preached to the 
English and Indians on the islands, are added by Mr. Prince. 



EFFORTS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 387 

agree to the eulogies of his descendant ; " that he was the most suc- 
cessful missionary that ever preached the gospel to the Indians." 
Perhaps others were as well qualified, as persevering, as eSicient and 
successful as Mr. Eliot. But the reader must judge. He was more 
favored by historians, and his labors are given more in detail. But 
the practical results are recorded, and they are better evidence of the 
work which was done than the particulars of the progress. Perhaps 
his most laborious work was the translation of the Scriptures : but 
they were revised by Mr. Cotton, and he was the editor of the second 
edition. If the race of Indians had not so soon melted away, this 
work might have been very useful. But it stands a monument of 
labor, and of good designed, and of some good accomplished. The 
corporation before mentioned incurred the expense and paid him a 
salary. Like Mr. Bourne, he thought, the Indians, to be christianized, 
should have a permanent location, and by the bounty of the society 
and General Court, he caused lands to be purchased and one or more 
towns to be built, and public worship to be established at Natick in 
1651. After assisting to establish a church on the Vineyard, in 
1659, he established one in Natick in 1660, in both of which great 
care was taken that none but true converts should be admitted. It 
seems he did not intermit his pastoral labors among his own people at 
Roxbury, so that his labors were, in some sense, double. In this re- 
spect Mr. Bourne and Mr. Mayhew had the advantage, being devoted 
to the single call of the natives, or at least having very few English 
to instruct. It is said he visited the Indian congregations once in 
two weeks, and passed much time with the natives in the wilderness ; 
but the others were in the midst of them constantly, and some of 
them brought up with them from inftmcy, and from the first were 
conversant with their language and habits. Mr. Eliot's congrega- 
tions were all in Massachusetts proper ; but he occasionally visited 
the Indian churches in the " Plymouth Patent," and the islands, to 
assist in the gat\iering of the churches and the ordination of minis- 
ters. His salary from the corporation was fifty pounds, besides what 
his own people paid him. He is said to have been generous, charita- 
ble, and hospitable, and attended to his charge to the end. He died 
in 1690, aged eighty-six, having been for some years assisted by his 
son, a very promising young man who early learned the Indian lan- 
guage, and being settled at Newton, preached, as it is said, once in 
two weeks to the Indian congregations. There were fourteen villages, 
and eleven hundred praying Indians in all, and two churches in 1 674. 
These were the " palmy days " of Mr. Eliot's labors. But for his 



388 APPENDIX. 

strenuous efforts, aided by Mr. Gooldn, to prove the innocence of the 
Indians and protect them, the whole of them would have been extir- 
pated in the war of 1775. As it was, they were much reduced, and 
as he says " the congregations were contracted into four." It does 
not appear that they afterwards much increased, though in 1G87 the 
congregations were five. The son died in 1G68, aged 33. 

It is difficult to conceive of a more thorough, efficient, and systematic 
laborer among the Indians than was Rev. Samuel Treat of Eastham, 
son of Gov. Treat of Connecticut. He began his labors about the 
time of the height of Mr. Eliot's success in 1674. He w\as graduat- 
ed in 1669, and settled in Eastham in 1672. His field of labor was 
the whole of the cape below Yarmouth. " Soon after his settlement, 
he studied the Indian language, and devoted to the Indians in his 
neighborhood much of his time and attention. Through his zeal and 
attention and diligence many of the savages were brought into a,state 
of civilization and order, and not a few of them were converted to the 
faith. In 1685, when an account of the praying Indians in the colony 
was transmitted to England by Gov. Hinkley, it was found the pray- 
ing Indians within his parish amounted to five hundred, besides boys 
and girls under twelve years of age, who were supposed to be three 
times that number. Eight years after, at the request of President 
Increase Mather, he wrote a letter, which, as it contains valuable in- 
formation, it may be pi-oper to give entire." — (^Hist. Eastham, 38.) 

" Rev. axd worthy Sir, 

Being advertised that it would not be unreasonable or unserviceable 
at this juncture, to give you a true and impartial account, both of the 
number and. present state of our Indians, and of the acceptation and 
entertainment of the Gospel among them, and their professed subjec- 
tion thereto ; whereof, sir, you may be assured as follows : There are 
five hundred Indians within the limits of our township, unto whom, 
these many years past, I have, from time to time, imparted the gospel 
of our Lord Jesus Christ, in their own language, and truly hope not 
without success. I continue in the same service, earnestly imploring, 
and not without hopes of a more plentiful outpouring of the spirit upon 
them. 

I do verily not know, nor can I learn that there is so much as one 
of these Indians that does obstinately absent from, but [they] do 
jointly frequent and attend upon seasons of the preaching of the word, 
and countenance the same, not only on Lord's day, but upon public 
thanksgivings and fast-days. 



EFFORTS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 889 

They have four distinct assemblies, in four villages, belonging to 
our township, in vrhich they have four teachers of their own choice, 
of the sober, well affected, and understanding persons among them, 
who duly preach to them when I am not with them. These Indian 
teachers repair to ^y house once a week, to be further instructed in 
the concernments proper for their service and station. 

There are, in the above said villages, four schoolmasters of the best 
accomplishments for that service, who teach their youth to read and 
write their own language. 

There are also six justices of the peace, or magistrates, in these vil- 
lages, whd regulate their civil affairs, and punish criminals and trans- 
gressors of the civil law. They have three stated courts, and their 
inferior officers. Many of them are of a serious, civil, sober conver- 
sation and deportment, who are making essays towards a further pro- 
gressive step of obedience, and conformity to the rules of the gospel, 
having a great desire to be baptized. 

They are very serviceable by their labor to the English vicinity, 
and have, all along, since the wars with their nation, been very friendly 
to the English, and forward to serve them in that quarrel ; their de- 
portment, converse, and garb being more manly and laudable than any 
other Indians that I have observed in the province. 

But, sir, I would not be tedious ; only craving your interest at the 
throne of grace, that we may be serviceable to the name and kingdom 
of our Lord Jesus Christ. 

Samuel Treat. 

Eastham, August 23, 1693." 

" Every month Mr. Treat visited and preached in their villages. At 
other times the Indian teachers read to their congregations the ser- 
mons he had written for them. He translated the Confession of Faith 
into the Nauset language for the edification and improvement of the 
converts. Believing it would be impossible to make much impression 
on their minds unless he could gain their affections, he treated them 
with great affiibility and kindness, frequently visited them in their 
wigwams, and with cheerfulness joined in their festivals. They ven- 
erated him as a pastor and loved him as a father. 

" He was a laborious and faithful minister to his own people, and 
had reason to bless God for the visits of the Holy Spirit on his labors 
in the conversion of many of his hearers, by which many were added 
to his church. He addressed his Maker with humble devotion, and 



390 APPENDIX. 

his prayers were copious and fervent." — HlsL ColL\m. 171, 172; 
Hist. Eastham, 38-41. 

By the specimens given in the Collections, he seems to have heen 
a rousing, terrific preacher. It is said, that " knowing the terrors of 
the Lord, he persuaded men." He could speak and write the Nauset 
language with great facility, and prosecuted his labors among them a 
great number of years, with much success, and little or no interruption, 
and sent letters into other parts of the colonies, urging the people to 
prepare themselves for this work. " He died in 1717, aged G9, hav- 
ing labored in word and in doctrine mox'e than forty -four years with 
great faithfulness." — Ihid. 54. 

" But neither his prayers nor his zeal in reforming and civilizing 
them could save them from destruction. A blasting wind seems to 
have smitten them as the English took possession of their country." — 
Ibid. 

The missionary labors and success are very interesting, but the end 
is very melancholy. We must, however, pursue the history a little fur- 
ther. It is said, and no doubt truly, that Christianity met with much 
better success among the Indians of Plymouth Colony than among 
those of Massachusetts. — Hist. Coll. i. 201. 

Mr. Gookin, an assistant or magistrate of Massachusetts, was ap- 
pointed by the General Court superintendent to all the Indians in that 
colony who submitted to the government ; and continued in that office 
till his death in 1687. In 1674 he wrote "Historical Collections of 
the History of the Indians in New England," which are published in 
Vol. i. of the Collections of the Historical Society. The account is 
very full; their customs, religion, government, and the exertions 
made to civilize them, and to bring them to an acquaintance Vv'ith the 
Christian religion ; also the degree of success which was attained. 
There were at that time in that colony, fourteen villages of praying 
Indians, numbering, according to his estimation, eleven hundred, and 
he gives the names of the villages and the numbers in each. There 
were also two churches. He received from Mr. Bourne and Mr. 
Cotton some account of the praying Indians of the Plymouth colony 
at the same time. The number communicated by Mr. Bourne, in 
Sandwich and on the Cape, was at that period, four hundred and 
sixty-two, and he gives the names of the villages and the number in 
each. Mr. Cotton mentions the villages in the colony in which he 
ministered, but does not give the numbers of the congregations. But 
they are ascertainable from other sources : Kitteaummut, 40 ; Asso- 



EFFORTS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDLVNS. 391 

wampset, Nemasket, and Titicut 120; Coquit 120; Acuslmet 85; 
SakonettOO; Mattakeeset 40; besides the cliurcli under Mi-. Tap- 
per's ministry in Manomet 180::= 585, making in the "Plymouth 
Patent," at that time, ten hundred and forty-seven. Mr. Gookin at 
the same time received from Mr. Mayhew an account of the praying 
Indians of the Vineyard and the islands. lie says there ai'e ten 
Indian preachers and six meetings on Lord's day in the villages, and 
in Nantucket three hundred attendants, and which in all, are esti- 
mated, from Mr. Mayhew's account, 1,500 on the Vineyard and 
Chappequiddick, and three hundred on Nantucket. 

There were two churches in Massachusetts, three on the Vineyard 
and Chappequiddick, and two on Nantucket. He does not mention 
the churches in Plymouth colony, but they are ascertained fi'om other 
sources, one at Marshpee (supra), one at Manomet, under Mr. Tup- 
per (///«;. (7o//, iii. 188), one at Titicut, one at Dartmouth; but it is 
not certain that they had all been constituted at this time, (1674). — 
Hist. Coll. i. 205; iii. 150; x. 130-132. There were also ten or 
twelve congregations in the villages.* 

About this time Rev. Mr. Treat began his labors, and in about ten 
years had added five hundred to the number of praying Indians in 
the " Plymouth Patent ; " so that in 1G85 Gov. Iliukley communicated 
to the corporation in England, informing them that there were then in 
that colony "fourteen hundred and thirty-nine christianized Indians, 
besides boys and girls under twelve years of age, which were supposed 
to be moi'e than three times that number," {Hutch, i. 313,) and he 
sets down fourteen villages in which they meet for public worship. 

But it was far otherwise in the Massachusetts colony. " Philip's 
war " was very disastrous to the labors of Mr. Eliot, and almost en- 
tirely suspended them. The irritation against the Indians was very 
great, and jealousy and distrust of his converts were everywhere rife, 
and the rage of the people was everywhere violent and alarming. 

Mr. Gookin seems to be the only magistrate who endeavored to in- 
terpose and prevent the outbreak of the populace ; and he, with Mr. 
Eliot, incurred much abuse for acting as the friend of the poor In- 
dians, who were suffering from both parties. Some were put to death 
by Philip as traitors, some fell in battle, some were executed by the 



* !Mr. Eliot says, " thei'e were ten places where they worshipped on the Vine- 
yard, five in Xantncket, and ten in Plyniouth, and, since the war, contracted to 
four in Massachusetts. — Rist. Coll. iii. 185. 



892 APPENDIX. 

civil magistrates, as the accomplices of Philip, and some in partisan 
■warfare excited by revenge on the loss of friends. The General 
Court finally collected the remnant (about five hundred), and removed 
them to the Islands in Boston Harbor or Bay, where they suffered 
incredible hardships. Although they made attempts, after the war, 
to renew their towns and fields, their despondency was such that their 
" places of worship were contracted from fourteen to four ; " so that 
in 1G98 the commissioners reported but two hundred and five Indians 
in all Massachusetts pi'oper. 

The war had little or no effect upon the Plymouth Indians, and it 
would seem, did not impede their Christian instruction or increase. 
The most of them were remote from the war ; and generally friendly 
to the English. "In 1793 there were within the limits of Eastham, 
five hundred adult Indians to whom Mr. Treat preached, two hundred 
and fourteen at Marshpee and places adjacent to whom Mr. Rowland 
Cotton preached, and one hundred and eighty to whom Mr. Tupper 
preached ; and five hundred more subject to the visitations of Mr. 
John Cotton." — See Mr Mayhew's Narrative cited Hist. Coll. i. 201. 
Also, Neal and Mather. 

It is said that "in 169G there were thirty Indian churches (includ- 
ing Plymouth and the Islands, which had become incorporated with 
the Bay)." — Hist. Am. Miss. 8. But this is a great mistake. There 
were thirty villages and meetings for worship and instruction ; five 
in Massachusetts, ten in Plymouth, ten on the Vineyard, and five on 
Nantucket. It is further said " there were three thousand converted 
Indians." This is also a mistake. Gov. Hinkley says, " Their man- 
ner is not to accept of praying Indians or Christians, but such as do, 
before some of the magistrates or civil rulers, renounce their former 
heathenish manners and give up themselves to be praying Indians ; 
neither do they choose any other than such to bear office among 
them." It will presently be seen, that of the three thousand pray- 
ing Indians in 1698, twelve hundred and ninety were in Plymouth 
Colony, fifteen hundred and eighteen on the islands, and two hundred 
and five in " Massachusetts patent." " But few of the number were 
admitted to the churches, which were formed with great solemnity 
and much strictness of examination, and the terms of communion 
were such that the numbers were not considerable." There were but 
two churches in Massachusetts, three on the Vineyard, two at Nan- 
tucket, and four or five in Plymouth. The communicants in the re- 
spective churches, numbered from twenty to one hundred. 

But it is proposed to close this account with the full report of 



EFFOETS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 393 

the commissioners employed by the Society for propagating the Gos- 
pel among the Indians, made in pursuance of " a visitation in 1G98, 
by Rev. Grindal Rawson, pastor of the church in Mendon, and Rev. 
Samuel Danforth, pastor of the church in Taunton, among the sev- 
eral plantations ; " men of high character, and versed in the language 
of the Indians. " In pursuance of the orders and instructions given 
us by the Hon. Commissioners for the propagation of the Gospel 
among the Indians in the American plantations in New England and 
parts adjacent, we have given the Indians in the several plantations 
m the Province of Massachusetts Bay, a visit, and find as followeth : — 

At Little Compton we find two plantations of Indians who keep 
two distinct assemblies for the worship of God, (according to the best 
information we could have,) and all constant therein. The first as- 
sembly dwells at Saconet ; Samuel Church, alias Sochawwahham, 
has, for more than one year past, endeavored their instruction, and is 
best capable of any in that place to perform that service. He has 
ordinarily forty auditors, many times more : of these above twenty 
are men. Divers here are well instructed in their catechisms, and 
above ten can read the Bible. Here are likewise two Indian rulers, 
John Tohkukquonno and Jonathan George ; the first of which is a 
man well spoken of. 

At Cokesit, in Little Compton, Daniel Hinckley hath taught here 
four years ; twice every Sabbath. Eleven families are his auditors ; 
most of them here can read ; and many young ones, of whom we had 
an instance, can say their catechisms. Of this company three per- 
sons are in fidl communion with the church settled at Nukkehkum- 
mees. A person called Aham is schoolmaster here, and we are in- 
formed performs his work well. Here are also two persons improved 
as rulers. Preaching here, the two fore-mentioned teachers, at our 
direction, prayed very soberly and understandingly. They gave very 
decent attendance, and were handsomely clothed in English apparel. 

At Dartmouth, Ave found two assemblies of Indians. At Niikkeh- 
kummees, William Simons (ordained by Japhet, of Martha's Vine- 
yard, three years since) is the pastor. In the church are forty com- 
municants ; part dwelling at Nukkehkummees, part in Assameekg, 
Cokesit, Acushnet, and Assawampsit. Here are many that can read 
well. The word is preached here twice every Sabbath. Twenty 
families, in which are one hundred and twenty persons at least, are, 
for the most part, constant hearers ; almost all the children can read. 
Jonathan hath been their schoolmaster, but ceases now for want of 
encouragement ; we propose his continuance, as a person well fitted 



394 APPENDIX. 

for the employment. William Simons informs that here are four per- 
sons chosen annually for rulers. They are well clothed, and give 
good attendance while we dispensed the word to them ; their pastor 
praying with good affection and understanding ; and is likewise Avell 
reported of by the English. 

At Acushnet, John Briant was their teacher for five or six yeai's past. 
Here are fourteen families, unto whom William Simons, once in a 
month, ordinarily comes and preaches. Some of those who belong 
to the church at Nukkehkummees, being settled here, viz. five men 
and ten women. We find that scandals among them are reflected 
upon ; if any exceed the bounds of sobriety, they are suspended un- 
til repentance is manifested. By the best intelligence we could arrive 
to from sober English dwellers on the place, we understand they are 
diligent observers of the Sabbath. They are generally well clothed, 
diligent laborers, but for want of schooling their children are not so 
well instructed as at other places ; though they earnestly desire a 
remedy. 

At Major Winthrop's Island, Mr. John Weeks, an Englishman, 
teaches them on the Sabbath. An Indian, named Asa, chief ruler 
among them, and a person well reported of, teaches them when Mr. 
Weeks cannot attend to it. Here are about nine families, most of which 
can read well, are diligent in their callings, and generally belong to 
the church whereof Japhet is pastor at Martha's Vineyard. An 
Indian called Sampson, attends their school every winter, and hath 
the reputation of the most able among them for that service, taking 
pains in catechising their children every week. Men, women, and 
children are thirty persons in all. Half the Indian inhabitants of this 
island have died in a few years past. Three families living at Sakon- 
esit-point do attend to the meeting at Mr. Winthrop's Island. At an 
island called Stocum's Island, we hear of seven families, most of 
which can read, being lately moved thither from the Vineyard and 
other places. We hear of some Indians at the furthermost island, 
formerly called Sandford's Island, where there is an Indian teacher. 

At Martha's Vineyard, viz. at Chilmark, alias Nashanekammuk : 
here is an Indian church of which Japhet is pastor ; a person of the 
greatest repute for sobriety and religion, and diligent in attending his 
ministerial employment : unto whom is adjoined Abel, a ruling elder, 
who likewise preaches to a part of the church, living at too great a 
distance ordinarily to attend Japhet's ministry ; although they come 
together to attend church administrations. In that place we find two 
hundred and thirty-one persons, threescore and four in full commun- 



ErFORTS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 395 

ion. Their children are well instructed, as we find by our examina- 
tion of them in their catechisms. 

At Ohkonkemme, within the bounds of Tisburj, are threescore and 
twelve persons, unto whom Stephen and Daniel, who are brothers, 
are preachers ; well reported of for their gifts and qualifications. 
Here we spent part of a Sabbath, and were joyful spectators of their 
Christian and decent carriage; the aforesaid Daniel praying and 
preaching not only affectionately but understandingly ; unto whom 
also we imparted a word of exhortation in their own lanjiuasre, to 
their contentment and declared satisfaction. 

At Seconkgut, in aforesaid Chilmark also, which belongs to the 
inspection of aforesaid Stephen and Daniel, are thirty-five persons, to 
whom, for their greater ease, either the one or the other dispenses 
the word. 

At Gay-head, Abel and Elisha are preachers to at least two hun- 
dred and sixty souls ; who have here at their charge a meeting-house 
already framed. "We find that the Indians here, as also may be 
affirmed of most of the Indians belonging to Martha's Vineyard 
(Chaubaqueduck. excepted), are well instructed in reading, well 
clothed and mostly in decent English apparel. 

At Edgartown, viz. at Sahnchecontuckquet, are twenty-five fami- 
lies, amounting to one hundred and thirty-six persons; Job Ivussel is 
their minister. 

At Nunnepoag about eighty-four persons ; Joshua Tackquannash 
their minister, Josiah Thomas their schoolmaster. 

At Chaubaqueduck, about one hundred and thirty-eight persons ; 
Maumacliegin preaches to them every Sabbath. Josiah, by birth, is 
their ruler or sachem. 

At Nantuckquet, we find five congregations. The preachers unto 
which are Job Muckemuck, who succeeds John Giles, deceased ; John 
Asherman, a person well reputed of; Quequenah, Notowah, a man 
greatly esteemed by the English for his sobriety, Peter Ilayt, a well 
carriaged and serious man. Also Wonnoshon and Daniel Spotso, 
Codpoganut and Noah (a person never known to be overtaken with 
drink, but a zealous preacher against it). These are the constant 
teachers. Among these are two churches, who have ordained officers, 
in each of which are twenty communicants at least ; in which a com- 
mendable discipline is maintained, as persons of good reputation on 
the place have informed us. The whole number of adult persons 
here amount to about five hundred. Three schools were upheld 
among them, though at present none, for want of primers. A good 



396 APPENDIX. 

meeting-house is building here, the frame whereof, at their desire 
and charge, is ah-eady procured by the worshipful captain Gardner. 
Here we preached to them in their own language, twice in one assem- 
bly, unto which they were generally convened on the Lord's day. 
Three of their principal preachers Avere improved by us in prayer, 
that we might discover something of their abilities ; in which we 
found them good proficients ; the whole attending with diligence and 
great seeming affection. 

Sandwich : here we find two assemblies of Indians, to one whereof 
Capt. Thomas Tupper, an Englishman, preaches every Sabbath day. 
Here are likewise Indian preachers, whose abilities in prayer were 
tried, viz. Ralph Jones (a person well reputed of for sobriety) and 
Jacob Hedge. There are in number three hundred and forty-eight 
persons, men, women, and children, generally well clothed. Preach- 
ing among these, in a small meeting-house, built for them after the 
English fashion, we experienced their good attention, and had their 
thankful acknowledgments. Their Indian rulers here are William 
Nummuck, Ralph Jones, Jacob Hedge, and John Qiioy. 

At Mashpah, belonging to Sandwich, we found another assembly 
of Indians, among whom the Rev. Rowland Cotton frequently dis- 
penses the word, unto whose good progress in the Indian language we 
cannot but subjoin our attestation, having heard him dispense the 
word to them ; among whom also we left a word of exhortation. They 
are in general well clothed, being in number fifty-seven families, in 
which are, from ten years old and upwards, two hundred and sixty- 
three persons, divers of whom have the character of very sober men. 
The Indian preacher here is Simon Papmonit, a person suitably 
qualified as most among them for the work. Their rulers are Caleb 
Papmonit, Caleb Pohgneit, Sancoshin, James Ketah. Here they 
want a schoolmaster. 

At Eastham and Harwich, Eastharbor, Billingsgate, and Monimoy, 
are (as Mr. Treat informs us) five hundred persons. At Ponanumi- 
cut, Thomas Coshaumag, preacher and schoolmaster. Their rulers, 
William Stockman and Lawrence Jeffries. Families, twen-ty-two. 
Moses teaches school here. At Eastharbor and Billingsgate, Daniel 
Munshee, preacher; Daniel Samuel, ruler. About twenty houses, in 
some of which two families. 

At Monimoy, in which fourteen houses, John Kozens preacher and 
schoolmaster. Rulers, John Quossen and Menekist. At Sahqua- 
tucket, alias Harwich, fourteen families, to whom Manepeh preaches. 
Joshua Shantam, ruled. Many among these, almost every head of 



EFFORTS TO CHKISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 897 

families, are persons capable of reading Scripture, as we are in- 
formed. 

At Plymouth, namely, Kitteaummut, or Monimet Ponds, William 
Nummuck has preached some time, but has removed, but his return 
was earnestly desired. Here are ten families. Joseph Wauno and 
John his brother, improved by Major Bradford to decide small differ- 
ences among them. Esther, John's wife, has sometimes been im- 
proved as a school dame ; and is willing still to be useful in that way. 
Near Duxbury saw-mill we hear of three or four families ; a like num- 
ber at IMattakeest. At Kehtekticut are forty adults, to Avhom Charles 
Aham preaches, and teaches their children to read. 

At Assawampsit and Quittaub are twenty houses containing eighty 
persons, John Iliacoomes, preacher and constant schoolmaster. Also 
Jocelyn preaches at Assawampsit. At this plantation are persons 
belonging to the church at Nukkehkummees. 

At Natick, we find a small church of seven men and three women ; 
their pastor Daniel Tokkohwompait (ordained by the Rev. and holy 
man of God, John Eliot), who is a person of great knowledge. Here 
are fifty-nine men, and fifty-one women, and seventy children under 
sixteen. At Hassinamisco are five families, unto whom James Prin- 
ter stands related as teacher." — Grafton. 

This report exhibits thirty assemblies or congregations of praying 
Indians which Messrs. Rawson and Danforth visited, in which were 
thirty-six teachers or preachers, five schoolmasters, and twenty rulers, 
all of whom were Indians, with the exception of the patriarch, Capt. 
Tupper. But in the " Plymouth Patent" the teachers and pr^chers 
were under the care of Messrs. Treat and the two Cottons, who also 
preached to the congregations. Judge Davis, who was well acquaint- 
ed with the localities, and otherwise well informed on this subject, es- 
timates the number of praying Indians thus visited, as follows: "The 
whole 3,080; of this number 1,290 were within the Old Colony, and 
1,585 on the islands ; and 205 only in all the other parts of Massa- 
chusetts, which before the war of 1G75, exhibited 2,100." The 
account is creditable to the Indians, as respects their improvement 
and civilization, and religious observances. But although they hold 
their numbers in the Old Colony, they were fast wasting away in al 
other parts, and the Plymouth Indians followed hard upon them. The 
loliite faces were crowding in and the red faces were fast being crowd- 
ed out. Notwithstanding all the care of the missionaries and their 
labors for their good, the vices of civilization broke in with more 

34 



398 APPENDIX. 

power than the admonitions, instructions, and example of the messen- 
gers of the gospel. 

The bounty of the society could not preserve any of the race among 
us except in case of the wise jjrovision they made for them in the pur- 
chase or reservation of the lands at Marshpee and Chappequiddick. 
Those plantations continue, and the gospel continues to be preached 
in them. But they have so fi'eely mixed their blood with the negro 
race that but few, if any, pure blooded Indians remain. It is now 
about one hundred years since the churches at Titicut, at Dartmouth, 
and at Buzzard's Bay have become extinct, and the two churches in 
Massachusetts were probably extinct a half century before that time. 

We are unwilling to close this account without considering the 
special claims of several of these missionaries to our grateful remem- 
brance ; missionaries which although spoken of with respect, have yet 
been passed over by the eulogists with little notice. We do not pro- 
pose to eulogize them, but we certainly should desire to do them jus- 
tice ; and if they deserve to have a " good report " in the church, we, 
of this age, who are informed of the steadfastness of their faith, " their 
patience of hope and labor of love," should be very willing and de- 
sirous to give them such a " report." 

Capt. Tupper and Mr. Bourne, were laymen, gentlemen immigrants, 
Avith strong puritan blood and puritan sentiments ; they land on our 
shore, purchase lands of the savages, set up their habitations in the 
midst of them, set about learning their language, and scarcely lose a 
day before they declare to them " the acceptable year of the Lord." 
One of them has Marshpee confined to them, and sets up his work in 
their midst ; the other labors with them at his own cost, providing a 
place of worship at Monimet, on Buzzard's Bay. There they labored, 
but not for the meat that perishes. Mr. Bourne is the preacher to 
four or five hundred, Mr. Tupper to three hundred and forty, (both of 
whom were the pastors of large churches,) the first above forty years, 
the second above fifty. The fruits of their labors we need not re- 
peat. 

" Tlie dear remembrance of the just, 
Like a green root revives and bears 
A train of blessings to their heirs 
Wlien dying nature sinks in dust." 

And the Rev. IMessrs. Treat and the two Cottons. (Could not the 
friends of the father spare a word for the son?) They lost no time on 



EFFORTS TO CHRISTIANIZE THE INDIANS. 399 

entering on their work to qualify them for preaching the precious 
truth to the red man, whose soul was worth as much as the w hite 
man's. Above forty years Mr. Treat held his congregation of Indians 
in the manner which he indicates in his letter, which has been insert ed 
in this sketch. The great day will reveal the result. He went fo rth 
" bearing precious seed, and returned bringing his sheaves with him." 

It will be remembei'ed that these men did, at least, an ordin ary 
pastoral work at home ; they also did a great amount of labor amo ng 
the native tribes, and thirty years' labor of the Cottons will not soon 
be forgotten. 

Of Mr. Eliot we need say nothing. His praise is in all the churches, 
and his biography is in almost every hand. He had certainly much 
to discourage him ; the melting away of his people, and the hostility 
of the whole country against him, so that his Bible was scarcely read 
longer than he was in preparing it. But, after all, he did a great 
work among the natives, and no doubt " the day will declare it." 

" Let those who sow in sadness wait 
Till the fair harvest come ; 
They shall confess their sheaves are great, 
And shout the blessings home." 



400 APPENDIX. 



THE FAITH AND ORDEE OF THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHURCH ; 
AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON OTHER CHURCHES IN ENGLAND 
AND IN THIS COUNTRY. 



" Yestra autem pietas, viri exules, quae maluit patriam quam evangelium deserere, commodisque 
carere temporariis, quam permisceri sacris a Cbristo alieuis, egregiam sane meretur laudem." 



ADVERTISEMENT. 
INDEPENDENCY CONGREGATIONALISM. 

Althougla the subsequent Article may appear to be cbiefly his- 
torical, it is intended to be no further so than the historical fixcts are 
connected with the main design, which is — to show, with some pre- 
cision and some detail, the ecclesiastical polity of the Leyden-Plym- 
outh church, and that the churches in England and Massachusetts 
were modelled on the Platform of this : the account is, however, car- 
ried somewhat further, when supposed to be of general interest. 

These churches are usually denominated in England, " Indepen- 
dent," and in this country, " Congregational," although not uniformly 
so in either. It will appear that, from etymology and usage, the 
words are equipollent — of equal force, to express the true character 
of the order of our churches. 

Robinson and Jacob, (about the year IGIG,) although perhaps not 
designing to assume any particular name, yet, in declaring their prin- 
ciples, use this language : — 

Robinson. " Peter and Paul was no more one man, without re- 
lation to other men, than a particular congregation, rightly instituted 
and ordered, is a whole, entire, and perfect church, and independently, 
in respect to other churches under Christ. — Eoh. Works, iii. 16. 

Jacob, the coadjutor and pupil of Robinson, says, " Where each 
congregation giveth their free consent in their own govei'nment, there 
certainly each congregation is an entire and independent body poli- 
tic."— //rm. vohi. p. 231. 

Mr. Cotton's books had reached England and were the means of 



THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHURCH. 401 

proselytizing Dr. Owen. He said, however, that opposers had no 
right to affix a meaning to the word " independent," and then argue 
against it. 

Gov. Hutchinson says, " The Plymouth people were the first who 
took or received the name of Independents, which in a few years was 
given to a body of men in England, who assumed the government. 
The Massachusetts people refined and took the name of Congregation- 
alists, although, perhaps, it will be difficult at this day to show any 
material diiFerence between the churches of the two countries. — Vol. 
ii. pp. 414, 415. 

Goodwin, Nye, Bi-idge, Burroughs, and Simpson, of the "Westmin- 
ster Assembly, wei'e uniformly called " Independents," and only ob- 
jected that the word was wrongfully charged as implying too much 
assumption — a swelling word. Dr. Owen and Dr. Goodwin were 
called " the two Atlases of Independency," in the Savoy Synod, and 
brought in the articles under the name of Congregationalists. How- 
ever, everybody persisted in calling them Independents, and the 
Union * in 1833 made the declaration of their faith, order, and disci- 
pline, as of the " Congregational, or Independent Dissenters." 

Dr. Vaughan, a man of great weight of character, in a book recently 
published by him in England, which he entitles " Congregationalism, 
or the polity of the Independent Churches," applies the word inde- 
pendent to the churches, and Congregationalism to their polity. He 
says, page 3, " The independence of particular churches is the centre 
pi'inciple, the great element of Congregationalism." The communion 
of the churches is as consistent with one term as the other, and, with- 
out jealousy, every one should be allowed to use convertible terms, 
for a designation, as he thinks most fit and proper. 

Hooker says, " The church may be said to be ' independent,' 
sufficient to attain her end, and therefore hath complete power to ex- 
ercise all the ordinances of God." — Survey, p. 2. 

The ecclesiastical historians (Mosheim, Collier, Rapin, Buck, and 
others) treat of the order of our churches, both in this country and in 
England, by the name of the " Independents." 

Eev. John Cotton says, " Independency is not a fit name for the 
way of our churches ; it is too strait. It holds us forth as indepen- 
dent of all others," and much prefers and advises to call it " Congrega- 
tionalism." — Way of the Churches, 11. The framers of the Platform 



* The Congregational Union of England and "Wales. 

34* 



402 APPENDIX. 

adopt his suggestion. For, as Hubbard says, " whatever Mr. Cotton 
delivered was soon put into an order of court, if of a civil, or set up 
as a practice in the church, if of an ecclesiastical concernment." 
When the churches were forming under his plastic hand, the hard 
hand of Archbishop Laud was upon the Independents in England, 
"haling men and women, and committing them to prison." Good 
policy therefore required, or at least pointed, to a different designation 
for the churches in New England. Numerous facts show that the 
planters were cautious and even fearful of incurring the displeasure of 
the authorities of the mother country. It was not among the least of 
the reasons for banishing Eoger Williams that the displeasure of the 
king was feared if he was allowed to question the validity of the pa- 
tent, and the displeasure of the bishops, if he was allowed to preach 
that the Church of England was not a true church. Indeed these 
reasons are expressly assigned for some of their measures. 



HISTORICAL NOTICE. 

Questionless, the high chai'acter of the Pilgrims has its foundation 
in their religion, — their unwavering faith, their heroic fortitude, their 
patience iii suffering, their perseverance in their pilgrimage, both in 
exile and colonization, their inflexible virtue, combined with their in- 
telligence and enterprise, — are now " known on earth by thousand 
signs," and we may almost say, " by thousand through the skies." But 
it is not less manifest, that that which gave occasion for their being 
called to show forth this faith and these virtues, was their ecclesiasti- 
cal polity and practice. They admit that their first religious expe- 
rience took place while they belonged to the Church of England, and 
that their doctrinal views were in accordance with the articles of that 
church. But they were soon convinced that the worship of that 
church was formal, supererogatory, and even idolatrous ; and especially 
that its national character, which admitted the immoral and profane 
to its sacraments, and its episcopal government, were wholly un- 
scriptural. Under this conviction, they could not conscientiously con- 
tinue in its communion, and they were men who chose and dared to 
act according to this conviction and the dictates of conscience, even at 
the risk of the loss of all temporal good. 

As early as 1G02, they became an independent church. After re- 
maining unnoticed a few years, they incurred the displeasure of the 



THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH, CHURCH. 403 

bishop, and the condemnation of the civil tribunals. Imprisonment, 
exile, and pilgrimage, were their joortion until they landed on the 
Plymouth Rock. Of their Christian fortitude, hardships, and patience ; 
their perseverance and final success, " The New England's Memorial " 
is a true, though it may not be a full and complete record.* 

It would seem that every inquiring mind would be desirous to be- 
come acquainted with the character, order, worship, and discipline 
of this first independent church, which through so many hardships 
obtained a home in New England, when it was the habitation only for 
savage men and savage beasts ; preferring to encounter all these trials 
to a return to the " mother church." It is the design of these sheets 
to examine with care, exactness, and, in some matters, even minute- 
ness, their history and their memorials, and the views of their con- 
temporaries, and to compare them with the polity and practice of the 
some ten thousand churches of the same faith and order, (which have 
since been gathered in this and other countries,) with this first per- 
manent Congregational or independent church, which a distinguished 
historian has said, " is the mother of us all." f 

We say first permanent independent church, because all previous 
attempts to sustain such a church in modern times had failed. Perse- 
cution was rife, the ministers and worshippers were seized, im- 
pi'isoned, some of them slain, and multitudes of them pei'ished in loath- 
some dungeons. Luther was at first a Congregationalist, but when 
the converts were multiplied and churches called for, he said " what 
can I do with these simple towns' people ? " | His fears prevailed ; 
he became an Erastian and left them with the civil rulers. And 
Calvin, although the greatest of the reformers in matters of doctrine, 
(yet " saw not all things,") and never established a Congregational 
church. 

Rev. John Robinson was pastor of this church of the pilgrims. 
He is spoken of by historians as " the author of Independency." But 
as Rev. John Cotton says, " it was instituted and practised in the fix'st 
ages of Christianity, and our Saviour himself is the true 'Author' of 
this first ecclesiastical state of the church ; " and Gov. Winslow pays, 
" the Primitive Churches of the Apostolic age were the pattern which 
Mr. Robinson had in his eye." Questionless, he was a great re- 



* See Extracts from Founders of New Plymouth, by Hunter, appended to this 
Article. 

t Hon. Alden Bradford. { D'Aubigne, vol. iv. p. 32. 



404 APPENDIX. 

former, and revived the true order of the churches, which had been, 
for ages, swallowed up and lost in Episcopacy and Romanism. Per- 
haps it was not wholly lost. "We can perceive traces of it among the 
Paulicians and Albigenses, among the converts in Luther's time, 
among the followers of AYickliff, called Lollards and Gospellers, and 
even in the time of the " bloody Mary." In the reign of Elizabeth, 
Barrow, Penry, and Greenwood,* became martyrs for attempting 
reforms and meetings in the Congregational way, and one Robert 
Brown made himself notorious for his denunciation #f the Established 
Church, and for collecting meetings which he called the only true 
churches. But his apostasy was very scandalous, his name became 
a reproach, and his followers Avere scattered. 

But all these movements had been crushed, the ministers silenced 
by death or exile, and the worshippers were " as sheep without a 
shepherd," when, in 1G02, Robinson and his coadjutors had consti- 
tuted an independent church in the north of England. The publica- 
tion of Robinson's works had been desired by the " Congregational 
Board " here, when it was ascertained that they were in a course of 
publication by "the Congregational Union" in England. The 
" Board " forthwith became interested in the enterprise, and at once 
purchased an edition, and have given extensive circulation to his life 
and works, in three volumes ; books which should be read with atten- 
tion, as the best expounders of our order yet printed. It will be 
seen that Mr. Robinson, having been beneficed in the Church of Eng- 
land, renounced that church and his fellowship in the university, and 
became pastor of the independent church before mentioned ; that 
persecution drove him and his church to Holland in 1G08; that his 
church made their pilgrimage to Plymouth in 1620 ; that they and he 
expected he would shortly follow them, but that he died in 1G25 at 
the age of fifty years. In his exile he was followed with censorious 
books and denunciations by Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and even 
Puritans, charging him with Bi'ownism, democracy, and as a Sepa- 
ratist who had broken away from the " mother church " to the scan- 
dal of all true religion. To all these books Mr. Robinson replied, 
and vindicated his course, his faith and " the order of the house of 
God," in the masterly argument and great purity of style exhibited in 
these his published works, and which commend themselves to all 
attentive readers. 



=* See Punch. Hist. Cons 



THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHURCH. 405 

A catalogue of his works may be found, in chronological order, 
(12 books and tracts) in the third volume. It is manifest from these, 
that he was a man of a clear, strong, and cultivated mind : his jiosi- 
tions are well argued, and the style more perspicuous and modern- 
ized than other writers of his day. The historians and biographers 
characterize him as " a man of genius, quick penetration, ready wit, 
and of great modesty, integrity, and candor : also, of great prudence, 
liberality, and ardent piety, and in his search after truth, careful and 
thorough. He was, withal, much respected by all the truly pious of 
whatever denomination." Mr. Prince was at Leyden nearly a cen- 
tury after his death, and the aged people told him that " Mr. Robin- 
son was held in high estimation both by the city and university for 
his learning, piety, and moderation ; and that the magistrates, minis- 
ters, scholars, and gentry mourned his death as a public loss." 

Mr. Baylie, a Presbyterian, wrote with much bitterness against the 
Independents, but speaks thus of Mr. Robinson : " Their pastor was 
a man of excellent parts, and the most learned, polished, and modest 
spirit that ever separated from the Church of England; that the 
Apologies he wrote were very handsome ; that he was the principal 
overthrower of the Brownists, and became the author of Indepen- 
dency." — Dissuasive, 1 645. Hornius, historical professor of Leyden, 
who died in 1G70, speaks of Mr. Robinson in his Ecclesiastical His- 
tory, much in the same terms. 

The following is from the " Works," vol. iii. p. 489 : " The church 
at Leyden was the mother church of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. 
During his life and the continuance of the church at Leyden, the two 
societies were essentially one. The pilgrims at Plymouth did not es- 
tablish a new organization : they went out, according to mutual agree- 
ment, ' as an absolute church of themselves,' already constituted, 
being only a branch of the church still remaining in Holland, and 
they continued to be essentially one in religious sentiment and eccle- 
siastical practices." He was their acknowledged pastor (of the pil- 
grims) until his death ; and his letters and their records show that 
this was so. Both Hubbard and Hutchinson call him their pastor, 
and that " they continued their expectation of his immigration until 
his death." Poverty and the opposition of the merchant adventurers 
prevented it, but in 1G29 the pilgrims advanced £550 to enable his 
family and the residue of the church to join them ; which was done.* 



* See page 108, note. 



406 APPENDIX. 

Mr. Robinson's weight of character gave him a moral foioer in his 
church which produced, or was well calculated to produce, that union 
of sentiment and affection and action, which very much promoted the 
success of their enterprise. Brotherly love was in them and abounded, 
so that they were always ready to bear one another's burdens. All 
their history attests this. Their faith and their practice were the 
same in every member. During their twelve years of exile, we hear 
not of a single outbreak. Other neighboring exiled churches had 
collisions, and to avoid being involved in the evil consequences, this 
church early removed to Leyden. To shame their own people, the 
magistrates said, "These English have lived among us these ten 
years, and yet we have never had any suit or accusation against them, 
and they have lived in harmony among themselves" — Mem. Mr. 
Robinson says, " We are knit together in a body in a most strict and 
sacred covenant, of the violation of which we make great conscience, 
by virtue whereof we do hold ourselves straitly tied to all cai-e of 
each other's good, and of the whole by every, and so mutual, and it 
is not with us as with other men, whom small things can discourage." 
— Life, p. 40. They were agreed in their last i^ilgriraage, and 
the want of means alone prevented the contemporaneous embarkation 
of the whole church. The subsequent history of the church will give 
evidence of the continuance of this " Unity of the spirit in the 
bonds of peace," when the whole church were in Plymouth. Hub- 
bard says, (speaking of the order of their worship before they settled 
a pastor,) " the Plymouth people well understood their own princi- 
ples ; they were a serious, religious people, who knew the way of 
their worship, and were resolved upon it." — p. 65. 

Mr. Bernard, in his book against Mr. Robinson's course, says, 
" The ill success of independency in having no more increase, was an 
argument against it." To which Mr. Robinson answers, in almost a 
prophetic spirit, " Religion is not always sown and reaped in one 
age ; ' one soweth and another reapeth.' The many that are already 
gathered into the kingdom of Jesus Christ, by the mercy of God, and 
the nearness of many more through the land, do promise, within less 
than an hundred years, if our sins and theirs make not us and them 
unworthy of his mercy, a very plenteous harvest." — vol. ii. p. G6. 

" The prediction was verified. One hundred years passed, and the 
great principles Robinson contended for, had spread through England 
and a considerable portion of America." — Life, p. 74. It is not 
now, perhaps, too much to say that there are, at the present time, at 
least ten thousand churches gathered upon the Congregational polity. 



THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHUECH. 407 

about four thousand of which are in Great Britain. Rev/ John Cot- 
ton said in view of the same suggestion of Bernard, " the Lord in- 
crease them an hundred, yea a thousand fold, and make them as the 
stars of heaven for muUitude." — W^ai/, etc., 11. "We have ah-eady 
hopeful indications of a full answer to this prayer, and " of the estab- 
lishment of spiritual and voluntary churches throughout the world." 
Rev. Dr. Allen says, "It is but truth to say that many tens of 
thousands of Christian men hold the name of Robinson in honorable 
remembrance. He yet lives by his example and by the iniluence of 
Lis sacrifices and toils ; and in the third century after his death, he 
enjoys the singular distinction of being equally honored in the east 
and the west, in two countries separated by a mighty ocean." — I^ife, 75. 
" A good book is the precious lifeblood of a master-spirit, embalmed 
and treasured up on purpose to a life beyond life." — Milton. Before 
proceeding to give Mr. Robinson's views in detail, we feel constrained 
to make the following extracts in proof of his candor, Catholicism, 
and entire freedom from all bigotry and bands of human invention. 
He says (vol. iii. 103), "had my persuasion in it (the truth he had 
been contending for) been fuller than ever it was, I profess myself 
always one of them, who still desire to learn further, what the good 
will of God is." But his parting words to the pilgrims, as given by 
Gov. Winslow (in Prince, 175), should always be boi-ne in remem- 
brance by those who would understand his true character, and who 
themselves would be free from the chains of human inventions and 
dogmatism. " Pie charged us before God to follow him no further 
than he followed Christ ; and if God should reveal any thing to us, 
by any other instrument of His, to be ready to receive it as ever we 
were to receive any truth by his ministry ; for he was very confident 
the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth out of his holy 
word. He took occasion also miserably to bewail the state of the 
reformed churches, who were come to a period in religion, and would 
go no further than the instruments of their reformation. The Lu- 
therans could not go beyond what Luther saw ; for whatever part of 
God's word he had further revealed to Calvin, they had rather die 
than embrace it ; and so you see the Calvinists, they stick where he 
left them. A misery much to be lamented. For though they were 
precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his 
whole will to them, and were they now alive, they would be as ready 
to receive further light as that they had received. He also put us in 
mind of our church covenant, whereby we engaged with God and one 



408 APPENDIX. 

another, to receive ■whatever light or truth should be made known 
to us from his written word, but withal exhorted us to take heed what 
we receive for truth ; and well to examine, compare and Aveigh it 
with other Scriptures before we receive it. For it is not possible the 
Christian world should come so lately out of such anti-Christian dark- 
ness, and that full perfection of knowledge should break forth at 
once." * Though a believer in the infallibility of the Scriptures, he 
did not believe in the infallibility of human interpretations. 

Upon which Mr. Prince remarks, " Words almost astonishing in 
that age of low and universal bigotry which prevailed in the English 
nation ; wherein this truly great and learned man seems to be almost 
the only divine who was capable of rising into a noble freedom of 
thinking and practising in religious matters, and even of using such 
an equal liberty on his own people. He labors to take them off from 
their attachment to him, that they might be the more entirely free to 
search and follow the Scriptures." Mr. Prince proceeds : — 

" But as Mr. Robinson and his church were of the same mind, and 
always lived in great harmony and unity, I shall here give a sum- 
mary of their main principles from their published writings. 

I. They were in the sentiments, whicli since, the famous Mr. Chil- 
lingworth tells us that, after a long study, he also came into; that is to 
say, that the inspired Scriptures only contain the true religion ; and 
especially, nothing is to be accounted the Protestant religion, respect- 
ing either faith or worship, but what is taught in them ; as also in the 
same sentiments which the celebrated Bishop Hoadly and many other 
great men have so nobly defended, as the right of human nature, as 
the very basis of the reformation, and indeed of all sincere religion, — 
that every man has the right of judging for himself, of trying doctrines 
by them, and of worshipping according to his apprehension of the 
meaning of them. 

II. As to faith and the holy sacraments, they believed the doctrinal 
articles of the Church of England, as also of the Reformed Churches 
of Scotland, Ireland, France, the Palatinate, Geneva, Switzerland, 
and the United Provinces, to be agreeable to the holy oracles ; allow- 
ing all the pious members of these churches communion with them, 
and differing from them only in matters purely ecclesiastical. 

HI. As to ecclesiastical matters, they held the following articles to 
be agreeable to Scripture and reason : — 



* More full in Mather, p. 14. 



PEINCIPLES OF CHURCH OEGANIZATION. 409 

1. That no particular church ought to consist of more members than 
can conveniently watch one over another, and usually meet and wor- 
ship in one congregation. 

2. That every particular church of Christ is only to consist of such 
as appear to believe in him and obey him. 

3. That any competent number of such, when their consciences 
oblige them, have a right to embody into a church for their mutual 
edification. 

4. That this embodying is by some certain contract or covenant 
either expressed or implied ; though it ought to be by the former. 

5. That being embodied, they have a right to choose all their 
officers. ♦ 

6. That the officers appointed by Ciirist for his embodied church, 
are, in some respects, of three sorts, in others but two. First, Pastoi's 
or teaching Elders, who have the power of overseeing, teaching, ad- 
ministering the sacraments, and ruling too ; and being chiefly to giv- 
ing themselves to studying, teaching, and the spiritual care of the 
flock, are therefore to be maintained. Second, mere Ruling Elders,* 
who are to help the pastors in overseeing and ruling; that their 
officers be not temporary, as among the Dutch and French churches, 
but continual; also, being qualified in some degree to teach, they 
are to teach only occasionally, through necessity, or in their pastor's 
absence or illness, but being not to give themselves to study or teach- 
ing, they have no need of maintenance. The elders of both sorts form 
the Presbytery of overseers and rulers, which should be in every par- 
ticular church, and are in Scripture sometimes called presbyters or 
elders, sometimes bishops or overseers, sometimes guides, and some- 
times rulers. Third, Deacons, who are to take care of the poor ; the 
church's treasure ; to distribute for the support of the pastor, the sup- 
ply of the needy, the propagation of religion, and to minister at the 
Lord's table. 

7. That these officers, being chosen and ordained, have no lordly, 
arbitrary, or imposing power, but can only rule and minister with the 
consent of the brethren, who ought not in contempt to be called the 
laity, but to be treated as men and brethren in Christ, not as slaves or 
minors. 



* It will be seen subsequently that " mere ruling elders," is a mistake. None 
were clioscn wlio were not " apt to teach," both in the consistory and the 
assembly. 

35 



410 APPENDIX. 

8. That no churches or church officers whatever have any power 
over any other church or officers, to control or impose upon them ; 
but are all equal in their rights and privileges, and ought to be inde- 
pendent in the exercise and enjoyment of them. 

9. As to church administrations, they held that baptism is a seal of 
the covenant of grace, and should be dispensed only to visible believ- 
ers, with their unadult childi-en, and this in primitive purity, as in the 
times of Christ and his apostles, without the sign of the cross or any 
other invented ceremony ; that the Lord's Supper should be received 
as it was at first, even in Christ's immediate presence, in the table 
posture ; that the elders should not be restrained from praying in pub- 
lic as well as private, according to the va#ous occasions continually 
offering from the word of Providence, and no set form should be im- 
posed on any ; that excommunication should be wholly spiritual, a 
mere rejecting the scandalous from the communion of the church in 

he holy sacraments and those other spiritual privileges which are pe- 
culiar to the faithful, and that the church or its officers have no au- 
thority to inflict any penalties of a temporal nature. 

10. As for holy days, they were very strict for the observation of 
the Lord's day, in a pious memorial of the incarnation, birth, death, 
resurrection, ascension, and benefits of Christ ; as also solemn fast- 
ings and thanksgivings, as the state of Providence requires ; but all 
other times not prescribed in Scripture, they utterly relinquished. 
And as, in general, they could not conceive any thing a part of 
Christ's religion which he has not required, they therefore renounced 
all human right of inventing, and much less of imposing it upon 
others. 

These were the main principles of that scriptural and religious 
liberty, for which this people suffered in England, fled to Holland, 
traversed the ocean, and sought a dangerous retreat in this remote 
and savage desert of North America, that here they might fully en- 
joy them, and leave them to their last posterity." — Prince, 17G- 
179. 

This summary is far from being a complete account of Mr. Eobin- 
son's views of the proper order of the church. We have looked into 
his works, just now printed, but a small part of which had probably 
been read by Mr. Prince, and state several particulars in detail. 



GOYEKNMENT OF THE CHURCPI DEMOCRATIC. 411 



POWER OF THE CHURCH AND OF THE ELDERS. 

This subject is interesting as matter of ecclesiastical history, as 
exhibiting the views of this, in some sense, "the Father''* of our or- 
der, and because some still hold that the whole power of the bench of 
elders has devolved upon the pastor. 

Robinson says, " The Papists place the ruling power in the Pope, 
the Episcopalians in the bishop, the Puritan [Presbyterian] in the 
Presbytery — we put it in the body of the congregation, the multi- 
tude, called the church. We profess the elders to be the ordinary gov- 
ernors in the church, only we may not acknowledge them to be "lords 
over God's heritage," — controlling all, and to be controlled by none. 
The eldership, like other ordinances, is given for the service of the 
church, and the elders the servants of the church. It is one thing to 
govern the church, and another thing to be the church. The people's 
obedience to the elders consists in receiving their instructions, admo- 
nitions, exhortations, and consolations, and the elder's government, 
not in erecting any tribunal seat, or throne of judgment, but in ex- 
horting, teaching, improving, and comforting them by the word of 
God."— Works, ii. 7-144. 

" In admitting members on their professions, and censuring incor- 
rigible offenders, we leave the execution of these things to the elders, 
but deny plainly that it can be done without the people's privity and 
consent. It appertains to the elders to govern the people in their 
voting, and to the church freely to vote in the elections and judgment 
of the church ; the external government is to be administered by the 
elders." — - Woi'ks, iii. 37-4:3. 

" In all the acts of the church the brethren join with the elders, 
and are one and the same body." — Works, ii. 449. 

Ilaubury says, Robinson holds that the " elders rule by consent of 
the church. They are set over them for their guidance, as the stew- 
ard over the house, or watchman over the city." 

" A company of faithful people, in the covenant of the Gospel, is a 
church, though without oflicers ; and this church hath an interest in 
all the holy things of God witltia itself, without any foreign assistance, 
and any private brother in such a church may do a necessary work of 
an officer. Where there are already officers, by and to which others 



* So called bv Xeal and Buck. 



412 APPENDIX. 

are called, there the officei'S are to ordain the latter." — WorJcs, ii. 
240. 

According to the Cambridge Platform, the church chooses and de- 
poses its own officers, ministers as well as others, and when conven- 
ient, neighbor churches are to be advised with. (See chap. 8.) This 
agrees with the expressed views of Robinson. But sec. 11 pi*ovides 
that " in an organic church and right administration, all acts proceed 
after the manner of a mixed administration, so as no act can be con- 
summated or perfected without the consent of both." (The body of 
the church and the elders.) 

This last provision has been the subject of much discussion and 
some litigation. The appropriate power of the elders was strongly- 
agitated in the exiled churches in Holland, in Robinson's time, and 
became the cause of the separation of Johnson and Ains worth, two 
distinguished pastors. Eobinson and his church were consulted on 
the subject, and thus advised : " If it please the Lord so far to enlarge 
your hearts on both sides, brethren, as that this middle way be had, 
namely, that the matter of offence be first brought for order, prepa- 
ration, and prevention of unnecessary trouble, unto the elders, as the 
church governors, (though it is like we, for our parts, shall not so 
practice in this particular,) and after, if things be not ended, to the 
church of elders and brethren, there to be judged, until it please 
the God of wisdom and Father of lights to manifest otherwise for 
our joint accord — it would make for the glory of God." The advice 
did not prevail, and Ainsworth * and his friends gathered a new 
church which held to the views of Robinson. — Han. i. 343. Johnson f 
held to the authoritative power of the elders, but the others held that 
they could do no valid act without the consent of the church, and when 
matters were before the church, they voted with the brethren, and 
had no official privilege. It was objected by his antagonist that this 
was a democracy (a form of government very objectionable in those 
times), to which Mr. Robinson replied that it might be considered as 
an aristocracy, as the elders, by their age and gravity and official 
station, would be likely to have the respect and assent of the church. 
— See Hist. Cong. 337. 

As Rev. John Cotton was one of the best writers on church polity, 
and as he has been supposed to differ with Robinson on this subject, 
it may be best to give his views pretty fully ; and certainly he did 



* See Works, iii. 462. t Ibid. 441. 



GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH DEMOCRATIC. 413 

differ with him in 163G, when he -wrote his letter to Lord Say and 
SeaL — Hutch, i. App. It seems his Lordship had written to him 
his fears of tliis democracy. But says Cotton, " Democracy I do not 
conceive that ever God did ordain as a fit government for church or 
commonwealth. Though \t ho, n, status popidaris, whevQ they choose 
their own governors, yet " the government is not a democracy, if not 
administered by the people, but by the governors ; if many, an aris- 
tocracy, which even Mr. Robinson admits." (But Mr. Robinson's is 
an admission only of the ivord, not the tiling. — Supra.) He probably 
wrote " The Keys " not long after, although the book was not printed 
till 1644, by reason of the difficulty of a license. Baillie, a presbyte- 
rian minister, answered "The Keys," and says, "If you call yourself 
a Congregationalist, because you give jurisdiction and censure to ev- 
ery particular congregation, though tJiis was the way of Robinson and 
Ainsworth, you revoke all this, putting into the hands of the elder- 
ship the whole jurisdiction. The style, ' Congregational,' seems not 
rightly appropriated to them who have destroyed the Congregational 
way and turned it into presbyterial." — Han. iii. 416. 

Baillie read " The Keys " as others have read them, and as Mr. 
Cotton's editors (Goodwin and Nye, then standard-bearers for inde- 
pendency in England), read the same book — making the church a 
real aristocracy. In their preface to " The Keys," they disagree 
with him, and give an extended account of their own views, which do 
not much vary fi*om Robinson's. They thus write : " The right dis- 
posal of power in the church may be in due and proportional allot- 
ment and dispersion, though not in the same measure and degree, into 
divers hands, according to the several concernments and interests the 
church may have, rather than entire and sole trust committed to any 
one man, or any one sort or kind of men or officers." This is rather 
enigmatical ; but see what follows : " The power of this censure of 
excommunication is inseparably linked by Christ unto a particular 
congregation, as the people's natural privilege thereof, so as no assem- 
bly or company of elders should assume it to themselves, or sever the 
power thereof from them." They compare the elders to a judge, who 
pronounces the sentence after the jury have found the accused guilty. 
But in 1645 was printed Mr. Cotton's "Way of the Churches," and 
hei*e he coincides entirely with Mr. Robinson, and also adopts the 
sentiments and even language of the editors of the Keys. His rea- 
sons for allowing the church so much power are founded on Matth. 18 : 
17. " We cannot find throughout the New Testament that the word 
church is taken otherwise than for the society and congregation of the 

35* 



414 APPENDIX. 

faithful, unless it be once, whore it is taken foB a civil assembly, but 
never for a bishop, counsel, or archdeacon, nor for an assembly of 
presbyters ; the consistory is a word unheard of there, nor are any 
complaints directed thither, unless to prepare them for the hearing or 
judgment of the church. Nor are any censures of the church com- 
mitted to presbyters alone, to be administered by them, though they 
are to be administered by them in the presence' and by the consent of 
the church. When a whole multitude is associated in a body, any 
cifence may be orderly and ordinarily told unto them by a complaint. 
The promise of binding in heaven what the church bindeth on earth, 
pertaineth to the ratifying of the censure by the whole church men- 
tioned in the verse before. He appeals also to the practice at Corinth, 
1 Cor. 4 : 5." 

" The church are governed by the elders so long as they rule well. 
But in case they err or commit offence, they shall be governed by the 
whole church. The power of the keys was given to Peter, not as an 
apostle, or as an elder, but as a professed believer, in the name of a 
believer, whereupon the binding and loosing, which is the power of 
the keys, is attributed to the whole church." 

" When the censure is said to be by common consent, we mean that 
we do not carry matters either by the overruling power of the pres- 
bytery or the consent of the major part of the church, but by the 
general and joint consent of all the memhers of the chnrch, as becometh 
the Church of God." — H^ay of the Church, in Han. ii. 560-572. 

It has been said that Mi*. Cotton's sentiments are probably not 
fairly given in this " Way, etc." and that his friends in England to 
whom the publication was intrusted, changed his phraseology. But 
the book was very sharply answered and criticized by a writer, " Vin- 
diaj clavium," (pp. 90; London, 1645,) and Mr. Cotton was therein 
pointedly charged with having changed his sentiments in respect to 
the power of the elders, and that his editors, in the prefatory epistle, 
appi'ove of it, and now begin to applaud themselves as jumping in 
judgment with the author." 

Mr. Cotton replies (Way of the Churches cleared) in 1648, p. 74, 
London, and in this he does not complain that the " Way, etc." ex- 
pi'esses any thing contrary to his opinions, but on the contrary de- 
fends and justifies the whole ; does not admit that it is inconsistent 
with " the Keys ; " agrees with St. Augustine that " Peter received 
the keys in the name of the church ; " and moreover adds, " it is no 
matter of calumny, if, in some later tractate, I should retract or ex- 
press more commodiously what I wrote in a former less safely." — 
Han. ii. 280-284. 



GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH DEMOCRATIC. 415 

Here then, certainly, is a perfect agreement. Robinson says, " in 
all the acts of the church, the brethren join with the elders, and are 
one and the same body." — Supra. 

Cotton says, " We mean that we do not carry matters by the over- 
ruling power of the presbytery or the consent of the major part of 
the church, but by the general and joint consent of all." So that 
Hubbard (Hist. N. E.) lost his joke when he said " the Separatists 
drown the elder's government by the vote of the brethren, being con- 
tented that the elders should sit in the saddle if they could hold the 
bridle ;" seeming to Ihink Mr. Cotton had invented a " middle way," 
a way found by Robinson many years before. This matter has been 
explained by one of our eminent divines. " When Mr. Cotton wrote 
<the Keys,' democracy had not ceased to be a scarecrow ; the arch- 
bishop (Laud) was only chained and might be let loose. When he 
wrote the ' Way of the Churches,' parliament ' held the reins and 
set also in the saddle,' and the analogy to the ' King, Lords, and 
Commons,' upon which he framed his ' eldei-hood and brotherhood ' 
was crumbling to pieces. The church was about to be left ' without 
a bishop, and the state, without a king;' the aristocracy also, was 
nearly overthrown, and shortly after, wholly so. It has been believed, 
and is probably true, that on this change of the government in the 
mother country, the eldership began to be of no account in the 
churches, and was so low at the restoration, that it never coidd he, as 
it never needed to he, revived." 

Rev. John Wise, the accredited expounder of the Platform, says, 
" Tell it to the church, - — means the whole hody of the church. Let 
the objector produce one text more in which it means the officers of 
the church, and I will resign." Rev. Dr. Whitaker, a minister in 
Salem, of the Presbyterian order, replied in a large pamphlet, and 
says, " I will give up the controversy, if Mr. Wise is right in this ; " 
and though he cites Hebrew verses from the Old Testament, he cites 
none from the New Testament in which it is so used, although it is 
said it is to be found therein about two hundred times. Dr. Whitaker 
says there were Presbyterians in the Cambridge Synod who disagreed 
to the report of the Committee and were about to withdraw, and the 
transcendent power of the eldership was inserted to prevent a separa- 
tion, so that " the platform has a double face, and looks two ways." 
Since the time of John Cotton, there is no danger in calling things by 
their true names, and democracy is now admitted to be the right word 
to characterize the government of a Congregational church. Indeed, 
Cotton himself admits that "in respect to the people's power in choos- 



416 APPENDIX. 

ing officers, and joint power witli the officers in admitting members 
and censuring offendei'S, the church is a democracy." — Way, etc. 100. 
And Coleman cites Neander and other writers who describe the prim- 
itive church governmen tas democratic, p. 45-47. And although Rob- 
inson was cautious in saying so, yet by holding and declaring that the 
"proper subject of the power of Christ was in the people, the multi- 
tude of the church," (supra,) he could not have better described a 
democracy. Coleman says, " the sovereign power is in the people, the 
government of the primitive church was altogether popular, the min- 
isters were their servants and not their lords." — iii. 227. The 
Platform indeed speaks the same language (chap. 8, sec. 2). "If 
the church have power to choose their own officers and ministers, 
they have power to depose them." Distinguished divines and 
large and respectable councils have in our day advanced the same 
views. Some very worthy divines have contended that, as by the 
provision of the platform {supra) nothing could be done without the 
consent of the elders, as the power of the elders has been consoli- 
dated in the pastor, he may well be considered as having the power 
of stopping the action of the churcli when he will by what is called 
his veto, forbidding further proceedings. But the elders themselves 
were but servants of the church, and certainly ecclesiastical history 
furnishes no evidence of the claim. President Styles says, " Some 
liave made this claim, but, except being moderator, the pastor has but 
the authority of a private brother according to the true principles of 
Congregationalism, and the churches would not bear the negative of 
the eldership." — Con. Ser. 64-G8. 

A claim of this sort was made in our Supreme Judicial Court sixty 
or seventy years ago, and promptly overruled. — Hist. Coll. v. 45. 

It was said the provisions of the platform had been superseded by 
the constitution of 1780. However this may be, it is now held, and 
been so advised by an ecclesiastical council, convoked from various 
parts of the State, and comj)Osed of highly respectable ministers and 
delegates from the churches, that the pastor has no veto power what- 
ever, positive or qualified, upon the proceedings of the church, and 
that, as moderator, if he refuses to declare the votes and resolves of 
the church, they may dismiss him from the chair and appoint 
another. 

It was certainly a mistake in Mr. Prince to conclude that Mr. 
Eobinson's polity provided for the office of mere ruling elders. Such 
may have been the practice in some churches in Massachusetts, but 
not in his church. In his letter to Elder Brewster, ( Clir. PH.,) he 



GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH DEMOCRATIC. 417 

says expressly, that none were to be chosen to that office but such as 
are " apt to teach." And see his Apology, chap. 4, " "We require that 
all received into the college or company of elders, even those who are 
called governors, should be ' apt to teach,' and able to exhort with 
sound doctrine, and convince gainsayers, not only in the consistoiy, but 
in the assembly also, as the nature of their public office requires." 
— Works, iii. 28. The eighth article of the Independents in England, 
may well be considered as the matured policy of Eobinson, which 
was certainly adopted in their churches. The only officers placed 
over the church are bishops, or pastors, (another name for elders,) 
and deacons. The number of these depends upon the numbers of the 
church, and they rule " subject to the approbation of the church." 
— Ilan. iii. GOO. This will be^rther manifest in the history of the 
Plymouth Church. — Infra. ^ 

In process of time, one teacher, pastor, or elder, educated for the 
ministry, was found in general to be sufficient, and all the duties of 
rule, guidance, government, and general supei'intendence of the affiiirs 
of the church, might well be performed by him, with the advice of a 
committee, annually chosen; the executive duties, such as governing 
the church at its meetings, and executing the acts and resolves of the 
church, are indeed better performed by a single elder, or pastor, than 
by a college, or collective board of elders. 

About the year 1705, the ruling eldership having become obsolete 
and almost extinct in Massachusetts, a very strenuous attempt w^as 
made to revive it, headed by Rev. John "Wise, " himself a host." But 
the churches perceived no necessity or expediency in the measure, 
and it wholly failed, and for the last hundred years but one church, it 
is thought, has had such an officer. The last ruling elder in the 
Leyden-Plymouth Church, Th'omas Faunce, died in 1755, aged ninety- 
nine years, having been in that office more than fifty years, and his 
" good report " is in the churches at the present time. 

Vie take much pleasure in adding to this view " of the power of the 
church and the elders," the argument of Lord Brooke in 1G42, who, 
next to John Milton, was the most distinguished Independent of his 
time, and whom Milton himself characterizes as " a right noble and 
pious lord, and his words most mild and powerful." He thus argues 
upon Matt. 18 : 15, IG, 17 — " By thee (verse 17) is not meant only 
the party (complainant) but every Christian, every church member to 
whom the news of this miscarriage shall come ; otherwise the offi?nder 
should be a ' publican ' to one of the church and not to another. If he 
be so to every member of the church, this will be a hard case ; if a 



418 APPENDIX. 

bishop, or an elder, one or more, shall pass the sentence of excommu- 
nication, he must be so, a ' publican,' to me also, though I know 
nothing of it. But some will say, That must be done before the 
church. To which I answer. The word saith not so ; and thus those 
who misexpound the Scripture eke out Scripture to make good their 
own imagination. But why should it be complained of before the 
church if the deciding power be in the officers ? Frustrajit per plara, 
quod Jieri potest per pauciora. It seems to me against all reason that 
the party deputed (the elders) should have power, the party deputing 
(the church) being present. Surely, the whole church being present, 
four or five shall not, by God's law, rule all, seeing God's law never 
appoints any standing laws against the rules of nature. 'A publi- 
can,' 'a heathen,' the most odious oflfcaen — can any Christian be to 
any Christian the most odious of men for the sentence of a judge 
whom he never heard, neither hath any right to hear ? Thus if you 
bound (limit) the word, either by text or context, or the common ac- 
ceptation of it in the Scripture, by the * church ' must be understood 
the whole congregation." 

He also shows that, according to 1 Cor. 5:13, and 2 Cor. 2 : 5-8, Paul 
commanded the whole church to put away the wicked person, and 
they, the whole church, forgive and restore him. — Han. ii. 128. 



ORDINATION. 

Plat. cli. 9, sec. 1, 3, 4. " Church officers are not only chosen by 
the church, but also to be ordained by the imposition of hands and 
prayer. In such churches, where there are elders, imposition of hands 
to be performed by the elders ; in churches where there are no elders, 
imposition of hands may be performed by some of the brethren or- 
derly chosen by the church thereto." 

This is the exact view of Mr. Robinson ; " he constantly insisted 
that this was a church act," and says, he himself was ordained by the 
church. — Life, 30. " The power of making ministers is in the 
church ; to be ordained by the imposition of hands by the fit instru- 
ments which they have." * — Letter, Chr. Pil. Q(j ; Works, ii. 445. 



* " If tlie church may elect, they may also orilain officers ; if it have officers, it 
must use them as hands to put the persons, by ordination, into that office." — 
Works, ii. 445. 



I 



OEDINATION OF CHUECH OFriCERS. 419 

So in the declaration and articles of Jacob and others of the Sonth- 
wark church : " The officers are solemnly set apart by fasting and 
prayer by the imposition of the hands of the eldership of that church, 
if there be any." — Han. i. 295. 

The Pilgrims regarded the right as primarily and solely in the 
church. And when ministers do ordain, it is because they are invited 
and appointed by the church to do it. Ordination is nothing more 
than installing a man into office. 

July 20, 1629. The first church in Salem chose and ordained Mr. 
Skelton for pastor, and Mr. liigginson, teacher, " they, accepting the 
choice, Mr. Higginson, with three or four more of the gravest mem- 
bers of the church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayers 
therewith ; this being done, then there was imposition of hands on Mr. 
Higginson." — Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 67. 

Mr. Wilson, pastor of the first church in Boston, was first ordained 
in Charlestown, July 30, 1630, by the imposition of the hands of the 
brethren. — AL Biog. Diet. 

Oct. 10, 1633. Rev. John Cotton was ordained teacher in Boston 
by the imposition of hands, by Mr. Wilson, pastor, and the elders. 
— Ibid. 

These instances might be, multiplied, but they are sufficient in- 
stances of the exercise of the right. But Congregationalism does not 
exclude counsel or help, on these or other occasions ; on the contrary, 
the propriety of asking and giving advice from and to neighbor church- 
es, was admitted by Robinson ; and it is now thought the best order 
of our churches to take advice in most cases, as will next be shown. 
But councils, on these occasions, according to our early records, wei;e 
careful to do nothing, as councils, but to seek for the best lights, and 
give advice to those who called them as to what should be best to be 
done, and the manner of performance. I might add, that Mr. Hooke 
was so ordained at Taunton. — Hutch, i. 374 ; T. Min. i. 374 ; Al. 
Biog. Diet. Mr. Hooker was ordained in like manner at Tsewtown. 
Plubbard says " this is according to the subsequent practice in New 
England."— 189. 



ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCILS. 

Mr. Robinson and his church Avere twice called upon, (and perhaps 
often,) to give advice to other churches, and attended to the call and 



420 APPENDIX. 

gave their advice. One instance has been mentioned, namely, on the 
question of the pov/er of the elders, to Ainsworth and Johnson, the 
one pastor, and the other teacher, of the church at Amsterdam, who 
disagreed on this subject, as did the brethren. The letter, missive, 
and advice are in Worls, iii. 467, 468. 

Another instance of his being called on for advice, was from the 
church in London, and the advice is contained in the letter to that 
church ; by which it appears that the churches at Leyden and Am- 
sterdam were sent to, and the advice they gave is very important. — 
Ilan. i. 448. It seems to have then been unsettled, and was so for 
some time in Massachusetts, in what manner this advice should be 
given, whether by the whole church or its leading members, by repre- 
sentation, or by volunteers from the body. 

But here is a sufficient indication of his views on this subject, 
(Wo7-ls, ii. 209) : "May not the officers of one or many churches meet 
together to discuss and consider of matters for the good of the church 
or churches ? I deny it not, so they infringe no order of Christ, or 
the liberty of the brethren." 

Jacob, pastor of the church in London, who was with Mr. Robinson 
in Leyden, no doubt expressed Ms views, as well as his own and his 
brethren, in the declaration of ecclesiastical principles in 1616, which 
provides " for councils of neighbor churches in case of persons feeling 
injured by the censures of the church." — Art. 26 ; Ifan. i. 295. 

Questionless, the convocation of councils is the "keystone," the 
great conservative branch of Congregationalism ; but they were sel- 
dom called when the churches were few and widely separated. 
Luther perceived difficulties in establishing independent churches, 
which, at first, he was disposed to do. But when the converts be- 
came numerous, he feared their weakness, and doubted their sufficien- 
cy to govern themselves ; but Mr. Robinson's church were a serious, 
religious, well informed and discreet people, and their capacity for 
self-government was manifest. But there were dissensions in the 
other exiled churches, and it was soon apparent that neighborly advice 
was proper and even necessary. Neal says, " He allowed councils for 
advice, but not for exercising authority or jurisdiction." — Hist. N. E. 
1.71. 

He held that a council could not ordain or dismiss a pastor or other 
church officer, and in this agree R. Mather, Cotton, and other congre- 
gational writers. Mather says, " It is the practice to call in the aid 
of other churches, but not lawful or convenient to call such assistance 
by way of power or authority of ministers or other churches." Cotton 



ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCILS. 421 

maintains that ordination is the work of the church, and should not be 
parted with. — Wa^, 50. 

Dr. Goodwin says, " It should be with the privity and knowledge 
of neighbor churches, but that, when assembled, they have not the 
power of the ordination or deposition of a minister, but as agents of 
the church." — CV?. Gov. 229. And such was the practice of the early 
churches, and the records of the Plymouth and neighboring churches 
express the ordinations, dismissions, and depositions of ministers as 
" the act of the church by the advice of the council." It is now un- 
derstood that orderly Congregationalism requires the advice of a coun- 
cil, in the organization of churches, the ordination, dismission, and de- 
position of ministers, and in all cases where serious difficulties arise. 
But in the discipline of their members, the churches have always 
been jealous of their own power and privilege, and much inclined to 
refuse joining with a member in convoking a council. This has 
caused the system of ex parte councils to be ingrafted upon the con- 
gregational stock. Indeed, the progress of society, and the demo- 
cratic character of the churches, are such that such councils have be- 
come absolutely necessary for the protection of ministers, and the 
rights of private members ; so that, if they could not convene ex 
parte councils, on the refusal of the church to join in mutual coun- 
cils, our system would be a dangerous one. The right has come 
to be considered as fundamental ; for experience has proved that 
the churches are liable to prejudice, and may put the members in 
bondage without just cause ; so that it was feared people might refrain 
from joining them, if no redress was provided. There is now a tri- 
bunal before which a minister or member may vindicate himself from 
the effects of these sudden outbreaks, the exercise of this high-church 
prerogative of irresponsible censure, whenever it falls upon him. 

But a moral remedy only — a vindication of character, is all that 
our polity provides. If the church (or a neighbor church), is satisfied 
with the vindication, he may again be a communicant ; otherwise not. 
But still, if the vindication is clear, the remedy may be, in a great 
measure, satisftxctory ; and when excitement subsides, the wound may 
be healed. In order that the end may be well attained, such councils 
should act with great circumspection — should have in their j^osses- 
sion every fact and document, and have time for calm, careful, dis- 
passionate examination, both of facts and principles, resulting in se- 
rious, brotherly, and Christian advice, well argued and sustained by 
the best reasons. "When this is done, it seldom fails of securing the 
remedy which is sought to be attained by our system, whether it be 

36 



422 APPENDIX. 

the vindication of tlie party, or of tlie church. All troubles are not) 
even then, immediately healed or quieted ; but the good moral conse- 
quences of " results " arrived at by the measures here stated, well 
sustained by reason, have ultimately been manifest. So general have 
been these consequences, that our churches are well satisfied with this 
manner of relieving grievances. But insulated cases do occur Avhen 
ex parte councils are not patient and impartial, as they should be, 
and all the desired good does not come of them. But all wrong can- 
not be righted in this world, and our churches much prefer this 
" Way," to the authoritative discipline of the Presbyterians.* 

We have seen, of late, no sounder view of this subject than that 
which is given by Rev. Dr. Vaughan of England, in a book entitled 
"Congregationalism, or the l^olity of the Independent Churches." 
(London, 1842.) " Every such church is strictly independent of all 
uninspired authority, in the conduct of its worship, the admission of 
its members, the exercise of its discipline, the choice of its otiicers, 
and the entire management of its affairs. ' It is not left to any church 
or to any body of churches, to make laws in respect to religion, but to 
study the law of the Christian dispensation, and to carry it into effect. 
Our province is purely executive. This independence of particular 
churches is the centre principle, the great principle of Congregation- 
alism. The administrative power in each church is the voice of the 
majority. 

" This does not of course preclude the moral influence that may be 
exercised by some ministers or churches with regard to others, inas- 
much as that is a sort of power which comes into existence with all 
our social relations, and cannot be excluded from them. The wise 
and good will ever carry with them the moral weight of wisdom and 
goodness. A man does not surrender his independence by deferring 
to the (ounsels of a friend, nor by acting with his fellows in favor of 
a common object, according to plans agreed upon consistent with the 
liberty of their common principles." 

These principles are identical with those long before held and 
preached by an American divine: "One church is neither superior 
nor inferior to another in point of authority; but every church is en- 
tirely independent. There is no other necessary bond of union be- 
tween individual churches, but brotherly love. This all Christian 
churches ought to exercise towards one another. All churches are 
sisters, and stand upon a level." 

* Sec, ou this subject, Dr. Bacon's Manual, 143-148. 



COVENANT, THE FOUNDATION OF A CHURCH. 423 



COVENANT. 

A covenant, or confederation, according to all the Congregational 
fathers, is what constitutes a church, and a person a member of it ; it 
may be in writing, or verbal, implicit or explicit. According to Mr. 
Robinson, " a separation from the world into the fellowship of the 
gospel and covenant of Abraham, is a true church, truly gathered, 
though ever so weak." — Han. \. 214. Governor Bradford writes 
that the church of which he [Robinson] was pastor, was formed of 
persons, " whose hearts were touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, 
who shook off the yoke of antichristian bondage, and joined them- 
selves, by a covenant of the Lord, into a church state, in the fellow- 
ship of the gospel, ' to walk in his ways made known and to be made 
known unto them/ according to their best endeavors." — Chron. 
PiL 21. 

The covenant of the First Church in Salem, which was formed in 
1G29, under the advice of the Plymouth church, was of the same 
import, with the addition of some articles of discipline. The cove- 
nant entered into by the Charlestown church in 1630, is given in 
terms, by Mr. Drake, in his History of Boston, p. 93, and this was 
the foundation of the First Church in Boston. And this is the sub- 
stance of the church covenant as now generally understood and 
received. " It is an agreement and resolution professed, with promise 
to walk in all those ways pertaining to this fellowship, so far as they 
shall be revealed to them in the gospel." (See Articles of faith and 
covenant at the close of this article.) — Cong. Diet. Cov. 

Henry Jacob, pastor of the first Independent Church in England 
(1616), and as has been mentioned, the pupil and coadjutor of Rob- 
inson, says, " a church is a number of faithful people, joined, by 
their willing consent in a spiritual outward society, having the power 
of ecclesiastical government, etc., and he and others formed that 
chux'ch by joining hands and covenanting, in the presence of God, 
to walk together in all his ways and ordinances, according as he has 
already revealed, or should further make known to them ; " an exact 
Robinsonian covenant. See RoUnson's Works, iii. p. 439, and on. 



424 APPENDIX. 



BAPTISM. 



Mr. Robinson held to baptism bj sprinkling, and defends it at mucb 
length and with much power. He holds that Baptism does not make 
one a member of the church, but this is done by covenant only. 
Works, iii. 180, and on. 

He argues at much length against rebaptizing, and says, although 
there should be official persons to administer baptism, " and although 
that baptism which is performed in mockery and in sport be nothing, 
yet if it be done seriously, both by him who administers it and by him 
who receives it, or as a religious action, it is a valid baptism. As an 
oath, which, if taken in jest, bindeth not at all, but if taken in ear- 
nest and for a lawful thing, bindeth him that took it. If a Jew ' put 
away ' for his profaneness, had afterwards chosen the Lord God of 
Israel to be his God, should he therefore be recircumcised ? And if 
a man be cast out of the true church for impenitence and notorious 
sin, was not his baptism true baptism ? The outward baptism, ad- 
ministered in an apostate church, is false baptism in the administra- 
tion of it, and yet is in itself, and in its own nature, a spiritual ordi- 
nance, though abused, and the spiritual uses thereof cannot be had 
without repentance, by which repentance and the after baptism of the 
Spirit, it is sanctified. There may be the outward thing, for substance 
done, where there is no lawful administration. If the washing of 
water, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, of a fit per- 
son by a lawful minister, in a lawful communion and manner, be true 
baptism, truly and lawfully administered ; then is washing with water, 
in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, by an un- 
lawful minister, of an unfit subject, and in an unsanctified communion 
and manner, — true bajJtism unlawfully and falsely administered. 
The thing done is the same in both." The subject is discussed in 
almost every possible view of the matter, and all the arguments per 
contra, taken up and answered. See Rob. Works, iii. 180-190 and 
passim. 



FREE OR OCCASIONAL COMMUNION". 

Robinson says, " Touching the Reformed Churches, we account 
them true churches of Jesus Christ, and both profess and i^ractice 



OCCASIONAL COMMUNION AND PROPHECY. 425 

communion with them ; tlie sacraments we do administer to their 
members — if, by occasion, any of them be present with us. Our 
faith is not negative, nor consists in condemning others, and wiping 
out their names from the beadroll of churches ; neither require we 
of any of ours contest with the Church of England, whatever the 
world clamors of us this way." — Apology, passim. Jacob, his coad- 
jutor in England, hekl the same views, as also did the Independents in 
the Westminster Assembly. — Han. i. 230; ii. 223, 224. 

Mr. Taylor ( Vind. Dissenters, 75) says, " A Christian is olliged to 
hold occasional communion, unless he live like a heathen a year, in 
the place where he sojourns." 

There is, perhaps, too much jealousy in our churches on this sub- 
ject; a kind o^ false fear, that improper communicants will be present 
at the sacraments. It should be remembered, as Robinson did, that 
a good man may be a member of a corrupt church ; (which is yet a 
church, an esse, though not a bene esse, as Lord Say says, supra,) 
that an occasional communicant is present on his oivn responsibility, 
and that we should " hope all things " in his favor. 



THE EXERCISE OF PROPHECY. 

In the early part of the Reformation, it was usual for any persons 
present, so disposed, " to prophesy," that is to say, to give a word of 
exhortation to the assembly. As the converts became organized into 
churches, and the order of the meetings began to be established, 
" prophesying, or speaking to the edification of the whole church," 
was subjected to the rule of the elder or overseer of the meeting. 
Mr. Robinson, having been charged with encouraging every member 
of the church " to prophesy," says " this service comes within the 
compass but of a few of the multitude ; happily but two or three in 
each of our churches. "We think the very same that the Synod 
decreed at Embdem in 1571. 1. In all our churches, let the order of 
prophecy be observed according to Paul's institution. 2. Into the 
fellowship of this work are to be admitted, not only ministers, but 
the teachers too, as well also as the elders and deacons, yea, even of 
the multitude, which are willing to confer their gift, received of God, 
to the common utility of the church ; but so as they be allowed by 
the judgment of the ministers and others." — Hob. Worhs, iii. 55. 

"The officers, after their ordinary teaching, signify and exhort 

36* 



426 APPENDIX. 

unto the use of the like liberty, and so as occasion is, open and ex- 
plain things obscure and doubtful, reprove things unsound and inlper- 
tinent, and so moderate, order, and determine the whole exercise by 
the word of God." 

This exercise was allowed by John Knox in the Presbyterian 
Church in Scotland, as being for the comfort and edification of the 
church. — Knox's Hist. Ref. p. 525. 

It was also practised by Calvin at Geneva. — Han. i. 544. 

The manner of this exercise is well illustrated by an extract from 
the journal of Gov. Winthrop. In 1631, being at Plymouth (with 
others from Boston, and attending the meeting there,) he says, " In 
the afternoon, Mr. Roger Williams (the teacher) propounded a ques- 
tion, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spoke briefly, then Mi-. Williams 
prophesied, and after, the Governor of Plymouth; after him, the 
elder (Mr. Brewster) ; then two or three of the congregation. Then 
the elder desired the Governor of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson (a 
minister who was with him), which they did." 

In 1642, Mr. Cotton published a tract called " True Constitution of 
a particular visible Church," in which he says, " Before prophesying, 
it will be seasonable to sing a psalm, and some of the teachers of the 
church to read the word, and therewith to preach it, by giving the 
sense and applying the same. When there be more prophets, as pas- 
tors and teachers, they may prophesy, two and three ; and, if the time 
permit, the elders may call upon any of the brethren, whether of the 
same church or any other, to speak a word of exhortation to the peo- 
ple ; and it may be lawful for the better edifying of a man's self, for 
any, young or old, save only women, to ask questions at the mouth of 
of the prophets." See in Han. ii. 156. He justifies this in his an- 
swer to Bailey, p. 27. 

In 1644, Gov. Winthrop recoi'ds, "Went on foot to Agawam, and 
because they wanted a minister, spent the Sabbath with them and 
exercised by way of prophecy." He also records, 1631, "Divers of 
the congregation met at the governor's, when Mr. Wilson (the pastor) 
praying and exhorting the congregation to love, etc., commended to 
them the exercise of prophecy," p. 50. 

Mather, having represented the Plymouth church as " Brownisti- 
cal," this exercise was thought by Hubbard to be of that character, 
but it characterized aU the Congregational churches, after it had ceased 
at Plymouth, when in 1643 they obtained a pastor after their own 
hearts. 

Mr. Young says, " This religious exercise in which laymen publicly 



BROWKISM. 427 

tauglit and exhorted, was early practised in both the colonies of Ply- 
mouth and Massachusetts." — Chr. Pll. 419. 

Drs. Goodwin and Nye, leading Independents in England, in their 
preface to Mr. Cotton's "Keys," say (1644), "We agree with Mr. 
Cotton, and conceive prophesying (speaking to the edification of the 
whole church), may sometimes be performed by brethren gifted, 
though not in office, by request of the elders in the church, occasion- 
ally, not assuming it themselves, but allowed by those in office." 

Dr. Owen, speaking of this exercise at a later period, says, "Pri- 
vate Christians have a right to make known whatever is revealed to 
them by the word of God." 

The converts, in the times referred to, wished to pass the most of 
the Sabbath in public worship. They had few religious books, the 
greater part of them, none, and the Bible itself was obtained with 
difficulty. Great difficulty also was experienced in the Plymouth 
church in obtaining a pastor ; and the pastors themselves were willing 
to have assistance in holding continuous meetings for three or four 
hours. 



B R W N I S M . 

The erratic course of Robert Brow^n, whose iniquities have been 
visited upon the Congregationalists, is given in the " Congrega- 
tional Memorials " of Mr. Hanbury, and summarily in the third 
volume of Mr. Robinson's works. He must have been a resolute 
and intrepid man, as well as a man of considerable talent and 
some right views. In the early part of the reign of Elizabeth 
(1570), he burst upon the north of England, like a meteor. He 
collected some small congregations, and for his denunciations of the 
bishops, and the idolatrous worship of the Church of England, was 
imprisoned, perhaps, several times, (for, after his apostasy, he 
boasted that he had been in thirty-two prisons.) He passed over to 
Holland, collected a church there of some sort, — returned after a 
few years and preached again in the north of England and in Scot- 
land, found hearers and adherents in considerable numbers, and gath- 
ered some few (what he called) churches. He was frequently im- 
prisoned and as often liberated by the influence of his kinsman, Lord 
Burleigh, who, it was thought, favored his course. But, either broken 
down by his numerous incarcex-ations, or induced by " filthy lucre," 



428 APPENDIX. 

he returned to his " mother church," and received a valuable benefice. 
His morals had been somewhat objectionable, and after his " return, 
like a dog to his vomit," they became more so. This return was in 
1591, and he continued to enjoy the price of his apostasy till 1630, when 
he died, some say in prison, some say for beating his wife — some, 
for striking a constable. He published some books, which are more 
readable for his denunciation of all churches, except those of his own 
gathering, than for any certain account of his principles ; though these 
gave some glimmering of Congregational principles. His followers 
either voluntarily retired, or were dispersed by the pursuivants. 

When, some twelve years after the scandalous apostasy of Brown, 
Robinson and his church worshipped in the north of England, his 
name became a convenient sobriquet of the contempt with which the 
churchmen regarded them. " What do these feeble Brownists ? That 
which they build, even if a fox go up, he shall break down their stone 
wall." They, however, became fit subjects for persecution, and the 
cognomen followed them in their exile and in their pilgrimage, and their 
posterity also almost to the present time ; and not them only, but all the 
churches which have framed their polity on the Robinson j)latform. 
The churches of Salem and Boston, and Independents in England, 
have not escaped. A few historians have done them justice, but 
many others have followed the beaten track of the churchmen ; and 
many probably thought they were " doing God service," by perpetu- 
ating the scandal. But the pilgrims patiently bore 

" The oppressor's wrong, the proud man's contumely, 
The insolence of office, and the spurns 
That patient merit of the unworthy takes ; " 

and might well adopt the words of Milton ; " Whom you could not 
move by sophistical argument, them you think to confute by scanda- 
lous misnaming, thereby inciting the blinder sort of people to misbe- 
lieve and deride sound doctrine and good Christianity under vile and 
hateful terms. We must not think it strange if our Master was called 
a Samaritan, that his disciples of the reformation were called Lol- 
lards, and those of our times Brownists. But my hope is, that the 
people of England will not suffer themselves to be juggled out of their 
faith and religion by the fraudulent aspersion of a disgraceful name, 
but will search wisely by the Scriptures into the things themselves." 
Gov. Wiuslow says, " Mr. Robinson commanded us that we should 
shake off the name of Brownists, being a nickname and bi'and to 



BROWNISM. 429 

make the professors of religion odious to the world." — Chr. Pil. 397. 
And Robinson complains, in his Apology, that his people " were no 
less commonly, than contumeliously, called Brownists." 

Judge Marshall, in the first edition of his Life of Washington, said, 
" An obscure sect which had acquired the name of Brownists, from 
the name of its founder, which had rendered itself peculiarly obnox- 
ious by the democracy of its tenets respecting church government, 
had been driven by persecution to take refuge at Leyden, in Holland, 
where they formed a distinct society, under the care of their pastor, 
John Robinson." — Life of Wash. i. p. 89. 

This was written on the authority of Dr. Robertson, a historian of 
some note, but a Scotch Presbyterian (or Episcopalian), who always 
sought for an opprobrious name for the exiles. An able reviewer of 
Judge Marshall's work, charges this as wrong, and not authentic his- 
tory, and refers to the early historians to disprove it. The Judge, in 
his next edition, set the matter right. 

There were Brownists in Amsterdam, and Gov. "Winslow says, 
" They would hardly hold communion with people at Leyden." — 
Prince, 173, 174. 

That the churches of Massachusetts experienced and felt the same 
calumny, and repelled it. — See Gov. Dudley's letter in Chron. llass. 
p. 331, and Holmes's Annals. 

Mr. Cotton also repels it. " If any be justly called Brownists, it 
is only such as revolt from separation to formality, and from thence 
to profaneness. Neither in whole nor in part do we partake of his 
schism. He separated from the churches and the saints ; we, from 
the world, and that which is of the world." — A?is. to Bai. p. 14, 5, 48. 

Mr. Cotton's distinguished friend, Lord Say and Seal, sets this mat- 
ter right in his speech in the House of Lords. — {Han. ii. 136.) 
" Their (the Brownists) failing in this, they hold there is no true 
church in England, no true ministry, no true worship ; they say ' all 
is antichristian.' Here is their error : they distinguish not between 
the bene esse, or the purity of a church, and the esse or true being of 
it, though it has many defects and gross corruptions; but tve believe 
there are many true churches in England, and a true ministry, and 
with which we could join in communion, were those corruptions re- 
moved, and yokes of bondage shaken off." This distinction is that 
which Mr. Robinson insisted upon. — See his Apology. 

Bailey says of the Brownists, " They shoot their bolts at all other 
churches in the world that refuse their way." Robinson says, " "We 



430 APPENDIX. 

account the reformed cliurches true churches, and both profess and 
practise communion with them in the holy things of God, what in us 
lieth." — Wo7^l:s, iii. 11. Mr. Cotton attests his free communion, and 
the manner in which he held it with the Church of England. — C%r. 
Pil. 401 ; see also his " Way, etc." 8. Bailey says, " Robinson was 
the principal overthrower of the Brownists " (supra), and also, "no 
Independent will take it well to be called a Brownist." 

Mosheim, Eccl. Hist. v. 389, " The Independents were much more 
commendable than the Brownists ; they surpassed them both in the 
moderation of their sentiments and the order of their discipline. They 
did not, like him, pour forth bitter and uncharitable invectives against 
the churches that were governed by rules different from theirs, nor 
pronounce them, on that account, unworthy the Christian name. 
Though they considered their own ecclesiastical government of divine 
appointment, yet they acknowledged that religion and solid piety 
might flourish under the jurisdiction of bishops, synods, and presbyters. 
They were also more attentive to keeping up a regular ministry in 
their communities." 

Colher bears the same testimony, (Ecc. Hist. ii. 681). " Goodwin, 
Nye, Bridges, and Symson, not liking the strict discipline of the 
Presbyterians, nor the latitude and license of the Brownists, projected 
a temper, and settled upon Robinson's Platform." This was 1638. 

Pierce, (vindicator of the dissenters,) says, " Mr. Cotton was not a 
Brownist, as indeed none of the Independents were." 

Gov. Bradford says, " They can no more fitly be called Brownists 
than the disciples might be called Judases, for they did as much abhor 
Brown's apostasy and profane course, as the disciples and others did 
Judas's." — Cltr. Pil. 428. Again, he says, "It is injurious to call 
those after his name, whose person they never had seen. The truths 
they have received by the light of God's sacred word, though Brown 
may have professed some of the same things." — Ibid. 444. 

In Han. ii. 228, the English Independents, in their apologetical nar- 
ration, say, " Our enemies fixed on us the odious name of Brownists, 
with all their opinions, although on our first statement, 'that the truth 
lay in the middle way,' between Brownism and Presbyterianism, they 
acknowledged that we differed from them." 

This opprobrious name is, even now, occasionally thrown out by 
those who wish to create a joint influence or power of the churches 
against those who strictly adhere to Robinson's Platform, and prefer 
the term " Independency," to express the order of our churches, to 



THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHURCH. 431 

Congregationalism — probably too, by tliose who, if requested, would 
be unable to give us a distinctive account of the meaning of the word. 
— Holmes's Annals. 



LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHURCH AT PLYMOUTH. 

The '■ mother church " of our order, its principles, usages, and dis- 
cipline, is so interesting to Congregationalists, that we shall set down 
from the records and authentic history, some account of it after its 
pilgrimage. Notwithstanding their dech\ration (and conduct in ac- 
cordance with it), that it was "for the glory of God and the propaga- 
tion of the Gospel that they transplanted themselves in these almost 
unknown parts," several historians follow them with denunciations, 
some, as Brownists, some as " weak minds full of superstition," some 
as " dupes of puritanic cast, and of a bad stock," etc. Still these 
foi-eign writers grant that " they were the best progenitors of the pres- 
ent race of Americans." But all these are now obsolete calumnies. 
Dr. Elliot says, " when they came to America, they possessed senti- 
ments of moderation, which would have done honor to any denomina- 
tion of Christians."— if/s^. Coll. vii. 265. "While in Holland, they 
supported an excellent character, and Mr. Robinson, their pastor, was 
a man of great worth. Had he come over to Plymouth with them, it 
would have been of great advantage to the settlement ; he was capable 
of giving them advice and direction in all their affairs. Mr. Brewster 
declined the office of pastor, but the church ' knew their own prin- 
ciples,' and had other officers who assisted in every part of worship." 
He was a teaching as well as a ruling elder, " a man of considerable 
parts and learning, educated at the University of Cambridge, as well 
as of great piety." — Ihid. 

Mr. John Cotton, son of the distinguished minister of that name in 
Boston, was, for about thirty years, pastor of the church, and left on 
record some things of interest concerning their order and practice, 
which were incorporated into a kind of history, by a grandson of the 
same name, in 1760; from which some things maybe exti-acted of 
general interest to the churches. It seems that Mr. Robinson advised 
Mr. Brewster not to administer the sacraments, as true order required 
that to be done by the pastor, ( Chr. Pll. 477,) and he expected soon 
to be with them ; and when some in England reproached them on that 
account, they replied, " the more is our grief that our pastor is kept 



432 APPENDIX. 

from us, by whom we might enjoy them, for we used to have the 
Lord's Supper every Sabbath." — Hist. Coll. iv. 108. 

No pastor was obtained until 1G29, when their brethren from Hol- 
land an'ived and engaged Mr. Ralph Smith, " but finding him to be a 
man of ' low gifts and parts,' they improved others, and especially 
Mr. Roger Williams, for about three years ; when ' he was called to 
office in Salem, they, at his desire, gave him a dismission to that 
church." — Elliot. Soon after 'Avhich, Mr. Smith also was dismissed; 
so that Mr. Brewster was their teacher until the latter part of his life, 
when a INIr. Rayner was settled, who proved a very acceptable minis- 
ter. They were desirous to settle Mr. Chauncey, afterwards President 
of Cambridge College, and he labored with them about three years, 
and went thence to Scituate. 

About the time of Mr. Brewster's death, a part of the church re- 
moved to Eastham, on the Cape, " by reason of the straitness and bar- 
renness of the place." And thus, says Mr. Cotton on the records, 
was this poor church, like an ancient mother grown old and forsaken 
by her children, (though not of their affections yet,) her ancient 
members being mostly worn away by death, and she that had made 
many rich became poor." 

April 16, 1644. Mr. Brewster died, and an account of his life is 
given in the Memorial. It seems he was a well educated man, and 
served in a civil office for some years, was converted in early life, 
and was a member of Mr. Robinson's church as early as 1602, and 
became an exile with him in Holland. He was a man of good es- 
tate, and the worship was held in his house while in England. " He 
was wise, discreet, of ready utterance, very sociable and pleasant 
among his friends, of a humble, modest spirit ; yet bold and coura- 
geous in reproving faults, but in such a manner as was usually well 
received. In his public administrations, he was very moving and 
pathetical, also plain and distinct in what he taught, addressing the 
understanding as well as the affections. He was full and comprehen- 
sive in his prayers, which were well adapted to the exigencies of his 
flock, yet far from lengthy or prolix. As to his official government, 
he was always careful to preserve good order, and to suppress errors 
and contentions, and God gave him good success herein. He left an 
excellent library ; " a catalogue is on record. He died in peace at the 
age of more than fourscore years. 

Mr. Rayner left in 1654, and settled in Dover. The record says, 
"He was wise, faithful, grave, a lover of good men, armed with much 
faith, patience, and meekness, mixed with courage for the cause of 



THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHUECH. 433 

God ; a faithful, laborious preacher, a wise orderer of the affairs of 
the church, and training children in a catechetical way in the grounds 
of religion," 

After Mr. Rayner's departure, the church remained sundry years 
without a pastor, notwithstanding their constant endeavors to procure 
one. Neighboring ministers often came to their assistance, but " they 
worship statedly by their elder, Mr. Cushman, assisted by some of 
the brethren." 

Mr. Cotton was settled in the Plymouth church in 1669, having 
preached some years, and been called two years before. In 1680, 
the Memorial speaks of Mr. Cotton and his success in high terms, and 
says, " there are fourscore churches in gospel order now in New Eng- 
land." At Mr. Cotton's ordination the churches were represented 
from Barnstable, Marshfield, "Weymouth, and Duxborough. There 
were but forty-seven members ; but the domicil visits of the pastor 
and deacon seemed to produce a considerable revival ; and the cate- 
chizing of the children was attended to once a fortnight by the pastor 
and elder. Monthhj conference meetings were also held, which were 
continued for a century. One hundred and seventy-eight persons 
were admitted to the communion during his thirty years' ministry. 

" The practice was for the men to make orally a confession of faith 
and a declaration of their experience of a work of grace before the 
congregation, having been examined before by the elders ; and they 
stood propounded two or three weeks. The relations of the women, 
written in private from their mouths, were read in public by the 
pastor." 

" But if any members came from other places, and had letters of 
dismission, they were accepted upon that testimonial, and nothing 
further was required of them." 

"In 1688, it was agreed that if the elders judged any man not capa- 
ble of speaking to edification before the congregation, they should call 
the church together in private, to hear such relations: but voting 
their admissions, and covenant Avith them, should be deferred to the 
public assembly." 

In 1676, and also in 1692, the church renewed their covenant with 
God and one another, wherein they made agreement for personal 
and family reformation, and the children of the church bore part in 
the transaction ; and religious interest, it is said, was thereby in- 
creased. 

"In 1678-9, Mr. Cotton desired all the church seed who were 
heads of families to come to his house, and he gave them questions 

37 



434 APPENDIX. 

for each one to answer to out of the Scriptures." This exercise was 
attended to once in two months for many years, and a blessing seemed 
to follow. They gave their answers in writing, and the pastor 
preached on them, most of the church being present. 

It seems that until 1G92, they had used Ainsworth's translation of 
the Psalms in singing, but they then changed it for the New England 
Psalm Book, which was in use in Massachusetts colony. The elder 
read the Psalm, " line by line," for singing. 

In 1G94, the pastor attended the catechizing of children on Sahhath 
noons, and continued it during his ministry ; only on sacrament days, 
and short winter days, the service was omitted. The minister also 
preached on the occasion, and many of the congregation attended, and 
" God strengthened and encouraged the work." 

A difference of opinion having arisen between the pastor and a 
number of the church, concerning the eldership, he asked a dismis- 
sion in 1697, which was granted. It seems Mr. Samuel Fuller and 
Mr. Isaac Cushman had preached and finally were settled, one in 
Middleborough, and the other in Plympton, and as the church had 
not chosen them ruling elders, the proceedings were supposed to be 
ii'regular. 

April, 1699. The church chose deacon Thomas Faunce ruling 
elder; he died in 1745, aged 99 years, and was the last ruling elder 
the church ever elected. " He Was a man of considerable knowledge, 
eminent piety, and great usefulness." The same year. Rev. Ephraim 
Little was ordained pastor. 

"In 1708, the pastor proposed to the church the setting up of j^ri- 
vate family meetings in the respective neighborhoods, which was 
approved and agreed upon." 

In 1716, deacons being chosen, the church desired Mr. Little to 
have them ordained, which he declined doing. After a time, he con- 
sented to give them a solemn charge, and the elder concluded the 
service with prayer. 

In 1718, a child, being at the point of death, the pastor was re- 
quested to call at the house and baptize it. This made some stir, as 
the first instance of the kind. He said, " I could never find in Scrip- 
ture that baptism was limited to the Sabbath or public assembly." 

In 1728, the churcli seemed to have adopted the recommendation 
of the Synod of 1662, and allowed the children of such as "owned 
the covenant " (though not members) to be baptized. 

In 1783, the church requested the deacons to catechize the children 
between meetings, which they did, and also the next year. 



THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHURCH. 435 

In 1741-2, thirty-nine males and fifty-eight females were admitted 
to full communion. About this time Rev. Chandler Eobbins, D.D., 
became the pastor of the church, the number of membei's being 154. 
His ministry continued to about the year 1800, when Rev. James 
Kendall became pastor, and still continues to administer with a col- 
league. During Dr. Robbing's ministry two hundred and fifteen mem- 
bers were added to the church; during Dr. Kendall's, 180. It is 
said there are now in Plymouth ten Christian churches, one half of 
which are Congregational. 

During this time the church had colonized, and churches were 
gathered in many neighboring towns. There is a case on the records 
similar to many others found in the Old Colony. Rev. Mr. Little Avas 
dismissed on the same day of the ordination of his successor (Mr. 
Robbins), and instead of the Council's giving him his dismission or 
recommendation, they advise the church thereto, and the church gave 
him a letter which is on the records, in extenso, concluding, " we do 
freely and heartily recommend him to the work of the ministry, if God 
should restore his health." — p. 133. 

The History next proceeds to give an account of the religious prin- 
ciples and doctrines of the church, and they are the same as those 
before extracted from Mr. Prince. As to government and discipline, 
" they disclaim the name of Brownists which was thrown on them 
by the adversary ; were first called Independents, afterwai'ds Con- 
gregationalists, holding the equality of pastors and churches, and the 
distinct right each church has of ordering its own affairs, without 
control from any superior authority, yet ready to hold communion 
with all churches professing the true faith and worship of Christ, and 
to afford as well as receive assistance by council and advice, as there 
is occasion." 

In regard to the ministry, " they held the necessity of gifts and 
study, and the great advantage and usefulness of human learning to 
qualify for the office, and improved men of academic education ; but 
their pastor being kept back by the plots of evil men, the ruling elder 
used to call some of tlie leading brethren to pray and give a word of 
exhortation, the chief of whom were Gov. Winslow, Gov. Bradford, 
Mr. Thomas Southworth, and Nathaniel Morton, men of superior 
knowledge and parts." 

They saw cause to alter their practice in respect to the admission 
of members, in 1705, and voted that "a relation, given in, in writing, 
publicly read, and standing forth publicly to own it, should in future 
be as satisfactory to the church as if delivered viva voce." "As to 



436 APPENDIX. 

talcing the sense of the church, — the elders sometimes called for the 
votes by lifting up the hands ; sometimes by silence ; sometimes call- 
ing on every brother one after another, to speak his mind ; sometimes 
when divers had particularly spoken, asking if the rest were so mind- 
ed, they in a more general way, assenting. Any of these ways were 
attended as tlie elders thought most expedient. The elders never 
called for a negative or contrary vote. Care was taken, before any 
vote was called foi*, to gain the assent of every brother ; and this 
was a great preservative of the peace of the church." 

The history closes by an account of their religious practice and de- 
portment. " They were held in renown, far and near, for strict piety 
towards God, strong and lively faith, fervent love, zeal for the divine 
honor, their watchfulness and prayerfulness, conscientious rfegard for 
his Sabbaths and institutions, delight in his word and ways, days of 
humiliation, and readiness to attend meetings." 

" They were eminent for sobriety, temperance, and chastity, and 
self-denial, diligent and faithful in the discharge of relative duties, and 
training their families in the ways of the Lord. Their strict justice 
endeared them to the natives, without fraud in dealing with them." 

" Their love and charity towards their fellow Christians shone forth 
with peculiar lustre. In Holland they lived together in love and 
peace, as attested by the magistrates. In the first twelve years of 
their settlement in Plymouth, numerous objects of charity presented 
themselves which they were ready to relieve even beyond their power. 
Some shipwrecked, some destitute of provisions, some sick, and others 
landing to ship for other colonies — all met with kind entertainment, 
mostly free of cost, and sometimes for months together. And their 
expending some hundreds to procure passage and provisions for their 
poor brethren in Holland and supplying them with provisions above 
thirteen months, till they could have a harvest of their own." Mr. 
Cotton says, " upon any motion for a contribution (for people in dis- 
tress) there was a great readiness in the people to hearken thereto, 
and give freely and abundantly ; the Lord reward it." 

It is known that the termination of the pilgrimage of this church 
has been annually, and especially centennially, celebrated at " the 
Rock," for a long time, and the occasion has called forth the talents of 
our best statesmen and divines. Perhaps none of them have taken a 
more interesting view of the subject than Mr. Webster; and this ac- 
count will close with a short extract from his address : — 

" "We feel that we are on the spot where the scene of our history 
was laid; where the hearts and altars of IS^ew England were first 



THE LEYDEN-PLYMOUTH CHURCH. 437 

placed : where Christianity, civilization, and letters made their first 
lodgement, in a vast extent of country, covered with a wilderness and 
peopled by savages. We see the mild dignity of Carver and Brad- 
ford ; the soldierlike air and manner of Standish, the devout 
Brewster, and the enterprising Allerton ; their trust in Heav- 
en ; their high religious faith, full of confidence and anticipation — 
and childhood too, houseless but for a mother's arms. 

" There is a spirit of daring in religious reformers, not to be meas- 
ured by the general rules which control men's purposes and actions. 
The learned, accomplished, unassuming, inoffensive Robinson, not 
tolerated in his own country, nor suffered quietly to depart, himself 
and Brewster flying with their little band, — not the flight of ffuilf, but 
of virtue, — surmounting all difficulties and braving a thousand dan- 
gers, to find here a place of refuge and of rest. The first morning 
beamed on the first night of their repose and saw the Pilgrims estab- 
lished in their country: — here was civil liberty and religious wor- 
ship. Poetry has fancied nothing in the wanderings of heroes so 
distinct and characteristic. Our fathei's came here to enjoy religion, 
free and unmolested ; and at the end of two centuries, there is noth- 
ing of which we can express more deep and earnest conviction, than 
the inestimable importance of that religion to man. Thanks be to 
God, that this spot was honored as the asylum of religious liberty ! 
May its standard, reared here, remain forever! May it rise upas 
high as heaven, till its banner shall fan the air of both continents, and 
wave as a glorious ensign of peace and security to the nations." 

" Let us not forget the religious character of our origin. Our 
fathers were brought here for their high veneration for the Chi'istian 
religion. They journeyed in its light and labored in its 
HOPE. Let us cherish these sentiments and extend their influence 
still more widely ; in the full conviction that that is the happiest 
society which partakes in the highest degree of the mild and peacea- 
ble spirit of Christianity." 

At a late meeting of the numerous descendants of Elder Brewster, 
it was declared, that " he was the ruling spirit of the colony, and that, 
under God, we are more indebted to him than to any other man for 
the grand results of that emigration." But was not Gov. Bradford 
rather the heart and conservative sustainer of this colony ? The 
Memorial would seem to indicate this. He was, at the time of his 
arrival, thirty-two years of age only, and on the death of Gov. Car- 
ver, was immediately chosen governor ; and he served in that office 
thirty years, with the exception of two years, when he prevailed upon 

37* 



438 APPENDIX. 

the colonists to choose Mr. Winslow, and one year, Mr. Prince. His 
" good report " is in all our churches, and all our histories. Grave, 
temperate, learned, (he knew all the modern languages, the Greek, 
and more especially the Hebrew ; " he said he would see with his own 
eyes the native beauty of the oracles of God, ") discreet, " a strict dis- 
ciplinarian, though far from an intolerant spirit ; " just and generous 
to the Indians, and hospitable to them as well as the English. He is 
a most reliable historian, and the labors and trials of the pilgrims, and 
their heroic character, would scarcely have been known, but for his 
history. His skill and success in securing the friendship of the na- 
tives, in the punishment and prevention of crimes, in promoting the 
harmony and industry of the people, and sharing in all their toils and 
privations, are set down in the Memorial, and need not be repeated. 
Add to these, that he was eminent in the church, and took the lead, 
under the Elder, in speaking to their edification. 

" It is worthy of admiration and gratitude that this colony and that 
of Massachusetts should have been blest with two such governors as 
Bradford and Winthrop, men not easy to be paralleled." Hubbard 
says, " Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster were the two main props and 
pillars of the colon j. " — Hub. Hist. JSf. E. 664. 

But the success of this colony is not to be attributed to the labors 
and ability of one man. It would seem that the plantation must have 
failed but for.the special abilities, virtues, and efforts of many, each 
in his department. How could their difficulties with the merchant 
adventurers have been adjusted without the diplomacy, skill, tact, and 
talent of Gov. Winslow ? He was a splendid, well-bred gentleman, 
personally made a journey forty miles to help and nurse the sick 
Massasoit, and his journals and writings show him to have been an 
accomplished author. And how could the pilgrims have secured the 
means of subsistence and paid the heavy debt to the merchants, who 
advanced the means for the emigration, but for the enterprise and ac- 
tivity of Allerton, in concert with Gov. Bradford, in setting up trad- 
ing posts in Massachusetts, Maine, and Connecticut, " to obtain bea- 
ver," for these purposes, of the natives ? Both he and Winslow had 
to make frequent voyages to England to discharge the heavy indebt- 
edness. And what would, at last, have become of the colony, but for 
the military skill, hardihood, firm and sound mind of Miles Standish ? 
Indeed, almost every man among them must have been a hero of in- 
flexible virtue, patient labor, as well as high enterprise, or the planta- 
tion must have perished. 



CONGREGATIONALISM IN MASSACHUSETTS. 439 



CONGREGATIONALISM IN M AS S ACUUSETTS . 

What our ecclesiastical polity would have been, but for the high 
reputation of Robinson, and the persevering piety and order of the 
Leyden-Plymouth church, is very problematical. But it is certain 
that the immigrants arrived before they had fixed on any polity what- 
evei-, distinct from that of the Church of England. 

The distinguished editor of the Chronicles of the Pilgrims, and the 
Chronicles of Massachusetts, says, " It is somewhat remarkable that 
they both adopted the same form of church polity." Why remark- 
able ? The Pilgrims had now stood upon the Congregational Plat- 
form thirty years, and certainly knew what it was, having tried all 
parts of it, and that successfully. The Puritans had objected almost 
as strenuously as the Pilgrims against the corruptions and practices of 
the Church of England. But they wished and hoped to reform and 
improve it, and therefore continued in its communion, — in the pale of 
that church. But after a long time attempting to do so, and yet con- 
scientiously refusing to conform in many things, and being put in 
great straits and difficulties, they resolved to emigrate to New Eno-- 
land. But it does not appear that they contemplated a separation 
from the established church. Indeed, the contrary of that is manifest. 
After their embarkation, they addressed a letter " to their brethren in 
and of the Church of England," in which they say, " we desire you 
would take notice of the principals and body of our company, who 
esteem it our honor to call the Church of England, from whence we 
arise, our mother, ever acknowledging such hope and part as we have 
obtained in the common salvation, we have received in her bosom, 
and sincerely desire and endeavor the continuance of her welfare," etc. 
— Hutch, i. 331. 

They knew that the polity of the Leyden-Plymouth church had 
been examined and embraced under the auspices of Mr. Robinson, 
and that he had vindicated, cleared, and defended it, on scriptural 
grounds, and by victorious argument, and that it had been successfully 
tried a whole generation ; and the argument and the example com- 
mended the polity to them with such weight and force that they 
found no better model for order and worship, and they therefore 
adopted it. Hubbard, who could not forget the idea of " Separatists," 
which had attached to the Plymouth church, yet says, " an elder in 
Boston had a conference with the chief of the Plymouth church, to 



440 APPENDIX. 

•whose opinion the church of Boston did much adhere in their church 
matters, as those of Salem had done before." And Hutchinson says, 
" they went the full length which the ' Separatists ' did." But we 
shall transcribe the full account of this from Gov. Hutchinson, who 
knew all about the establishment of the churches in Massachusetts, 
and whose talents and candor enabled him to state it with exactness. 
— ITi'st. Mass. 1368. 

"The Planters of Massachusetts, whilst they remained in England, 
continued communion with the church, such of them excepted as were 
excluded from it for non-conformity to some of the ceremonial parts 
of worship, and they were all more or less dissatisfied. The canons 
and laws of the church, and the rigid execution of them, they account- 
ed a grievous burden. The form of government in the church was 
not a subject of complaint. They were very careful to distinguish 
themselves from Brownists, and other ' Separatists.' Had they re- 
mained in England, and the church been governed with the wisdom 
and moderation of the present day, they would have remained, to use 
their own expression, ' in the bosom of the church whence they re- 
ceived their hopes of salvation.' However, they did not suppose the 
form of Episcopal government to be enjoined by divine authority, so 
as to make it unlawful to submit to or establish any other form ; but 
they were far from being determined what it should be. The ' Sepa- 
ratists ' used to boast (Robinson so wrote, but not boastingly), that 
* if the old Puritans were secure of the magistrate's sword, and might 
go on with his good license, they would shake off the prelates ; and 
draw no longer in the spiritual union with all the profane in the land ; 
and though they then preached and wrote against the ' Separatists,' yet, 
if they were in a place where they might have their liberty, they 
would do as they did." The inconveniences we suffer under one ex- 
treme, it must be allowed, carry us insensibly into the other. The 
New England Puritans, when at full liberty, went the full length of 
the Separatists in England. It does not follow that they would have 
done so, if they had remained in Enghmd. In the foi-ra of worship 
they universally followed the Plymouth church. This is called the 
middle way between Brownism, and Presbyterianism. As they lived 
in three distinct places, and had men of ability in each, they became 
three distinct bodies, but seemed to have no settled plan till Mr. Cot- 
ton came over in 1G33." 

The residue of the Leyden church had just then joined their breth- 
ren at Plymouth, when the first Congregational church originally 
gathered in Massachusetts was about to be established in Salem, Au- 



CONGREGATIONALISM IN MASSACHUSETTS. 441 

gust 6, 1629. Although the aftei- generation was unwilHng to admit 
that they took their model from the Plymouth church, yet, says Hub- 
bard, " there is no small evidence that they did." It seems Gov. 
Bradford had written to Gov. Endicott, and May 1, 1629, Gov. Endi- 
cott wrote him and thanked him " in sending Dr. Fuller among tliem," 
and, saith he, " I rejoice much that I am by him satisfied touching 
your form of outward worship ; it is no other, as far as I can gather, 
than is warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same which I 
have professed and maintained." — Hist. Coll. iii. 66. 

In the History of Salem, Hist. Coll. vi. 242, Mr. Bentley says, 
"Mr. Higginson arrived at Salem, June 26, 1629. He found Mr. 
Endicott at Salem, who had expressed his intentions to the church 
already formed in Plymouth. Two articles were fixed by consent: 
that the church at Salem should not acknowledge any ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction in the church at Plymouth, if any assistance was given at 
Salem, and that the authority of ordination should not exist in the 
clergy, but should depend entirely upon the free election of the 
church. Mr. Higginson consented, and in the presence of the 
Plymouth delegates, who arrived during the solemnities, the elder, 
qualified as they had directed, as the representative of the people, 
laid on his hands. The righthand of fellowship was given as a 
pledge of the mutual fellowship) of the churches." The covenant, 
which was similar to that of the Plymouth church, (supra,) was, no 
doubt, agreed on when the " articles " were fixed. " The office of 
elder did not survive the first generation." 

Gov. Winslow {Nar. Chr.Pil 386, 387), says, "The many planta- 
tions that came over to us advised with us how they should fall upon 
a right platform of worship, and desired us, to that end, to show them 
whereupon our platform was grounded. We accordingly showed 
them the primitive practice for our warrant ; and other our warrants 
for every particular we did, from the word of God. Which being by 
them well weighed and considered, they also entered into covenant 
with God and one another " to walk in all his ways revealed, or as 
they should be made known to them." — (See Covenants at the close 
of this article.) 

It may be interesting to extract from the contemporary letters in 
relation to the formation of the first churches in Massachusetts. Dr. 
Samuel Fuller, one of the pilgrim worthies, and deacon of the church 
at Plymouth, writes to Gov. Bradford from Salem, June 28, 1630: 
" The gentlemen here, lately come over, are resolved to set down at 
the head of Charles River, and they of Mattapan (Dorchester), pro- 



442 APPENDIX. 

pose to go and plant with tliem. I have heen at Mattapan and Jet 
some of these people's hlood. I had a conference with them till I was 
weary. Mr. Warham holds that the visible church may consist of a 
mixed people, godly and ungodly ; upon which we had all our con- 
ference ; to which, I trust, God will give a blessing. Mr. PhiUips, 
who told me in private, that if they will have him stand minister, by 
the calling he had received by the prelates in England, he will leave 
them. The governor (Winthrop) is a godly, wise, and humble gen- 
tleman, and of a fine good temper. He hath had a conference with 
me both in private and before many others, and he hopes we will not 
be wanting in helping them : so that I think you will be sent for. 
Mr. Coddington * told me that Mr. Cotton's charge at Hampton 
icas that they should take advice of them at Plymouth, and should do 
nothing to offend them." — Hist. Coll. iii. 75. 

In July 26, 1630, Gov. Winslow and Dr. Fuller write to Gov. 
Bradford, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Brewster : " They will do nothing tcith- 
out our advice, to wit : Dr. Fuller, Mr. Allerton, and myself, requir- 
ing our voices as their own, so that the sixth day (Friday), they may 
humble themselves befoi-e God, and seek him in his ordinances, and 
that such godly persons as are amongst them, and made known to each, 
other, publicly and at the end of the exercise, make known their godly 
desire, and pi-actise the same, to wit, solemnly to enter into covenant 
with the Lord to walk in his ways ; and as they earnestly desire to 
advise with us, so do they earnestly entreat the church in Plymouth 
to set apart the same day for the same end ; since they are so dis- 
posed in their estates, as to live in three distinct places, each having 
men of ability among them, they are to observe the day and become 
three bodies." — Ibid. 

August 2, 1630. Dr. Fuller again writes from Charlestown, that 
" some had entered into church state ; " of his purpose to return 
home and Capt. Endicott with him, and of Gov. Winthrop's desire to 
go, but who says, " I cannot be absent two hours." — Ibid. The or- 
ganization of the church there was July 30, 1G30, and the ordination 
of Mv. Wilson and Mr. PhiUips at the same time. Mr. Phillips was 
pastor in Watertown, and Mr. Wilson, on the removal of the 
church to Boston, was pastor there : Mr. Warham in Dorchester. 
— See Wint. i. 50. 

Baillie said in his " Dissuasive," " In a few 3' ears those who settled 



* Afterward Governor. 



I 



CONGREGATIONALISM IN MASSACHUSETTS. 443 

in New England did agree to model themselves after Mr. Eobinson's 
pattern." Mi*. Cotton replied {Way, etc., IG), "There was no agree- 
ment by any solemn or common consultation; but it was true that 
they did, as if they had agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity, 
set up, by the help of Christ, the same model of churches, one like 
to another, the Plymouth church helping the first comers in their 
theory by hearing and discovering their practice at Plymouth." 

Robinson said, in his parting address to the Pilgrims, " There will 
be no difference between the unconforming ministers and you, when 
they come to the practice of the ordinances out of the kingdom." 
Upon which Mr. Young notes, " This prophecy was remarkably ful- 
filled in the case of Massachusetts colonists." Mr. Higginson, in 1629, 
in taking his last look from his native land, exclaimed, "We do not 
go to New England as separatists from the Church of England." Gov- 
ernor "Winthrop and his company on their departure, made similar 
protestations (see svpra). " These professions were no doubt heart- 
felt and sincere, and yet no sooner were these Non-conformists in a 
place Avhere they could act for themselves, than they pursued pre- 
cisely the course taken by the Separatists, adopted their form of eccle- 
siastical discipline, and set up Independent churches." — Chron. PH. 
398. Mr. Young says, in another place, " The distinction between 
the two colonies was by no means trifling or overlooked, in the first 
generation." This had been said by others ; but it has not been told 
in what that distinction consisted. As to the churches, they of Mas- 
sachusetts chose mere ruling elders, and gave them authoritative 
power, but these distinctions vanished very shortly, as has been 
shown. As to catholicity and toleration, the exti'act from Governor 
Hutchinson (see preface), shows that the Plymouth colony was far in 
the advance. But the distinction most felt and observable was that 
which exists between the poor and the rich, the weak and the power- 
ful, between four hundred poor pilgrims, and four thousand wealthy 
planters. They were indebted to the pilgrims, as being pioneers and 
exemplars of the true ecclesiastical polity, and not very willing to 
acknowledge their indebtedness. They induced the Plymouth com- 
missioners, at the colonial Congress, to agree to pass intolerant laws 
against sectai'ians, but they had the wisdom to keep far behind in sever- 
ity, and never to execute them except in a single instance. Several 
movements have also been made tending to impair the true indepen- 
dence of the churches, and a few have ventured to charge Brownism 
upon the Plymouth church. But the great body of the churches of 
both colonies are standing firm upon the Robinson platform, and every 



444 APPENDIX. 

movement for changing it has signally failed. "When Dr. Holmes 
wrote his " Annals," this " fraudulent aspersion of a disgraceful 
name," had not ceased to be cast upon all our churches, (vol. i. p. 
484.) But unless we keep it alive among ourselves, we may well hope 
to hear no more of it. 



CONGREGATIONALISM IN ENGLAND. 

The first Congregational church permanently established in Eng- 
land, was the church in Southwark (London), in 1616, when Henry 
Jacob was chosen pastor. Mr. Jacob had been a puritan, and had 
written against the Independents, having been himself beneficed in 
the Church of England. " But he was gained to the side of truth," 
passed over to Holland, and " while in close conference with Eobin- 
son," he wrote a treatise on " The Divine Beginning and Institution 
of Christ's visible Church," in which he agrees entirely with Robin- 
son {supra). The pilgrims say, "they knew him and Dr. Ames and 
Mr. Parkei', when they sojourned for a time in Leyden." — Chr. Pit 
439, 440. " He was a man of discretion, courage, and humility, and 
engaged in the arduous task of collecting the remnant of the London 
congregation, a work of great difficulty and peril, in a time of perse- 
cution and danger. The church organized in a private dwelling, and 
a declai'ation of their principles was published, with a petition to the 
king for toleration." {Han. i. 224). Their meetings on Lord's day 
were private for fear of persecuting adversaries. After about eight 
years of his ministry, he joined the pilgrims, but died very soon after 
his arrival. Rev. John Lothrop was his successor, who had also re- 
linquished his benefice for conscience' sake, (" a man of an earnest 
and humble spirit,") and in 1632, he and forty-two of his church were 
discovered, seized, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment. He 
emigrated in 1634, with thirty-two of his church and congregation, 
and settled in Scituate, Plymouth county, as pastor of the church 
gathered there, and his name is known in all our churches. A his- 
tory of the Southwark church is printed with Robinson's AVorks, vol. 
iii. p. 439. It is also printed in a pamphlet with the histoiy of the 
church of Scituate and of Mr. Lothrop, and is of much interest. The 
Southwark church has suffered severe persecution, but is now pros- 
perous, and enjoys the sympathies of all the churches. 

Buck (Theo. Die.) says, " The first Independent or Congregational 
church in England was established by Henry Jacob in 1616." It is, 



CONGREGATIONALISM IN ENGLAND. 445 

however, an historical fact that the Eobinson church was organized 
at the house of William Brewster, before 1602. But that whole 
church went into exile in Holland, and afterwards emigrated to Ply- 
mouth, New England, as has before been historically related. 

Neal says (Hist. Pur. i. 244), " Jacob was beneficed at Cheriton, 
but going to Leyden and conversing with Mr. Robinson, he embraced 
his sentiments of discipline and government, and transplanted them 
into England." 

Although persecution did not wholly crush the Southwark church, 
yet there seems to have been little increase of Independents until the 
imprisonment of Archbishop Laud, when certain exiles returned from 
Holland, and were called to the "Westminster Assembly. Dr. Lingard 
says, " They were few, and could only compensate the paucity of their 
numbers by the energy and talent of their leaders. They never ex- 
ceeded a dozen in the assembly ; but they were veteran disputants, 
eager, fearless, and persevering, whose attachment to their favorite 
doctrine had been riveted by persecution and exile, and who had not 
escaped from the intolerance of one church to submit tamely to the 
control of another." — Hist. Eng. x. 274. 

But the first permanent Independent church in England has attract- 
ed much interest, and as a pioneer church will justify the following 
extracts from a letter to the Rev. Mr. Wight, pastor of the church at 
Scituate, where Mr. Lothrop ofiiciated. It is from the present pastor 
and deacons of the Southwark church, Rev. J. Waddington, pastor, 
B. Hanbury, M. Medwin, and J. E. Newson, deacons, dated 1853. 

" It may not be unacceptable to you to receive from us a few facts 
and observations relative to the martyrs and pilgrims to whom, under 
God, we are so deeply indebted. The Puritans who followed in the 
wake of the Mayflower, though improved by the free air of the wil- 
derness, would not have been sutFered to go out, unless they could 
take the oaths submitted to them by the authorities, before they sailed 
from the ports of England. The facts of this important matter have 
not yet received the discriminating attention necessary to the full de- 
velopment of historical truth. 

" Your counti'ymen naturally begin your historical records with the 
sailing of the ' Mayflower.' But the interest of that event would be 
greatly enhanced, by extending the inquiry half a century further 
back. In the space of a single letter we can only give a rude outline 
of the events which identify the church in Southwark with the Pil- 
grims of New England." 

They speak of a prison near Southwark, in which John Penry, 

38 



446 APPENDIX. 

while under sentence of death, (1593,) is writing an affecting letter to 
the distressed churches of the Separatists, a copy of which he enjoins 
them to read to their brethren in the north of England. Within a 
wretched dungeon in the Marshalsea is John Smith, subsequently pas- 
tor, in conjunction with Mr. Clifton, of the church in the north of Eng- 
land, which met at the house of William Brewster. In the third 
prison in Southwark is Francis Johnson, soon to be liberated, how- 
ever, and to become a pioneer of the Pilgrims in Holland. John 
Robinson is entering Cambridge at this time. He succeeded John 
Smith and Richard Clifton in the pastorate of the chux'ch at Scrooby, 
and on his removal to Holland, with William Brewster, joined the 
church under the care of Francis Johnson, in the first instance. Henry 
Jacob, our first pastor, was a convert of Francis Johnson, and while at 
Leyden, in exile, he was the intimate friend and companion of Robinson. 
On a visit to this country in 1595, Johnson was again thrown into 
prison, and during his incarceration, wrote two letters in answer to 
Arthur Hildersham, a leading Puritan opposed to the Separatists, 
" for the confirmation of a Christian gentleman," who was also a pris- 
oner for the same cause. It is a remarkable circumstance, that this 
same Arthur Hildersham was himself immured in one of the prisons 
in Southwark in 1G15, and might have occupied the cell of the mar- 
tyr Penry. 

In IGIG a new charge was preferred against him, as a ringleader of 
schism, and for holding private conventicles, and he was condemned 
to pay a fine of £2,000. To avoid renewed imprisonment, he went 
into concealment. At this juncture it was, that Henry Jacob came 
from Leyden for the purpose of forming a settled Congregational 
church. He found Mr. Hildersham in his obscure retreat, and they 
held together a secret conference. 

Both these ministers had formerly opposed the Separatists, and 
both, in consequence of more advanced views, had suffered unto 
bonds. It was the conviction of Henry Jacob that the time was come 
to take a firm and decided, though quiet, stand, and plant a church in 
Southwark on the model of the New Testament. " Smaller numbers," 
he said, " uncertain and occasional in their assemblies, are not prop- 
erly churches ; a free and proper church being always necessarily an 
orderly set company and a constant society." Mr. Hildersham ac- 
quiesced in these views, and seeing no prospect of a reformation of 
the national church, encouraged Mr. Jacob in his design. A part of 
the church formed under these circumstances, sailed in the Mayflower 
from the wharves in 1620, and joined the brethren who came from 
Leyden, at Southampton. 



CONGREGATIONALISM IN EFGLAND. 447 

It seems their worship was held in the night time for concealment. 
But that ecclesiastical tyrant, Archbishop Laud, " breathing out threat- 
ening and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord, made havoc of 
the church, entering into every house, and hauling men and women, 
committed them to prison." Still they persevered until the day of 
deliverance came by his overthrow. After this event, Thomas Good- 
win, Philip Nye, and a few other "Independents," distinguished as 
popular and effective preachers, returned from exile, and constituted a 
very small minority in the "Westminster Assembly. The people 
seemed "Avith one accord to give heed to the things which were 
spoken ; " churches were multiplied under their ministry, until the 
restoration of the monarchy. 

Drs. Goodwin and Nye, the most distinguished of them, wrote the 
preface to Mr. Cotton's " Keys," and how far they agreed with him 
has before been stated ; and Dr. Owen, in his tract on schism, confesses 
that he was converted to agree with them by Mr. Cotton's books. 
The agreement of Lord Brooke and Lord Say with these views has 
also been before stated. 

In Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 681, he says of Drs. 
Goodwin and Nye, " These men, liking neither the strict discipline of 
the Presbyterians, nor the latitude and license of the Brownists, pro- 
jected a temper, and settled upon Robinson's model." 

Baillie, in his Dissuasive, p. 54, says: " Goodwin and Nye, Bur- 
roughs and Bridge, and Simpson, (1G46,) are discreet and zealous 
men. Master Robinson did derive his way to his Separate congrega- 
tion at Leyden, a part of them did carry it over to Plymouth in New 
England ; here Master Cotton did take it up, and transmit it thence 
to Master Thomas Goodwin, who did help to propagate it to sundry 
others, till now, by many hands, it is sown thick in divers parts of this 
kingdom." — See Han. iii. 135. 

Mr. Cotton replies, " I hope there want not divers more to be 
added to them in other parts of England." — ^cty, etc. 12. 

Baillie said there were but six Independents in the Westminster 
Assembly; "but what it wants in numbers is multiplied by the weight 
of its followers. But it has had many bad fruits, notwithstanding all 
the gifts and graces with which Robinson and Ainsworth have been 
adorned by God." 



448 APPENDIX. 



THE ADDRESS OF REV. ROBERT VAUGHAN, D. D. 

Dr. Vauglian is among the venerable Congregational divines of dis- 
tinction in England. He made an Address, by request of " The Con- 
gregational Union of England and Wales," entitled "Congregationalism, 
or the polity of Independent Churches ; " which has been printed, 
and it will, no doubt, be interesting to extract some of his views here, 
especially as the book is scarce, and the views seasonable and im- 
portant. A single extract has before been made. 

" One of the most characteristic features of modern society consists 
in the efforts which are made in favor of popular intelligence ; and 
Congregationalism harmonizes with every thing that is wisely done in 
relation to that object. The discovery of printing, the right of private 
judgment, liberty of worship, and freedom of discussion on all subjects, 
— nothing could be more congenial to Congregationalism than these 
subjects. It is a system to be worked by popular power, and must de- 
pend, if worked orderly, upon popular intelligence. It bestows a kind 
of franchise upon all who become parties to it. Its aim is to make all 
men Christians, and to render all Christians competent to a well 
observance of the duties which arise out of the Christian fellowship. 

" It is said we are republicans in our church polity, and must, in 
consequence, be republicans in state affairs. As the principles which 
obtain in our churches are essentially popular, they are in agreement 
with the popular suffrage, in our social (civil) affairs. But there is 
nothing in Congregationalism to prevent its disciples from being good 
subjects under an. aristocracy, or monarchy, or a despotism. 

" Congregationalism in regard to other communions may claim 
equality, but it can take no precedence. In regard to the state, it 
may demand justice, but can never accept of favor. Neither the 
church nor the world has any thing to fear from it, but very much to 
hope. It can never do men harm, except as it may be done by rea- 
son or persuasion. 

" The fault is entirely with ourselves if we do not, more fully than 
any other communion have done, realize the maxim, that ' Union has 
strength.' It does not seek union for the sake of power, (as do 
some communions,) but for the sake of liberty. Every church, by 
its independent action, has to provide its own expenditure and its own 
discipline. If weak, these may well engage all its capabilities ; if 
strong, it has to add attentions to plans, by which the strong may 



CONGEEGATIONALISM IN ENGLAND. 449 

assist the weak, and by which new ground may be occupied at home 
and abroad. 

" Persons not Congregationalists, generally suppose that we have 
no such thing as union among us ; that it is the very element of Inde- 
pendency that we should be much more enamored with isolation than 
union ; that our system is the favorite with us because it serves to 
scatter us, in the disjecta membra fashion, in a thousand directions, and 
is, in its nature, opposed to our being joined into one body. They 
should ask themselves whether it is just to suppose we are without 
the disposition to attach some natural meaning to those Scriptures 
which so explicitly speak of the unity which must ever belong to 
the true church of Christ, and the obligation resting upon all churches 
and Christians, to exercise, as far as possible, mutual recognition, to 
hold mutual fellowship, and to abound in good offices one towards 
another." 

He then appeals to the associations and unions of the Congre- 
gationalists in all parts of England, which are, in fact, home mis- 
sionary societies, to assist the weak, and devise means of efficient 
action. "When it is considered, " that our churches are not more 
characterized by their one polity, than by their one faith, it will 
be manifest that with much less of unity than some other relig- 
ious bodies in appearance, we possess greatly more in reality. 
"Without any denominational creed or confession, we possess al- 
ready much more oneness in opinion than those who zealously up- 
hold such things. If our conformity is neither so strict nor so obtru- 
sive, our unity is greater. "Within the last few years, independency 
has appeared strong enough to demonstrate its power of association, 
in the formation of this Union, [Congregational Union of England 
and "V\''ales,] and wise enough to perceive the pi*actical objects which 
might be aided by such means. While we are animated by that love 
of liberty which insures to our churches their sepai*ate independence, 
we are, at the same time, so far governed by a love of order as to be 
capable of giving to our entire denomination a character of unity, by 
a Union, which renounces all authority to legislate, and all power to 
coerce." 

" At the last meeting of the Union, it was made to appear that the 
Congregationalists of England and Wales are steadily increasing in 
numbers and efficiency. Our places of worship multiply in an in- 
creased ratio every year, considerable accessions continue to be made, 
and our ministry is in a course of advancement. It is the belief of 
persons, who are no incompetent judges, that Congregationalism has 

38* 



450 APPENDIX. 

doubled, and perhaps even trebled in strength during the last quarter 
of a century. The signs of a growing piety are also observable 
among ministers and people. 

" Two hundred years since, the Church of England was the church 
of the whole nation ; it is not now the church of more than half of it. 
And within the same space, Independency, (including Baptists 
and Anti-Paidobaptists,) did not reckon more than ten or twelve min- 
isters and churches, has risen to number between three and four 
thousand. The denomination may be said to possess more than 
treble the strength, at this time, than it did at the commencement of 
the present century." He refers to the prediction of John Robinson. 
— Supra* 

" Three centuries were required to raise the church above proscrip- 
tion and persecution ; and who can tell what another century may do 
for Independency ? The approval which it has extorted from the 
public judgment during the last twenty years, the most sagacious could 
not have anticipated. We see the progress of the principles which 
the primitive church acted upon, reviewed in the history of 
Independency, and passing from our churches to all churches, under 
the blessing of God, not less adapted to secure purity, than to give to 
our common Christianity its proper freedom and power ; and we see it 
as the true ordinance of God, as carrying the elements of law and or- 
der, to extend and ennoble the institutes which have obtained among 
the kingdoms of the world. 



* " In England and Wales, with a population of 18,000,000, there are 34,467 
places of public worship, of M'hich 14,077 belong to the Church of England, and 
20,390 to all other denominations. But the sittings or church accommodations 
are, in the Episcopalian churches, 4,922,412, and all other denominations, 
4,545,326. But the sittings of the Dissenters are more used than those of the 
Established Church. Half of the population of England are Dissenters, and not 
more than one twentieth are Koman Catholics — they have but 570 churches. 

"The number of ^the churches of the Independents is 3,244; of the Baptists, 
2,789 ; Presbyterians, 161 ; Unitarians, 229 ; including the Independents of Scot- 
land and Ireland, and those of the 'Plymouth Brethren,' the Independent 
churches are fall 4,000." These statistics are taken from the census returns for 
March 30, 1851. It will be seen that the numhers in the Congregational Journal 
are very far from the full number. The statements of Eev. Dr. Vaughan are 
fully reliable, and accord with the census returns. 

The number of Congregational churches in the United States and British 
Provinces are probably about two thousand. But the enumeration has not been 
fully made. Those of the Baptist denomination, adopting the Congregational 
discipline, are probably four times that number. We are told, credibly, they 
exceed nine thousand. 



THE SAVOY PLATFORM. 451 

" "When tlie world shall have made the natural approach to the 
state which the most humane and enlightened have labored to pro- 
mote, then will come the nearest conformity to Congregationalism. 
God has so devised this system that the progress of man in social life 
will ever be, not to amend, but copy it ; not to go beyond, but follow 
after. The system will not change, but it will continue to enlarge, to 
improve and brighten, as the world shall be made to possess a greater 
aptitude for I'eceiving it." 



THE SAVOY PLATFORM. 

A declaration of the faith and order of the Congregational churches 
in England was made by a Synod at the Savoy, London, 1G59, the 
whole of which is found in Han. iii. 547, and on. It is quite volu- 
minous, and we only transcribe the substance of their views. 

" Of the institution of churches, and the order appointed in them 
by Jesus Christ," as given in Neal's Hist. Pur. ii. 178, 179. 

"That every particular society of visible professors, agreeing to walk 
together in the faith and order of the gospel, is a complete church, 
and has full power within itself to elect and ordain all church officers, 
to exclude all offenders, and to do* all other acts relating to the edifica- 
tion and well-being of the church. 

" That the way of ordaining officers, that is, pastors, teachers, and 
elders, is, after their election by the suffrage of the church, to set 
them apart with fasting and prayer, and the imposition of the elder- 
ship of the church ; though, if there be no imposition of hands, they 
are, nevertheless, rightly constituted ministers of Christ ; but they do 
not allow that ordination to the work of the ministry, though it be by 
persons rightly ordained, does convey any office power, without a pre- 
vious election of the church. 

" That none may administer the sacrament, but such as are ordain- 
ed and appointed thereto. Nor are the pastors of one church obliged 
to administer the sacraments to any other than the members of that 
church to whom they stand related in that capacity. Nor may any 
person be added to the church, but by the consent of the church, and 
a confession of his faith, declared by himself, or otherwise manifested. 

" They disallow the power of all stated synods, presbyteries, con- 
vocations, and assemblies of divines, over particular churches, but 
admit, that in cases of difficulty or difference relating to doctrine or 
order, churches may meet together by their messengers, in synods or 



452 APPENDIX. 

councils, to consider and give advice, but ^vitllout exercising any 
jurisdiction. 

" And lastly, they agree that churches, consisting of persons sound 
in the faith and of good conversation, ought not to refuse communion 
with each other, though they walk not in all things according to the 
same rules of church order ; and if they judge other churches to be 
true churches, though less pure, they may receive to occasional com- 
munion such members of those churches as are credibly testified to 
be godly, and to live without offence." 

Dr. Price says, " these views are precisely those still held by the 
whole body of Congregationalists in England." — Hist. Nar. ii. G21. 



DISCIPLINE AND ORDER OF THE ENGLISH CHURCHES. 

"We think it cannot but be acceptable to present to the reader the 
order of our churches in England, and especially as it can now be 
done with great precision. 

In 1833, August 6, London, the " Congregational Union of Eng- 
land and AVales," made and published a declaration entitled " The 
Congregational Union of England and Wales, frequently called Inde- 
pendent, hold the following doctrines of divine appointment, and as 
the foundation of Christian faith and practice. They are also formed 
and governed according to the principles hereinafter stated." 

They premise that it is not intended that the articles of faith should 
be scholastic or critical ; nor that the statement should be put forth 
with any authority ; that they disallow the utility of creeds and arti- 
cles of religion as a bond of union, and protest against subscription 
to any human formularies as a term of common union ; that they yet 
are willing to declare what is commonly believed among them ; re- 
serving to every one the most perfect liberty of conscience ; and they 
say, by their appeal to the churches, they have ascertained that they 
are far more agreed in their doctrines and practices, than any church 
which enjoins subscriptions, and enforces human standards of ortho- 
doxy. There is, in the articles of faith, no material difference from 
those which our churches in New England profess, and so we do not 
transcribe them. The Trinity is expressed in these words : " They 
believe that God is revealed in the Scriptures, as the Father, the Son, 
and the Holy Spirit, and that to each are attributable the same divine 
properties and perfections." 



PRINCIPLES OF CHURCH ORDER AND DISCIPLINE. 453 



PRINCIPLES OF CHUECH ORDER AND DISCIPLINE. 

" 1. The Congregational churches hold it to be the will of Christ 
that true believers should voluntarily assemble together to observe re- 
ligious ordinances, to promote mutual edification and holiness, to per- 
petuate and propagate the gospel in the world, and to advance the 
worship and glory of God, through Jesus Chi-ist ; and that each so- 
ciety of believers, having these objects in view in its formation, is 
properly a Christian church. 

" 2. They believe that the New Testament contains, either in the 
form of express statute, or in the example of apostles or apostolic 
churches, all the articles of faith necessary to be believed, and all 
the principles of order and discipline requisite for constituting and 
governing Christian societies ; and that human traditions, fathers and 
councils, canons and creeds, possess no authority over the faith and 
practice of Christians. 

" 3. They acknowledge Christ as the only head of the church ; 
and the officers of each church under him, as ordained to administer 
his laws impartially to all ; and their only appeal, in all cases touch- 
ing religious faith and practice, is to the sacred scriptures. 

" 4. They believe that the New Testament authorizes every Chris- 
tian church to elect its own officers, to manage all its own affiiirs, and 
to stand independent of and irresponsible to all authority, saving that 
only of the supreme and divine head of the church, the Lord Jesus 
Christ. 

" 5. They believe that the only officers placed by the apostles over 
individual churches are the bishops or pastors, and the deacons ; the 
members of these being dependent upon the numbers of the church ; 
and that to these, as the officers of the church, is committed respec- 
tively the administration of its temporal and spiritual concerns — sub- 
ject, however, to the approbation of the church. 

" 6. They believe that no persons should be received as members 
of Christian churches, but such as make a credible profession of 
Christianity, are living according to its precepts, and attest a willing- 
ness to be subject to its discipline ; and that none should be excluded 
from the fellowship of the church, but such as deny the faith of Christ, 
violate his laws, or refuse to submit themselves to the discipline which 
the word of God enforces. 

" 7. Power of admission into any Christian church, and rejection 



454 APPENDIX. 

from it, they believe to be vested in the church itself, and to be exer- 
cised only through the medium of its officers. 

" 8. They believe that Christian churches should statedly meet, for 
the celebration of public worship, the observance of the Lord's sup- 
per, and for the sanctification of the first day of the week. 

" 9. They believe that the power of a Christian church is purely 
spiritual, and should in uo way be corrupted by union with temporal 
or civil power. 

" 10. They believe that it is the duty of Christian churches to hold 
communion with each other, to entertain enlarged affection for each 
other as members of the same body, and to cooperate for the promo- 
tion of the Christian cause, but that no church nor union of churches, 
has any right or power to interfere with the faith or discipline of any 
other church, further than to separate from such as, in faith or prac- 
tice, depart from the gospel of Christ. 

"11. They believe that it is the privilege and duty of every church 
to call forth such of its members as may appear to be qualified by 
the Holy Spirit, to sustain the office of the ministry ; and that Chris- 
tian churches unitedly ought to consider the maintenance of the 
Christian ministry in an adequate degree of learning, as one of its 
especial cares ; that the cause of the gospel may be both honorably 
sustained and constantly promoted. 

" 12. They believe that church officers, whether bishops or deacons, 
should be chosen by the free choice of the church; but that their 
dedication to the duties of their office, should take place with special 
prayer, and by solemn designation ; to which most of the churches 
add, the imposition of hands by those already in office. 

" 13. They believe that the fellowship of every Christian church 
should be so liberal as to admit to the communion in the Lord's Sup- 
per, all whose faith and godliness are, on the whole, undoubted, 
though conscientiously differing in points of minor importance ; and 
that this outward sign of fraternity in Christ, should be coextensive 
with the fraternity itself, though without involving any compliances 
which conscience w^ould deem sinful." 



CONCLUSION. 

President Mather says, "I look upon the discovery aud settlement 
of the Congregational way as the boon, the gratuity, the largess of 
Divine bounty, which the Lord graciously bestowed on his people, 



BENIGN INFLUENCE OF CONGEEGATIONALISM. 455 

that followed Him into this wilderness. Here the good people that 
came over, showed more love, zeal, and affectionate desire of commu- 
nion with God in pure worship and ordinances, and did more in order 
to it, than others ; and the Lord did more for them than any people 
in the world, in showing them the pattern of his house, and the true 
scriptural way of church government and administrations." To 
■which Dr. Bacon adds : — 

" The primitive churches of New England are coeval with the 
country. Their history is the history of all that makes the heart of 
a New Englander beat with emotion. There are forms and constitu- 
tions of government, under which churches are so carefully guarded 
against error, that they are almost equally guarded against truth ; but 
with us there are neither canons nor constitutions to prevent improve- 
ment and enterprise in active Christianity, or resist the reformation 
of prescriptive errors." 

" The Gospel in its doctrines is a mighty leveller. Like its author 
it respects not the persons of princes. But to the monarch and the 
slave it addresses the same charges of guilt, and offers the same for- 
giveness, and the same hope of immortality. So far as it gains its 
appropriate influence over men, it makes them feel that they are all 
alike. Just so, in its institutions ; it puts all men on a level, and 
carefully respects the rights of all. It leads eveiy man to think for 
himself, and bids every man act for himself. It guards against priest- 
craft and spiritual domination, by the institution of churches with dis- 
tinct, independent, and inalienable rights. It is distinguished from 
Presbyterianism by the principle that all church power resides in each 
particular church by the express or implied compact of its members. 
It may, like a Presbyterian church, have its ruling elders ; but while 
that system makes the elders accountable, not to the church, but to 
some superior judicature, Congregationalism permits nothing to be 
done in the name of the church without the distinct consent of the 
brotherhood. 

" While Presbyterianism regards synods and presbyteries as judi- 
catories, having a right to decide all controversies judicially, and send 
down injunctions to the churches, Congregationalism must needs re- 
gard them only as meetings for intercourse and communion, as coun- 
cils to advise and persuade in matters of common interest, and as 
means of keeping up a common feeling among neighboring churches 
and the distant members of the great union. It acknowledges no 
power over the chm-ches, but the power of Light and Loyk." 



456 APPENDIX. 

Rev. Dr. Vauglian says, " Every Christian should be a member 
of the church of his preference, but he should still be a member of 
the church universal. He should not be indifferent to principle, but 
he should be observant of charity. He should know how to unite 
with the love of his particular church, a proper affection towards all 
churches, and should give visible proof that the latter feeling exists 
along with the former," — Cong. 116. 



THE PHILLIPS FAMILY. 457 



See Memorial, Page 110. 

Rev. George Phillips is very favorably noticed in the Magnalia. 
He was born at Eaymund, Norfolk, England, and took his degrees in 
1613 and 1617. He was eminent as a scholar and divine. With Sir 
Richard Saltonstall and several others, he chose a place upon Charles 
River, which they called Watertown, and as their first work they ob- 
served a day of solemn fasting and prayer, on which day, 30th of July, 
1630, about forty men organized themselves into a church and built a 
house of God before they could build many houses for themselves. 
Mr. Phillips continued his ministry there till his death in 1644, during 
which time he labored faithfully and with great success. He had an 
unusually intimate and thorough knowledge of the Scriptures. It is 
said, he read over the whole Bible six times every year. He was 
truly a man of God, thoroughly furnished unto all good works. 

A long list of men distinguishing the name of Phillips in our 
country, by their civil stations and munificent patronage of institutions 
of learning, benevolence, and religion, descends from this first pastor 
of Watertown. 

Rev. Samuel Phillips, the eldest son of Rev. George Phillips, was 
settled in the ministry at Rowley in 1651. Rev. Samuel Phillips, 
grandson of Rev. Samuel Phillips of Rowley, was settled in the minis- 
try at Andover in 1711. Hon. John Phillips, many years President 
of the Senate of Massachusetts, and the first mayor of the city of Bos- 
ton, was grandson of Mr. John Phillips of Salem, who was grandson 
of Rev. Samuel Phillips of Rowley. Rev. Samuel Phillips of Ando- 
ver, had five children. His eldest son, Hon. Samuel Phillips of An- 
dover, and his brother, Hon. John Phillips of Exeter, N. H., founded 
the Academy at Andover, which bears their name, who declared that 
the first and principal object of the institution is the promotion of true 
piety and virtue. 

Lieut. Gov. Samuel Phillips of Andover, was son of the above 
Hon. Samuel Phillips. He was from early life constantly engaged 
in various public and highly responsible offices, which he discharged 
in a manner highly creditable to himself, till 1801, when he was chos- 
en Lieut. Governor. His conspicuous services, talents, and virtues, 
placed him very high in the popular affection and confidence. 

John Phillips, second son of Rev. Samuel Phillips of Andover, was 

39 



458 APPENDIX. 

settled in business at Exeter, N, H. He made liberal endowments to 
the Academy at Andover, to Dartmouth College, and to Phillips 
Academy at Exeter, which he founded. 

William Phillips, third son of Rev. Samuel Phillips of Andover, was 
settled in business at Boston, and married Miss Abigail Broomfield, 
who was great-great-grandchild of Rev. John Wilson, the first minis- 
ter in Boston. By this marriage, it is worthy of notice, the families 
of the Rev. George Phillips and the Rev. John Wilson, who came 
over from England together, and officiated as colleagues under a large 
tree in Charlestown, until the one removed to AVatertown and the 
other to Boston, were conjoined by the wedlock of the great-great- 
grandchild of each. 

The late Hon. William Phillips was the second child of the above 
William Phillips. He was for many years in the State legislature, 
and was repeatedly an elector of the President of the United States. 
For several years he was Lieut. Governor of the Commonwealth, 
which office he filled with great credit to himself, and entire satisfac- 
tion to the community. In his natural disposition he was generous 
and affectionate. But the predominating feature and crowning attri- 
bute of his character was his piety and benevolence. He left behind 
him, as did his predecessors in the family, a precious memorial ; and 
while his name stands prominent among the public benefactors of his 
age, it is also deeply engraven on the hearts, and will be embalmed in 
the memory of many a child of affliction, from whose eye the tear of 
sorrow has been wiped by his kindly charity. He was married to the 
daughter of the late Hon. Jonathan Mason. He had seven children, 
only two of whom are now living — the Hon. Jonathan Pliillips of 
Boston, and Mrs. Dr. Ebenezer Burgess of Dedham., The Hon. 
Samuel H. Walley of Roxbury, is a grandson. 

Such have been the descendants of the Rev. George Phillips, the 
first pastor of the church at Watertown, a remarkable fulfilment of 
the precious promises of God to the faithful. Says the author of the 
Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century, " the family of Phillips in 
Massachusetts and New Hampshire has been long distinguished for 
its wealth, and also for its love of religion and literature. A complete 
history of the munificence toward public institutions at different times 
by the members of this family, would probably furnish an amount of 
benefactions seldom equalled in this country." (See Rev. B. Wisner's 
Sermon on the death of Hon. William Phillips.) 



AETICLES OF FAITH AND COVENiSJN'T OF 1629. 459 



A. Page 99. 
THE ARTICLES OF FAITH AND COVENANT OF 1629. 

Judge Davis, in liis edition, seems to have overlooked tlae fact, tliat 
the " Direction " of which Morton speaks, contained both a Confession 
of Faith and a Covenant. Hubbard, Mather, and Prince, have also 
spoken of a Confession of Faith as well as a Covenant. And this 
should not be omitted in a faithful history of the principles and pro- 
ceedings of the Fathers. 

In 1665, the First Church in Salem issued a new "Direction," 
which was occasioned by the action of the Synod of 1662, in regard 
to baptism, and the half-way Covenant. 

From this it appears that there was a Confession of Faith, and a 
Covenant, 6th of August, 1629. 

Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton, and other good people that arrived 
at Salem in the year 1629, resolved, like their father Abraham, to 
begin their plantation with calling on the name of the Lord. 

On their arrival at Salem, they consulted with their brethren at 
Plymouth what steps to take for the more exact acquaintance of them- 
selves with, and conforming themselves to the word of God, in their 
church organization and polity. And the Plymoutheans, to their great 
satisfaction, laid before them the authority they had in the laws of 
their Lord Jesus Christ for every particular in their church order. 

Whereupon, having the concurrence and countenance of their 
deputy governor, John Endicott, Esq., and the approving presence of 
the messengers from the church of Plymouth, they set apart the 6th 
day of August for fasting and prayer, for the settling of a church state 
among them, and for their making a Confession of their faith, and 
entering into an holy covenant, whereby that church state was 
formed. See Magnalia, 66. 



A DIRECTION FOR A PUBLIC PROFESSION 

In the Church Assembly after giving examination by the elders ; 
which direction is taken out of the Scripture, and points unto that 
faith and covenant contained in the Scripture ; being the same for 



460 APPENDIX. 

substance wliicli was proposed to, and agreed upon by the cliurcli of 
Salem at their beginning, the sixth of the sixth month, 1G29. 

In the Preface to the Declaration of the Faith owned and professed 
by the Congregational Churches in England, it is said: — 

" The genuineness of a confession of faith is, that under the same 
form of words they express the substance of the same common salva- 
tion or unity of their faith ; accordingly it is to be looked upon as fit 
means whereby to express their common faith and salvation, and not 
be made use of as an imposition upon any." 



THE CONFESSION OF FAITH. 
I do believe with my heart and confess witli.my mouth : — 

CONCERNING GOD. 

That there is but one only true God in three persons, the Father, 
the Son, and the Holy Ghost; each of them God, and all of them 
one and the same infinite, eternal God : most wise, holy, just, mer- 
ciful, and blessed for ever. 

CONCERNING THE WORKS OF GOD. 

That this God is the maker, preserver, and governor of all things, 
according to the counsel of his own will, and that God made man in 
his own image, in knowledge, holiness, and righteousness. 

CONCERNING THE FALL OF MAN. 

That Adam, by transgressing the command of God, fell from God, 
and brought himself and his posterity into a state of sin and death, 
under the wrath and curse of God, which I do believe to be my own 
condition by nature, as well as any other. 

CONCERNING JESUS CHRIST. 

That God sent his son into the world, who, for our sakes, became 
man, that he might redeem and save us by his obedience unto death, 
and that he arose from the dead, ascended unto heaven, and sittcth at 
the right hand of God, from whence he shall come to judge the 
world. 



AETICLES'OF FAITH AND COVENANT OF 1G29. 461 



CONCERNING THE HOLY GHOST. 

That God the Holy Ghost hath fully revealed the doctrhie of 
Christ and will of God, in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testa- 
ment, which are the word of God, the perfect, perpetual, and only 
rule of our faith and obedience. 



CONCERNING THE BENEFITS ^yE HAVE BY CHRIST. 

That the same Spirit by working faith in God's elect, applieth unto 
them Christ, with all his benefits of justification and sanctification 
unto salvation, in the use of those ordinances which God hath ap- 
pointed in his written word, which therefore ought to be observed by 
us until the comio": of Christ. 



CONCERNING THE CHURCH OF CHRIST. 

That all true believers being united unto Christ as the head, make 
up one mystical church, which is the body of Christ, the members 
whereof having fellowship with the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, by 
faith ; and one with another in love, do receive here upon earth for- 
giveness of sins, with the life of grace ; and at the resurrection of the 
body, they shall receive everlasting life. Amen. 



THE COVENANT. 

I do heartily take and avouch this one God who is made known to 
us in the Scripture, by the name of God the Father, and God the 
Son, even Jesus Christ, and God the Holy Ghost, to be my God, 
according to the tenor of the covenant of grace ; wherein he hath 
promised to be a God to the faithful and to their seed after them in 
their generations, and taketh them to be his people, and, therefore, un- 
feignedly repenting of all my sins, I do give up myself wholly unto 
this God, to believe in, love, serve, and obey him sincerely and faith- 
fully according to his written word, against all the temptations of the 
devil, the world, and my own flesh, and this unto the death. 

I do also confess to be a member of this particular church, promising 
to continue steadfastly in fellowship in it, in the public worship of 
God, to submit to the order, discipline, and government of Christ in 

39* 



462 APPENDIX. 

it, and to the ministerial teaching, guidance, and oversight of the 
elders of it, and to the brotherly watch of fellow members, and all 
this according to God's word, and by the gi'ace of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, enabling me thereunto. Amen. 



QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED AT THE BAPTIZING OF CHILDREN, 
OR THE SUBSTANCE TO BE EXPRESSED BY THE PARENTS. 

Q. Do you present and give up this child, or these children, unto 
God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, to be baptized in the faith, and 
engaged in the Covenant of God professed by this church ? 

Q. Do you solemnly promise in the presence of God, that by the 
grace of Christ, you will discharge your covenant duty towards your 
children, so as to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the 
Lord, teaching and commanding them to keep the way of God, that 
they may be able (through the grace of Christ), to make a personal 
profession of their faith, and to own the covenant of God themselves 
in due time ? 

Cotton Mather says, " the Covenant whereto these Christians en- 
gaged themselves, which was about seven years after solemnly re- 
newed among them, I shall here lay before all the churches of God 
as it was then expressed and enforced." — Mag. i. 66. 

Mather further says, " By this instrument was the covenant of 
grace explained, received, and recognized by the first church in this 
colony. This instrument they afterwards often read over, and re- 
newed the consent of their souls unto every article in it, especially 
when their days of humiliation invited them to it." 

The Covenant published in Magnalia, and by Judge Davis, in his 
Appendix, was probably enlarged from this original at the time of 
the renewal, seven years after this first Covenant was adopted in 
Aug. 1629, which is here given. 

The following Covenant was propounded by the pastor, agreed 
upon and consented to by the brethren of the church, in the year 
1636. 

" Gather my saints unto me, that have made a covenant with me 
iby sacrifice." Psal. 1. 5. 

We whose names are here underwritten, members of the present 
•church of Christ in Salem, having found by sad experience, how dan- 



ARTICLES OF FAITH, AND COVEXANT OF 1629. 463 

gerous it is to sit loose from the covenant we make with our God, and 
liow apt we are to wander into bypaths, even to the loosing of our first 
aims in entering into church fellowship, do therefore solemnly, in the 
presence of the eternal God, both for our own comforts and those who 
shall or may be joined unto us, renew the church covenant, we find 
this church bound unto at their first beginning, namely, that " we cov- 
enant with the Lord and one with another, and do bind ourselves in 
the presence of God, to walk together in all his ways, according as he 
is pleased to reveal himself unto us in his blessed word of truth;" 
and do more explicitly in the name and fear of God, profess and pro- 
test to walk as followeth, through the j)ower and grace of our Lord 
Jesus Christ. 

We avouch the Lord to be our God, and ourselves to be his people, 
in the truth and simplicity of our spirits. 

We give ourselves to the Lord Jesus Christ and the word of his 
grace, for the teaching, ruling, and sanctifying of us in matters of 
worship and conversation, resolving to cl^ve to him alone for life 
and glory, and to oppose all contrary ways, canons, and constitutions 
of men in his worship. 

We promise to walk with our bi'ethren and sisters with all watch- 
fulness and tenderness, avoiding jealousies and suspicions, backbitings, 
censurings, provokings, secret risings of spirit against them ; but in all 
offences to follow the rule of the Lord Jesus, and to bear and forbear, 
give and forgive, as he hath taught us. 

In public or private, we will willingly do nothing to the offence 
of the church ; but will be willing to take advice for ourselves and 
ours, as occasion shall be presented. 

We will not in the congregation be forward, either to show our own 
gifts and parts in speaking and scrupling, or there discover the weak- 
ness and failings of our brethren ; but attend an orderly call there- 
unto, knowing how much the Lord may be dishonored, and his gospel 
and the profession of it slighted, by our distempers and weaknesses in 
public. 

We bind ourselves to study the advancement of the gospel in all 
truth and peace, both in regard of those that are within or without, no 
way slighting our sister churches, but using their counsel as needs 
shall be, not laying a stumblingblock before any, no, not the Indians, 
whose good we desire to promote, and so to converse as we may avoid 
the very appearance of evil. 

We do hereby promise to carry ourselves in all lawful obedience to 
those that are over us in church or commonwealth, knowing how well 



464 APPENDIX. 

pleasing it will be to the Lord, that they should have encouragement 
in their places, by not grieving their spirits through our irregularities. 
"We resolve to approve ourselves to the Lord in our particuh\r call- 
ings, shunning idleness as the bane of any State, and will not deal 
hardly or oppressingly with any wherein we are the Lord's stewards. 
Also, promising to our best abihty to teach our children and servants 
the knowledge of God and his will, that they may serve him also, and 
all this not by any strength of our own, but by the Lord Jesus Christ 
whose blood we desire may sprinkle this our covenant, made in his 
name. 



COVENANT OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN CHARLESTOWN. 

June 30, 1630, the first church in Charlestown was formed, and a 
covenant entered into ; and this was the foundation of the first church 
in Boston. It is in these words : " "We whose names are here under- 
written, being by God's most wise and good providence, brought to- 
gether into this part of America, in the Bay of Massachusetts, and 
desirous to unite into one congregation or church under the Lord 
Jesus Christ our head, in such sort as becometh all those whom he 
hath redeemed and sanctified to Himself: — 

" Do hereby solemnly and religiously (in his most holy presence) 
promise and bind ourselves to walk in all our ways according to the 
rule of the gospel, and in all sincere conformity to his holy ordinances 
and in mutual love and respect each to other, so near as God shall 
give us grace." — Drake's Hist. Boston, 93. 



THE FOUNDEES OF NEW PLYIMOUTH. 465 



THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH* 

I have reason to know that the subject on which we are about to 
enter possesses a strong American interest ; but it cannot be said to 
be without a claim on the attention of EngUshmen also. The settle- 
ment of New Plymouth, says Governor Hutchinson, writing in 1767, 
"occasioned the settlement of Massachusetts Bay, which was the 
source of all the other colonies in New England ; " and he speaks of 
the persons by whom it was founded as " the founders of a flourishing 
town and colony, if not of the whole British Empire in America." 
And to cite another English authority, when Sir Charles Lyell had 
viewed the relics of these founders, which are preserved in the 
Museum at New Plymouth, he remarks, " when we consider the 
grandeur of the results which have been realized in the interval of 
two hundred and twenty-five years since the Mayflower sailed into 
Plymouth harbor, how in that period, a nation of twenty millions had 
sprung into existence and peopled a vast continent, and covered it 
with cities and churches, schools, colleges, and railroads, and filled its 
rivers and ports with steamboats and shipping, we regard the Pilgi'im 
relics with veneration." 

I therefore proceed, without further apology or preface, to intro- 
duce to the reader the persons who were chief actors in this move- 
ment, and to speak of the influences which operated to produce the 
strong devotional sentiment by which they wei'e actuated, and at last 
determined them to leave their homes and commit themselves to the 
uncertainties and many dangers attending a removal to a distant and 
uncultivated shore. 

The body of persons who laid the foundation of New Plymouth, 
was one of these churches or communities of Puritan Separatists; 
persons so impatient under- the yoke of the ceremonies which had 



* The following pajjes are from " The Founders of New Plymouth," hy Rev. 
Joseph Hunter, a hook just publislied in England, containing sometliing new, and 
identifying more satisfactorily tiian has been done before, the place of tlie first 
ecclesiastical organization of the Separatists, and of the residence of Bradford and 
Brewster, and a number of the leading Puritans and Pilgrims, which will interest 
all who are curious to trace the Pilgrim movement to its origin. 



466 APPENDIX. 

been continued in the Reformed Church of England, that they had 
begun to regard it as unlawful to remain in the church, and who had 
formed themselves in church order, based upon their own principles, 
and consisting of a people with the offices of pastor, teacher, elders, 
and deacons. It was not one of the London communities of this 
kind; but, what gives this subject the greater interest, it was a church 
that had been formed in quite a rural district, in a county far remote 
from London. 

It remained, till the publication of my " Collections " on this sub- 
ject, an undetermined question, to what point we are to look for the 
place of meeting of this church or community, for discipline and wor- 
ship, and consequently, from what English population the members of 
it were gathered. Dr. Cotton Mather, whose " Magnalia," a folio 
volume, printed in 1702, contains much valuable information concern- 
ing New England and its early settlers, is content with saying, after 
Morton in his "New England's Memorial," 1669, that the founders of 
New Plymouth came from " the north of England." Hubbard, 
another early writer on the affairs of New England, uses the same 
expression. 

" These people," that is, the persons who were Puritan Separatists, 
says Bradford, "became two distinct bodies or churches, in regard of 
distance of place, and did congregate severally, for they were of sev- 
eral towns and villages, some in Nottinghamshire, some in Lincoln- 
shire, and some in Yorkshire, where they bordered nearest together." 

One of these two churches was at Gainsborough, a well-known 
place, the other, which is that about which we are now concerned, 
was elsewhere. 
\ Bradford's writings are exceedingly valuable, though we have rea- 
son to regret that he shuts up so many things in general expressions. 
Yet it is to a passage in another of his writings, that we are indebted 
for the information which enables me now to dispel all uncertainty on 
this point, and to fix the locality of this church or community to a 
particular place. " They ordinarily met," says he, in his Life of "Wil- 
liam Brewster, " at his (Brewster's) house on the Lord's day, which 
was a manor of the bishop's, and with great love he entertained them 
■when they came, making provision for them to his great charge, and 
continued so to do whilst they could stay in England." This, when it 
is combined with the preceding note of place, " near the joining borders 
of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire," guides us at once 
to the village of Scrooby, in the hundred of Basset-Lawe, a part of 
North Nottinghamshire, well known in Parliamentary history ; that 



THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 467 

being the only place comprising an Episcopal manor that was near 
the borders of the three counties. 

Scrooby manor was near to the borders both of Lincolnshire and 
Yorkshire, though itself in the county of Nottingham. It was also an 
ancient possession and occasional residence of the Archbishop of 
York. 

No reasonable doubt can therefore ever arise that the seat and cen- 
tre of that religious community which afterwards planted itself on the 
shores of New England was at this Nottinghamshire village of 
Scrooby, a place little known to fame, but acquiring from this acci- 
dent a certain amount of historical interest. The claims of this vil- 
lage, though hitherto unnoticed, do not rest entirely on what I have 
now said ; for to make their establishment complete, recourse was had 
to the Rolls, which contain assessments of the subsidies granted by 
Parliament, and there was found that in the thirteenth year of Eliza- 
beth, 1571, there was a William Brewster assessed in the township of / 
Scrooby-cum-Eanskill, on goods of the annual value of three pounds ; 
and in other accounts, that in 1G08, William Brewster and two other 
persons, all described as " of Scrooby, Brownists or Separatists," 
were certified into the exchequer for fines imposed upon them by the 
Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes, for non-appearance to a cita- 
tion. Further evidence of Brewster's residence at Scrooby will ap- 
pear as we proceed. 

Scrooby will be found in the maps, about a mile and a half south of / 
Bawtry, a market and post-town situated on the boundary line 
between Nottinghamshire and Yorkshire. It was itself, in tlie time 
when Brewster resided there, one of the post-towns on the great road 
from London to Berwick. 

Leland, who visited the place in 1541, gives this account of it: 
" In the meane townlet of Scrooby, I marked two things — the parish 
church not big but very well builded ; the second was a great manor 
place, standing within a moat, and belonging to the Archbishop of 
York ; builded in two courts, whereof the first is very ample, and all 
builded of timber, saving the front of the house that is of brick, to 
the which ascenditiir per gixidus Icqndeos. The inner court building, 
as far as I marked, was of timber building, and was not in compass 
past the fourth-part of the outer court." It had belonged to the see 
of York, in the time of the Domesday book. 

But though Scrooby was the residence of William Brewster, the / 
chief agent in this movement, and his house was opened for worship 
and discipline to the persons who thought and acted with him, it is 



468 APPENDIX, 

not to Scrooby oalj that we are to look for tlie persons composing the 
church, who were drawn from various places in the surrounding 
country. The vicinity of Scrooby was in those times, and is now, an 
agricultural disti'Ict ; having a few villages scattered about, each with 
its church, and perhaps an esquire's seat. 

It is certainly a very remarkable circumstance (apart from the con- 
sideration of the very important consequences which ensued upon it), 
that there should have arisen among such a population as that of 
Basset-Lawe, a spirit so strong and so determined, or that it could 
have been induced to enter such a field of controversy at all. And it 
becomes the more remarkable, when Ave observe how few persons in 
those times had, in any part of the country, separated themselves 
from the church, and formed themselves into single self-directed com- 
munities. Not but that in most other parts of the kingdom the Puri- 
tan objections to the ceremonies were felt by many minds, and many 
were the persons who would gladly have seen the yoke of ceremonies 
removed : but there is a great difference betw'een this uneasiness in a 
forced acquiscence and the actual withdrawing from all communion, 
throwing off the authority of the church, and the authority of the 
State too, as far as respected affairs of religion. The Separatist was 
N a Puritan, but the Puritan was not necessarily a Separatist ; and the 
extraordinary feature in this case is, that the Puritanism of Basset- 
Lawe was so deep a sentiment, that it urged so many to the act of 
separation, and afterwards to the desperate measure of emigration, 
while in other parts of the country, with few exceptions, though there 
were Puritan emigrants who sought relief from the ceremonies and 
subscriptions, there were few or none who had while at home entered 
into church union, as the Scrooby people did, and then took their de- 
parture a compact and united body. There is no doubt a great over- 
ruling power in all human affairs ; but our concern is with second 
causes, and it is to be believed that we often deceive ourselves when 
we attempt to recover general principles from which things remark- 
able in the acts of men have arisen.* 

This is the spirit in which Bradford, a native of Austerfield, a vil- 
lage a few miles from Scrooby, and an early member of the church, 
writes in all the historical tracts which we owe to him. It may be 
proper to observe, that no one understood better than he what the 
people had thought, and done, and suffered while in England, or what 

* See Bradford's account of the state of religious feeling about Scrooby. 



THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 469 

their condition while in Holland, and after they had become perma- 
nently settled on the American continent. He was the governor of 
New Plymouth colony for many years, while Brewster was the elder, ., 
but uniting in himself also the offices of pastor and teacher, till a min- 
ister became settled among them. 

Their residence in Holland was for one year at Amsterdam, and 
eleven years at Leyden, whence they began to remove to America in 
1620. 

The person whom Bradford places first among the ministers, who 
was a Separatist himself, and who made others Sepai'atists, is John 
Smith. 

Another very zealous Puritan minister in these parts was Richard 
Bernard, who had the misfortune to fall under the displeasure of Mr. 
Smith, for not going to the same excess in his non-conformity. 

Another of these ministers was Richard Clifton. 

"When the Separatists, who remained in Nottinghamshire after the 
removal of Smith's church into Holland, formed themselves in church 
order, CHfton became either pastor or teachei', probably the latter, 
while John Robinson held the other office, and Brewster was the 
ruling elder. I find that he was instituted on July 11th, 1586, to the 
rectory of Babworth, a country village a short distance from Scrooby, 
now the seat of the family of Simpson (Bridgman), the present in- 
cumbent being one of that family. He is also in all probability the 
minister of the same name who was instituted on February the 
12th, 1585, to the vicarage of Marnham in the same county of Notting- 
ham. He was the son of a Thomas Clifton, who lived at one of the 
Normantons in the county of Derby. 

He was born at Normanton, and married Anne, daughter of J. 
Stuffen of Warsop, in the county of Nottingham, September, anno 
1586. He was minister and preacher of the gospel at Babworth, in 
the said county, and had issue by his wife three sons, Zachary, Tim- 
othy, and Eleazer ; and three daughters, Mary, Hannah, and Priscilla, 
all born at Babworth aforesaid. 

He, with his wife and children, came unto Amsterdam in Holland, 
August, 1608. He died at Amsterdam, 20th May, 1616, and was 
buried in the South church. — Vixit Ann. 63. 

We are thus enabled to fix the time of his birth to in or about 
1553, so that he was not much above fifty years old when he fell 
under the animadversions of the ecclesiastical authorities. The pre- 
cise date of his departure to Holland, August, 1608, is valuable, 
inasmuch as we have hitherto been left to gather that important date 

40 



470 APPENDIX. 

from information not critically given. He married, we see, just when 
he had obtained the rectory of Babworth, which has always been con- 
sidered a desirable piece of preferment. His wife was a member of 
a Derbyshire family of ancient gentry, the Stuffyns of Sherbrook, in 
the parish of Pleaseley in Derbyshire, to which the Nottinghamshire 
parish of Warsop adjoins. She lived five years and he seven in their 
voluntary exile ; and Avhen we see in what a disturbed state the 
church at Amsterdam was, which he joined when his companions of 
his own church, with Eobinson and Brewster at their head, removed 
to Leyden, it is perhaps no unreasonable inference that they both 
sank not unwilUngly as well as religiously to their rest. 

The connection of this Mr. Clifton with the old family of Clifton, of 
Clifton in Nottinghamshire, is not known ; but it is probable that there 
was some connection from the identity of surname, proximity of resi- 
dence, and correspondency of position ; and this is rendered more 
probable by his marriage in the family of Stuffyn, who, we are told 
by the Lysonses, could trace their ancestry from the reign of King 
Edward the First. One of the latest memorials of them was a monu- 
mental inscription in the church of Pleaseley, of which the following 
is a copy. The original has disappeared since 1802 : — 

" Here with his ancestors lyeth the mortal part of John Stuffyn of 
Sherbrook, gentleman, who, at his house there, in the montli of Janu- 
uary, A. D. 1695, yielded up his loyal breath, aged 80 years. He left 
issue by Mary his wife, daughter and sole heir of John Feme, of 
Hopton, gentleman, John Stuffyn of Sherbrook, son and heir of Hop- 
ton of the inheritance of his mother, and Mary and Bridget (WilUam 
and Hercules died without issue)." 

The heiress married in the family of Hacker. 
The three daughters of Mr. Clifton died before the family left Eng- 
land, in infancy or childhood : but the three sons seem to have accom- 
panied their parents into exile, and to have thenceforth lived for the 
most part at Amsterdam, where two of them died ; viz. Timothy, who 
was born in 1595 and died in 16G3, and Eleazer, born in 1598 and 
died in 1GG8. 

Zachary Clifton, the eldest son, to whom the Bible belonged, and 
who wrote most of the family memoranda, was born on May 12, 1589. 
In the earlier part of his Ufe he lived at Kichmond, in Yorkshire, for 
there the two children, issue of his first marriage, were born in 1G20 
and 1G25 ; and there his wife, a daughter of Arthur Hipps of that 
place, by Dorothy Johnson his wife, died in 1G25, aged twenty-six. 
Five years after we find him living at Amsterdam, where, on April 



THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 471 

22, 1631, he married his second wife Elisabeth, daughter of Lawrence 
and Catherine "Wayte, of Cookridge, near Leeds. Of this marriage 
there was issue, ten children, who were all born at Amsterdam, between 
1632 and 1648. On November 1st, 1652, he left Amsterdam, and 
about two months after fixed his residence at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
where he appears to have lived for the remainder of his life. He 
died there on May 26th, 1673, and was buried in All- Hallows Church. 

Richard Clifton, clerk, was named in 1593, one of the two super- 
visors of the will of Richard Jessop, of Heyton, near Babworth, gen- 
tleman, whose younger brother, Francis Jessop, appears to have been 
the person of that name, whom we find fighting by the side of Clifton 
in the controversies which so much disturbed the harmony of the Eng- 
lish emigrants at Amsterdam. And with Clifton was joined another 
clergyman, Thomas Toller, who contributed to raise that spirit of op- 
position to the ecclesiastical arrangements of the country which led 
ultimately to the emigration : for it is certain that he was, during a 
pretty long life, one of the most zealous Puritan ministers of the time, 
strong in his opposition to the ceremonies, though not going the ex- 
treme length of separation. 

Robert Giffokd is the name of another minister spoken of by 
Bradford as having been " hotly persecuted by the Prelates," and who 
may therefore be presumed to be one of those who contributed to pro- 
duce the strong Puritan feeling which pervaded these parts of the 
kingdom. He is classed by Toller among those ministers who " seemed 
weary of the ceremonies." His benefice was Laughton-en-le-Mor- 
then, in Yorkshire, but adjoining to the parish of Woi'ksop. In him 
the spirit of non-conformity was not so powerful as to urge him to 
separation, but, like his neighbor Bernard of Worksop, he so far con- 
formed as to retain possession of his benefice, which he kept till his 
death in 1649. 

Hugh Bhomiiead, a native of these regions, being of the family 
of the name which was seated at North Wheatley. He was amongst 
the early emigrants to Holland, perhaf>s going in company with 
Smith. He settled at Amsterdam, and we have it upon his own 
authority, that he was a member of Smith's church. 

Wlien Smith and his church had removed themselves to Holland, 
what was wanted by those persons Avho had come to the determination 
to break off from the communion of the genei'al Church of England, 
and who did not choose to accompany or to follow Smith, was a central 
point at which they could assemble for worship and for discipline, and 



472 APPENDIX. 

a central person about whom they might cling, and to whose guidance 
and judgment they might be wilhng to defer. 

And this seems to have been the position which was occupied by 
William Brewster, which was at once what he desired and what 
was yielded to him by his simpler and less cultivated neighbors around. 
He fidly sympathized with them and with the ministers of whom we 
have spoken, in his dislike of the ceremonies, his disapprobation of 
the constitution of the church ; his hatred of those measures of se- 
verity by which it was thought to extinguish the Puritan spii'it ; in his 
admiration of the Puritan life ; and in his persuasion tliat there was 
in Scripture, indications of the kind of form in which communities of 
Christians should be constituted sufficient to guide the practice of 
Christians in all times. And being a little raised above the rest in 
fortune, attainments, and social position, all we read of him seems to 
be but in the natural course of things, and had there been no Brew- 
ster at hand, it is probable that no Separatist church would have been 
gathered after Smith and the Gainsborough people had withdrawn ; 
but the Basset-Lawe mind Avould have returned to its former state of 
quietude when the generation which had been wrought upon by the 
overzealous Puritan ministers had passed away. 

Brewster's, therefore, is a most important name in the history of this 
movement, and we have now to collect what we can of his English 
history. Little enough it is for such a man, and for that little we are 
chiefly indebted to his friend and biographer, Bradford. Yet I have 
to add one important fiict, which it is extraordinary that Bradford 
should have omitted. 

" After he had attained some learning, viz. the knowledge of the 
Latin tongue and some insight into the Greek, and spent some small 
time at Cambridge, and there being first seasoned with the seeds of 
grace and virtue, he went to the Court, and served that religious and 
godly gentleman. Mi-. Davison, divers years, Avhen he was Secretary 
of State ; who found him so discreet and faithful, as he trusted him 
above all others that were about him, and only employed him in mat- 
ters of greatest trust and secresy. lie esteemed him rather as a son 
than a servant, and for his wisdom and godliness in private, he would 
converse with him more like a familiar than a master. He attended 
his master when he was sent in ambassage by the Queen into the Low 
Countries (in the Earl of Leicester's time), as for other weighty affiiirs 
of State, so to receive possession of the cautionary towns ; and in 
token and sign thereof the keys of Flushing being delivered to him 



THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 473 

in her Majesty's name, he kept them some time, and committed them 
to his servant, who kept them under the pillow on which he slept the 
first night, and at his return the State honored him with a gold chain, 
and his master committed it to him and commanded him to wear it 
when they arrived in England, as they rode through the country, un- 
til they came to the Court. He afterwards remained with him until 
his troubles, when he was put from his place about the death of the 
Queen of Scots, and some good time after, doing him many offices of 
service in the time of his troubles." 

His affiliation is also a point not yet ascertained. There was a fam- 
ily of Brewsters inhabitants of this part of Nottinghamshire in the 
Tudor reigns. 

The name of Brewster, which is of the same obvious origin with 
the surname Brewer, is one of those which might originate in many 
different places, and is therefore not to be looked upon as binding all 
those who inherited it in the bonds of consanguinity. 

It is, however, a fact worthy our notice, that there was community 
of opinion as well as of surname between the emigrant to America 
and the Brewsters in Suffialk. Of this the continued existence of the 
little Independent chapel at Wrentham, which was built by one of the 
Brewsters of Suffijlk after the restoration for a congregation of Sepa- 
ratists, is an obvious proof. In correspondence with this is another 
fact, that Francis Brewster of Wrentham was nearly connected by 
marriage with two of the most eminent Puritan ministers of the time 
of King Charles the First, Edmund Calamy and Matthew Newcomen, 
two of the Sniectymnuus, and that his son Robert Brewster, was a mem- 
ber of one of Cromwell's Parliaments. The Brewsters of the county 
of Suffolk, were a fiamily of coat armor bearing a chevron ermine 
between three silver etoiles on a sable field, — stars breaking through 
the darkness of night ; a suitable device for the American Brewster. 

Brewster must have been a man of some position by birth to have 
obtained an appointment in Davison's service. His residence in the 
fiuuily of Davison may of itself account for his original leaning to 
the Puritan party ; for Davison was eminently a Puritan himself, one 
of the more reflective and philosophical, we may believe, of the party, 
extending his views, as Brewster did, beyond the mere ceremonies, to 
the great principles which ought to govern men in the management 
of ecclesiastical affiiirs, and in their dealings with each other respect- 
ing thera. I know not that we have decided evidence of what were 
Davison's opinions on these points or what his own religious practice 
may have been. There was possibly another influence working on 

40* 



474 APPENDIX. 

Brewster while lie lived with Davison : George Cranmer, another of 
Davison's assistants or servants, being fond of theological and ecclesi- 
astical studies, having been a pupil of Hooker and assisting him in 
his work on Ecclesiastical Polity. He also lived much Avith Sir 
Edwin Sandys, who is quite to be ranked among the ecclesiastical in- 
quirers and reformers of the time. 

That Scrooby was the place to which he removed, has been already 
shown ; it is also shown who were some of the clergy with whom he 
must have associated ; and I have now to add, what has not before 
been surmised, that his life in this the active period was not one of 
meditation only, and acts of voluntary exertion, but that he held an 
important office at Scrooby, which must have made large demands 
upon his thoughts and time for things which were purely secular ; 
and which brought to him a certain annual income, perhaps the best 
part of his revenues. This Bradford has not told us. 

I have already stated that Scrooby was a post-town on the great 
road from London to Berwick. It communicated with Tuxford on 
the south, and Doncaster on the north. It occurred to me when cast- 
ing about for any possible source of information respecting this prin- 
cipal person in the movement, that this being the case, if any accounts 
of the Postmastei'-Geueral of the time when Brewster lived were in 
existence, something might be found in them respecting him. Such 
accounts do exist : and in them I found not a few casual notices of 
Brewster as an inhabitant of Scrooby, but that he himself held for 
many years the office of postmaster, or post, as the term then was, at 
S crooby. 

The earliest accounts of the Postmaster-General now known to exist 
are those of Thomas Eandolph, which begin in 1566, and after him 
of Sir John Stanhope, who was appointed to the office by letters 
patent bearing date at "Westminster, June 20th, in the thirty-second 
year of Ehzabeth, 1590. Unfortunately, Randolph's accounts do not 
present us with the names of the postmasters on the road, nor do 
those of Sir John Stanhope for the first four years of his tenure of 
the office. But in his account declared before Lord Burghley, the 
Lord High Treasurer, and Sir John Fortescue, Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, on the last day of March, 1597, for the three preceding 
years, the names of the postmastex's at the different stages on the great 
roads are all set forth, and so continued to be for all the time that Sir 
Jolin Stanhope held the office. 

In this account, from April, 1597, occurs the following entry: — 

" William Brewster, post of Scrooby, for his ordinary wages serv- 
ing her Majesty all the time aforesaid, at 20c?. per diem, £91, 6s. 8c?." 



THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 475 

Sir John Stanhope next accounts for the two years April 1, 1597, 
to March 31, 1599. Here we have the same entry of the payment to 
Brewster, of £60, 16s. 8c?. 

Again he accounts for the three years, from April 1, 1599, to Mai-ch 
81, 1G02, with the same entry of the payment to Brewster of £91, 
65. 8d. 

Sir John Stanhope accounts again from April 1, 1602, to March 31, 
1605. Here we find that the daily wages of Brewster had been ad- 
vanced from 20d. to 2s. a day, from the 1st of July, 1603, as expressed 
in the following entry : — 

" William Brewster, post of Scrooby, for his wages as well at 20d. 
per diem for 456 days, begun the 1st of April, 1602, and ended the 
last of June, 1603, £38 : as also at 2s. per diem for 640 days, begun 
the 1st of July, 1003, and ended the last of March, 1605, £102." 

The next account is for two years, viz. from April 1, 1605, to 
March 31, 1607. Brewster receives £73. 

The latest account in which Brewster's name occurs is that from 
April 1, 1607, to March 31, 1609 : — 

" William Brewster, post of Scrooby, for his wages at 2s. per diem 
for 183 days, begun the first of April, 1607, and ended the last of 
September, 1607, £18, 6s.; and then Francis Hall succeeding him at 
2s. per diem for 548 days, begun the 1st of October, 1607, and ended 
the last of March, 1609, £73, 2s." 

It is much to be regretted that the name of each postmaster was 
not given for a few years earlier, as we should then have been able to 
arrive at the precise period when Brewster received this appointment, 
and this would have shown us how soon after the fall of Davison he 
was provided for by this government appointment. All we know on 
this head is, that he was in full possession on the 1st of April, 1594, 
and that he continued to hold the ofiice till the 30th of September, 
1607, on which day he resigned it, and a successor was appointed. 

Now the holding this office explains to us in the first place how it 
happens that we find him inhabiting such a mansion as the Manor, 
which had been the residence of an archbishop, disproportionate we 
must believe to the circumstances of Brewster as a private man, but 
not so to one who had to keep relays of horses for forwarding the let- 
ters, and to find rest and refreshment for travellers on this the great 
highway to the north. The office of postmaster on the gi-eat roads in 
those days was one requiring more attention and bringing with it 
higher responsibilities than the same office at present, when it is little 
more than the receiving and transmitting letters on a system well con- 



476 APPENDIX. 

sidcred and already in full operation ; but in those days there were no 
cross-posts, so that the few postmasters who were dotted about the 
country had to provide for very distant deliveries, which must have 
been done by special despatches, as well as to discharge the functions 
of the innkeeper for the travellers by post. 

In Brewster's days Roland Whyte, the lively correspondent of many 
of the nobility of the time, w^as the " Post of the Court ; " and it may 
serve to show other acquaintance at least of Brewster, if we state, that 
Henry Foster was during the whole of his time the post of Tuxford ; 
John Heyford, the post of Ferrybridge, and Nicholas Heyford, and 
after him, Ralph Aslaby, the post of Doncaster, Heyford and Aslaby 
were both respectable families in" the south part of the West-riding of 
Yorkshire, corresponding in position, it may be believed, with the 
Brewsters. And this leads me to remark, that though I cannot but 
wish that Bradford had informed us that Brewster held this office, yet 
that his holding it is by no means inconsistent with what Bradford does 
relate of him. It does not, for instance, invalidate his having been at 
the University, or his having been in the service of a Secretary of 
State, and having fallen with his master. His holding this office is 
indeed rather favorable to these representations than the contrary, 
since it shows that he had among those who were the disjiensers of 
government patronage. Nor in such an office would he be precluded 
from nursing a brood of discontents, and from comparing political chi- 
canery with the simplicity of the Gospel, or from indulging in religious 
inquiry, religious meditation, and religious exercises. It would not 
prevent him from associating with the better part of the population 
around him, among whom there must have been many who were 
wrought upon by the preachers of whom we have spoken, or from 
being instrumental in bringing Puritan ministers to the neighboring 
churches as they became vacant ; and we may believe also that it sup- 
plied the means, in some measure at least, by which he maintained so 
much hospitality and did so much good by his purse. It does not 
appear in any thing that is yet known of them that the Brewsters of 
Nottinghamshire had lands of their own, the chief source of income 
to gentlemen in those days who were not engaged in public employ- 
ments. 

Brewster, we see, held the office till the last day of September, 
1G07. Here is another date of importance in his life; but now arises 
the question, under what circumstances did he retire from his employ- 
ment ; was it voluntary or forced resignation ? Did he retire having 
formed the intention of following the example of Smith by removing 



THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH, 477 

himself and his little church to Holland ? or, was he removed by the 
government of the time to signify the disapprobation which they could 
not but feel at seeing the countenance which he gave to the Sepai'a- 
tists, and that he himself was in a regular course of action which, as 
the law then stood, was in defiance of public authority, and subjecting 
him to large penalties ? It may be in the power of some future in- 
quirer to answer these questions ; but for the present it must be ac- 
knowledged that it is only a proximate solution at which we can arrive ; 
and that the probabilities seem rather to incline to its being a forced 
removal than a voluntary retirement. What we actually hiow is, that 
before the September of that year the Church was brought into some 
order : Robinson and Clifton were become the pastor and teacher, and 
he the elder; that in April, 1608, he had been fined by the Commis- 
sioners for Ecclesiastical Causes for non-appearance to their citation ; 
and that it Avas in August, 1 G08, that Clifton arrived at Amsterdam. 
The date 1607, in Bradford's margin, leads us to suppose that he 
removed from Scrooby with the intention of proceeding to Holland 
before the close of that year. 

The question which next arises in considering the proceedings of 
William Brewster is, at what precise period it was that the scattered 
elements of disaffection to the church as by laAV established, were 
brought to collect themselves about the centre at his house at Scrooby, 
and the dissidents became forward in a Separatist or Congregational 
or Independent Church, those terms being identical and only other 
names for the same things. That there was a precise period when 
this was done, and that it was not that the concentration was brought 
about by slow and almost imperceptible degrees, is evident from what 
was the general practice of communities such as these. They usually 
began Avith the entering into a solemn covenant to Avalk together in a 
Christian course according to the direction of the Avord of God, and 
the choice of the officers Avhich, according to their A'ievvs, were those, 
and those only, which were pointed out in Scripture : namely, as Ave 
have before stated, pastor, teacher, elders, and deacons. Manuscripts 
remain containing accounts of such beginnings of Separatist churches 
in other places of a later date, Avith lists of persons who then entered 
into communion ; and greatly is it to be Avished that among the dis- 
coveries in literary and religious history, the record of the first begin- 
ning of the Scrooby church should be discovered. It Avould be a trea- 
sure indeed for New England history, and for the Museum of Ncav 
Plymouth. 



478 APPENDIX. 

This, however, is an event rather to be desired than expected, and 
we must be content to confine ourselves to making an approximation 
to the time, and to introducing a new name into our narrative, 
in the pastor or teacher (for it is uncertain which), whom these 
Basset-Lawe Separatists elected. And first with respect to the 
time. 

The year 1602 is placed in the margin of Bradford's account of 
Brewster against the notice, " After they were joined together into 
communion, he was a special stay and help to them. They ordinarily 
met at his house on the Lord's day." But this date, if there is not 
some mistake, must relate to an earlier church-union than that of 
which we are speaking, perhaps a union which comprehended also 
the people who afterwards composed Smith's church at Gainsborough ; 
for Bradford also tells us that when the church in Brewster's house 
began to move towards Holland, which was certainly in the winter of 
1607 and 1608, they had continued together, " about a year keeping 
their meetings every Sabbath in one place or another, exercising the 
worship of God amongst themselves." So that it would seem that 
the true beginning of this church as distinct from that of Smith, is to 
be fixed to the year 1606, about two years after the emigration of 
Smith and his people. 

That Brewster was chosen the elder, and Clifton either the pastor 
or teacher (probably the latter), seems to admit of no doubt ; but at 
this stage another person appears to have been introduced among 
them, whose name is the most prominent in all the subsequent history 
of the church, and who has left the most printed writings by which 
his opinions and character may be understood. He accompanied the 
Scrooby church when it removed to Holland, was with it while it 
remained at Amsterdam, transferred himself with it to Leyden, and 
witnessed its departure for America, intending, it is understood, to go 
thither himself, though he never actually took that step. This was 
John Robinson, who had inherited, hke Smith, one of those names 
which are really in a large population like that of England, no nota- 
mina, affording, therefore, little assistance to the critical inquirer. 
But Ave know him to have been chosen into one of the highest offices 
in this church, and we know him, also, by the works which he left 
behind him, to have been a man of a superior cast of cliaracter. 
He was moreover a man whose Avritings may be read now for 
instruction. I cannot go so far as some persons do and value his 
essays with those of Bacon ; but he must be insensible indeed, who 



THE rOHNDEES OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 479 

does not acknowledge that there is no small amount of original 
thinking in them, and hints which may be applied by any man 
with advantage in the regulation of his thoughts and conduct. 
He was also a further seeing man than some who were associated 
•with him, seeing that having deserted the church and renounced 
its authority, it was not to be supposed that they and their pos- 
terity would remain stationary precisely where they at first rested, 
but that further light might be expected to be struck out by the labor 
of men of learning, and that it would be their duty as well as their 
privilege to follow the light that was vouchsafed to them. Historically, 
indeed, this has been eminently the case both in England and Amer- 
ica, and has raised in both countries the question before the legal tri- 
bunals, how far men have a right to go in the pursuit of religious 
truth, who have renounced authority, and where the law shall step in 
and say, — Thus far shalt thou go and no further. Such a man is 
deserving of honor, especially as he added to these something of the 
meekness of wisdom, much as compared with Smith and some other 
of the Separatists : " the most learned, polished, and modest spirit 
that ever that sect enjoyed." This is the testimony of Robert Baillie, 
of Glasgow, an eminent Scotch Presbyterian. 

It must have been a gi-eat advantage to the Basset-Lawe Separatists 
to have secured the assistance of such a minister as this : and it now 
becomes a point which it is well worth while to consider, how it hap- 
pened that such a connection should be formed, since among the few 
things which are known of the early history of Robinson this is one, 
that he was living in the earlier part of the reign of James the 
First, in the county of Norfolk, and particularly at Norwich. Now, 
we have already seen that two of the divines of whom we have 
spoken had been educated at Christ College, Cambridge, (Emmanuel 
College wherein many other Puritan ministers were educated, was 
then scarcely formed,) and among the persons who were admitted 
there in the year 1592, is a John Robinson who took the degree of 
M. A., and became a fellow in^l598. This we learn from Mr. Mas- 
ters' printed list of the members of this college, 4to, 1749, and he 
further informs us that in the register of the college, this Robinson is 
said to have been of the county of Lincoln, and adding the conjecture 
that he is the John Robinson who subsequently lived in Holland. 
This appears to be a very probable conjecture; and I find Mr. Ash- 
ton, to whom I pointed out the passage in Masters, is inclined to 
adopt it. 

The inference from it will be that he would easily become known 



480 APPENDIX. 

to the Separatists at Gainsborough, and through them to those of 
Basset-Lawe. We are hardly warranted in supposing that he was 
connected with the Thomas Robinson who was so deeply concerned in 
the affair of the Bawtry Hospital, but it is far from impi'obable that 
that Robinson was originally of Gainsborough, where in the reign of 
Charles 11. Robinsons were chief persons among the dissenters of that 
town. 

"VVe are told that he was beneficed in Norfolk, somewhere near Yar- 
mouth. This is far too vague to satisfy even the most moderate cu- 
riosity about such a man. In looking over the list of Norfolk incum- 
bents in Blomefield's history of that county, I meet with only one 
Robinson of his period who was beneficed in any place which could 
be said to be near Yarmouth. This was the incumbent of the vicar- 
age, or perpetual curacy of Mundham, which is about fourteen miles 
distant from Yarmouth. We have no more of his name than " Rob- 
inson ;" but as Mundham was an impropriation of the Hospital of 
St. Giles in Norwich, and as we have the testimony of Dr. Joseph 
Hall, that Robinson the Separatist had some expectation of being ap- 
pointed the master of that hospital, it seemed a reasonable presump- 
tion that Mundham was the benefice in Norfolk, which he is said to 
have held. But Mr. Ashton appears to have discovered that the 
incumbent of Mundham, whose surname was Robinson, was named 
Robert. It is, however, singular that there should be two Robinsons 
at that time, both brought into connection with St. Giles' Hospital at 
Norwich, and both clergymen. 

We know that John Robinson lived for some time in Norwich, 
"Witness the late practice in Norwich, where certain citizens were 
excommunicated for resorting unto and praying with Mr. Robinson, a 
man worthily reverenced of all the city for the grace of God in him." 
This occurs in Ainsworth's " Answer to Crashaw," and is cited by 
Mr. Hanbury. Dr. Young has referred to one of Robinsou's Tracts 
for a more direct testimony. It is his " People's Plea for the exer- 
cise of prophecy," 16mo, 1618. He dedicated it to "his Christian 
friends in Norwich and thereabouts," and afterwards says, " even as 
when I lived with you." 

We also know that he left Norwich in some disgust. Ephraim 
Pagitt speaks of " one Master Robinson who, leaving Norwich mal- 
content, became a rigid Brownist." Dr. Hall, in a passage of his 
Apology against Brownists, cited by Dr. Young, makes this apparently 
uncharitable insinuation : " Neither doubt we that the mastership of 
the hospital at Norwich, or a lease from that city (sued for with 



THE rOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 481 

repulse) might have procured that this separation from the commun- 
ion, government, and worship of the Church of Engh\nd should not 
have been made by John Robinson." 

On the whole it may be taken as being very near the truth, that he 
took the otfice assigned him in the Basset-Lawe church in 1606 or 
1607.* 

Winslowe, who joined his church while it was at Leyden, and who 
was one of the party of a hundred, the first instalment of the Leyden 
church to the English population of America, says, " 'T is true, I con- 
fess, he was more rigid in his course and Avay at first, than toward his 
latter end ; for his study was peace and union as far as might agree 
with faith and a good conscience ; and for schisms and divisions there 
was nothing in the woi'ld more hateful to him. But for the government 
of the Church of England, as it was in the Episcopal way, the Litur- 
gy, and stinted prayers of the church thereby, yea, the constitution 
thereof as national, so consequently the corrupt communion of the 
unworthy and the worthy receivers of the Lord's Supper, these things 
were never approved of by him, but witnessed against to his death, 
and are by the church over which he was to this day. Here was 
something of substantial principle, something very unlike the puerile 
cavils about the few ceremonial acts which were continued from the 
primeval ages of Christianity, interesting as symbolical, and venera- 
ble as of unfathomed antiquity ; and we cannot but regard such a 
man as entitled to a voice in Christian controversies. 

With the zeal of Brewster there was, therefore, now united the 
moderation and prudence, and perhaps the hesitancy, of Robinson. 
But we have now to introduce upon the stage another person who 
joined himself to the church when quite a youth, who removed with 
it to Amsterdam, and from thence to Leyden, and who was in the first 
ship, the Mayflower, which entered the harbor of New Plymouth. 
He held no office in the church, but he had the chief share in man- 
aging the civil affairs of tlie colony, and subsequently became the 
person to whom we are indebted for so much authentic information 
concerning this movement. This was William Bradfokd, to 
whose energy while still quite a young man the church appears to 
have been greatly indebted in the trying circumstances which attended 
its removal from England. 

It is to Dr. Cotton Mather that we are indebted for what is known 
of the early life of Bradtbrd. He seems to have owed most of his 

* See Bradford's testimony to the character of Robinson. 

41 



482 APPENDIX, 

information to writings of Bradford liimself, which are now lost. An 
unfortimate, but very excusable misprint in Dr. Mather's work, or 
more probably a mistake in the manuscript, has frustrated all former 
inquiries into the origin and family connections of Bradford, about 
which curiosity has been alive. In the Magnolia we read that he 
was born at Ansterfield. No such place can be found in the villare 
of England, and therefore the name was no guide to the country in 
which inquiry might be made about him with any chance of success. 
But, in fact, what is printed Awsterfield ought to be Awsterfield, a 
village near Scrooby, being about as far to the north-east of Bawtry 
as Scrooby is to the south. And this point having been ascertained, 
opportunities were opened for the discovery of the station in life 
which his family had occupied, to support the representations given in 
general terms by Dr. Mather, and of the persons with whom the fam- 
ily of the future Governor of New Plymouth were connected by 
friendship or alliances. 

Austerfield is an ancient village, consisting then, as it does now, of 
a few houses inhabited by persons engaged in the occupation of hus- 
bandry, and a small chapel of a very early age. Ecclesiastically, it 
is dependent on the church of Blythe, and the vicar of that parish 
appoints the curate. Unlike Scrooby in that respect, whose early 
registers are lost, Austerfield has preserved them from the beginning 
in a good state ; and it is chiefly by the help of what is recorded in 
them that we are able to show that this was the birthplace of Governor 
Bradford, and to give some account, such as it is, of his family. 

Dr. Mather says that he was sixty-nine years of age at the time of 
his death. May the 9th, 1657. This would carry back his birth to 
the year 1588-9, and with this agrees with sufficient exactness the 
following entry among the baptisms at Austerfield : — 

1589, March 19th. William, the son of William Bradfourth — 
where 1589 is 1590, according to our present mode of dating. 

Dr. Mather further informs us that he was born to some estate, that 
his parents died when he was young, and that he was brought up by 
his grandfather and uncles. These statements receive curious support 
from the entries in the register, and from fiscal and testamentary 
documents. 

On these authorities the following genealogical account of the Brad- 
fords of Austerfield is based : — 

A William Bradford was living there in or about 1575, when he 
and one John Hanson were the only persons in the township who 
were assessed to the Subsidy. Bradford was taxed on twenty shillings 



THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. '483 

land, and Hanson on sixty shillings goods, annual value. These were 
the two grandfathers of the future Governor; and the circumstance, 
trifling as it is, that they were the only assessable inhabitants of Aus- 
terfield, shows at once the general poverty of the place, and that they 
stood in some degree of elevation above all their neighbors, except 
the incumbent of the chapel, who, like other clergymen, was not sub- 
ject to the tax. "William Bradfourth the eldest" was buried Janu- 
ary 10th, 1595-6. This was the grandfather of the Governor, who 
was then about six years old. 

Dr. Mather informs us, that a portion of the lands of the family 
descended to William, and that he sold them when he was of full age 
and was living in Holland. 

He was brought up, as the sons of yeomanry in those days were 
when not sent into the towns, attending to the husbandry operations 
of the family. But the report of Clifton's awakening ministry reached 
Austerfield. Young as he was, the voice came home to his heart. 
Babworth cannot be less than six or seven miles from Austerfield, yet 
he was a frequent attendant on Clifton's ministry. In going from 
Austerfield to Babworth, he would pass through Scrooby, where we 
see Downes, a friend of the family, resided, and where he w^ould meet 
with several persons, Brewster among the number, who walked across 
the meadows to Babworth, and who returned, their hearts burning 
within them and strengthening one another in the persuasion that such 
were the ministers by whom Christianity put forth its genuine influ- 
ences. And when Clifton's voice was silenced by authority he would 
be amongst those who reclaimed against the unwise and oppressive 
act ; and when Clifton gave up forever his pleasant benefice and sep- 
arated himself from the church to which perhaps he was in heart 
strongly attached — his affections drawing him one way and his 'judg- 
ment another — Bradford, young as he Avas, would be likely to see 
that no other way had remained for him, and that it was his own duty 
and his highest interest to render him all the encouragement and sup- 
port in his little power, and to abandon the church which one of its 
best ministers had been driven out from. Opposing himself to the 
wishes of his family, and daring the derision which would be showered 
upon him by the clowns of Austerfield, he declared himself a Sepa- 
ratist, joined the Scrooby church, and became a very active and use- 
ful person in the ditficult operations which they were soon called on to 
perform. This seems to have been the part he took when he was 
from fifteen to eighteen years of age. 

To complete the early portion of the personal history of this re- 



484 APPENDIX. 

markable man, which is the only part of it which belongs to me, it 
may be added that it has been discovered by the American inquirers 
into the history of the early settlers, that he married one Dorothy 
May. She accompanied him to America, one of the memorable hun- 
dred who were in the Mayflower. She reached the American coast ; 
but, while the ship was in the harbor at New Plymouth, she fell over- 
board and was drowned. 

Two years after her death, Bradford married Mrs. Alice South- 
worth, a widow, to whom, according to tradition, he had been attached 
before he went to America. She had married in the interval, and ^be- 
came a widow. Bradford renewed his proposals by letter. She ac- 
cepted them, and sailed for New Plymouth in the second year of the 
existence of the colony. Two sons of hers. Constant Southworth and 
Thomas Southworth, also came out, who were brought up by Governor 
Bradford, and became important persons in the colony. 

The Southworths were eminently a Basset-Lawe family. "\Ve learn 
from Thoroton that in 1G12, there was a Thomas Southworth, who had 
lands at Clarborough, and a William Southworth a freeholder at Hey- 
ton. We find, also, in the Visitation of Nottinghamshire, in 1614, that 
an Edward Southworth was then living, but so little did he care for 
such things, that all the account of his family which he gave to the 
Heralds was, that he was the son of Robert Southworth, the son of 
Richard, the son of Aymond, who lived at Wellam in the reign of 
King Henry the Eighth. From another source we know that one of 
the family, a Mr. Robert Southworth, consorted with the extreme 
Puritans, wiio were going the way of sepai'ation. 

The fact that some of the name became early settled in the new 
country, we cannot err if we claim some of them as lay members of 
the Scrooby church, perhaps this very Mr. Robert Southworth himself. 

We have direct and positive evidence on which to show two other 
persons wlio were members of the Separatist church before it left 
England. These were Richard Jackson and Robert Roches- 
ter. They were both inhabitants of Scrooby, and both included 
with Brewster in the penalties imposed by the Commissioners for 
Causes Ecclesiastical in 1608. I have not seen any other notice of 
them. The proceedings of the Separatists were in pointed opposition 
to the law as it then stood, and can only be justified on the ground 
that in affairs so sacred and important as those of religion, there is a 
law which is above all human institutions, to which every man is 
bound to be obedient, when its requirements are made manifest to his 
own understandiner. 



THE FOUNDERS OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 485 

Nor have I been able to discover more than one particular instance 
of the law being brought to bear on any of these Basset-Lavve non- 
conformists, besides the silencing of some of the ministers. Toby 
Matthew, archbishop of York, in the return which he made to the 
Exchequer, on the loth of November, 1608, of the fines which had 
■ been imposed within his diocese in the preceding year, for the purpose 
of the fines being levied, inserted the following : — 

" Richard Jackson, William Brewster, and Robert Rochester, of 
Scrooby, in the county of Nottingham, Brownists or Sepai'atists, for a 
fine or amercement of £20 apiece, set and imposed upon every 
of them by Robert Abbot and Robert Snowden, Doctors of Divinity, 
and Matthew Dodsworth, Bachelor of Law, Commissioners for Causes 
Ecclesiastical within the province of York, for not appearing before 
them upon lawful summons at the Collegiate Church of Southwell, the 
22d day of April, Anno Domini, 1G08 — £60." 

Before this return was made to the Exchequer, the Basset-Lawe 
Separatists had formed the resolution to seek in another country that 
protection and toleration which were denied them at home ; and they 
saw at no great distance another country where was a public tolera- 
tion of all forms of Protestantism. 

For the rest we refer to Bradford's history. 

41* 



486 APPENDIX. 



GOV. WINSLOW'S ACCOUNT OF THE NATIVES OF NEW ENG- 
LAND, ANNEXED TO HIS NAKRATIVE OF THE PLANTA- 
TIONS. A.D. 1624.* 

A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have ob- 
served amongst the Indians ; both touching their religion and sundry 
other customs among them. And first, whereas myself and others, 
in former letters, (which came to the press against my will and knowl- 
edge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people without any re- 
ligion, or knowledge of any God ; therein I erred, though we could 
then gather no better ; for as they conceive of many divine powers, 
so of one, whom they call Klehtan,^ to be the principal maker of all 
the rest ; and to be made by none. He, they say, created the heavens, 
earth, sea, and all ci'eatures contained therein. Also that he made one 
man and one woman, of whom they and we and all mankind came ; 
but how they became so far dispersed, that they know not. At first, 
they say, there was rioj sachem or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth 
above the heavens, whither all good men go when they die, to see their 
friends, and have their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth 
westward in the heavens, they say ; thitlier the bad men go also, and 
knock at his door, but he bids them quachet, that is to say, walk 
abroad, for there is no place for such ; so that they wander in restless 
want and penury. Never man saw this Kiehtan, only old men tell 
them of him, and bid them tell their children, yea, charge them to 
teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge upon them. 
This power they acknowledge to be good ; and when they would ob- 
tain any great matter, meet together and cry unto him ; and so like- 
wise for plenty, victory, etc., sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang 
up garlands and other things in memory of the same. 

Another power they worship, whom they call Hohhamoch, and to the 
northward of us, Hohbamoqui ; this, as far as we can conceive, is the 



* This account of the Natives, will deeply interest all the readers of the pre- 
ceding pages. 

t The meaninf^ of the word Kiehtan hath reference to antiquity, for chise is an 
old man, and Kieh-chise a man that exccedeth iu age. 



THE NATIVES OF NEW ENGLAND. 487 

devil. Him they call upon, to cure their wounds and diseases. "When 
they are curable, he persuades them he sends the same, for some con- 
ceived anger against them ; but upon their calling upon him, can and 
doth help them ; but when they are mortal and not curable in nature, 
then he persuades them Kiehtan is angry, and sends them, whom none 
can cure ; insomuch as in that respect only they somewhat doubt 
whether he be simply good, and therefore in sickness never call upon 
him. This Ilobbamock appears in sundry forms unto them, as in the 
shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, etc., but most ordinarily a 
snake. He appears not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious 
among them ; though all of them strive to attain to that hellish height 
of honor. He appears most ordinary, and is most conversant with 
three sorts of people ; one, I confess I neither know by name or office 
directly ; of these they have few, but esteem highly of them, and 
think no weapon can kill them ; another they call by the name of 
Powali, and the third Paniese. 

The office and duty of the Powah is to be exercised principally in 
calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded. 
The common people join with them in the exercise of invocation, but 
do but only assent, or as we term it, say amen to that he saith ; yet 
sometime break out into a short musical note with him. The Powah 
is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and joineth many 
antic and laborious gestures with the same, over the party diseased. 
If the party be wounded, he will also seem to suck the wound ; but if 
they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth it not, but a shooke, that is 
the snake, or Wobsacuck, that is the eagle, sitteth on the shoulder, 
and licks the same. This none see but the Powah, who tells them he 
doth it himself. If the party be otherwise diseased, it is accounted 
sufficient if in any shape he but come into the house, taking it for an 
undoubted sign of recovery. 

And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Delphos, and Diana 
at Ephcsus, so have I heard them call upon some as if they had 
their residence in some certain places, or because they appeared in 
those forms in the same. In the Powah's speech, he promiseth to 
sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, knives, and 
other the best things they have to the fiend, if he will come to help 
the party diseased ; but whether they perform it I know not. The 
other practices I have seen, being necessarily called sometimes to be 
with their sick, and have used the best arguments I could to make 
them understand against the same. They have told me I should see 
the devil at those times come to the party ; but I assured myself and 



488 APPENDIX. 

tliem of the contrary, which so proved ; yea, themselves have con- 
fessed they never saw him when any of us were present. In desper- 
ate and extraordinary hard travail in child-birth, when the party can- 
not be delivered by the ordinary means, they send for this Powah ; 
though ordinarily their travail is not so extreme as in other parts of 
the world, they being of a more hardy nature ; for on the third day 
after cliikl-birth, I Iiave seen tlie mother with the infant, upon a small 
occasion, in cold weather, in a boat upon the sea. 

Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases they kill chil- 
dren. It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a lit- 
tle distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to Kieh- 
tan : saying, in their memory, he was much more called upon. The 
Narragansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a great spa- 
cious house, wherein only some few (that are, as we may term them. 
Priests) come : thither, at certain known times, resort all their people, 
and offer almost all the riches they have to their gods, as kettles, skins, 
hatchets, beads, knives, etc., all which are cast by the priests into a 
great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and there con- 
sumed to ashes. To this oifering every man bringeth freely ; and the 
more he is known to bring, hath the better esteem of all men. This, 
the other Indians about us approve of as good, and wish their Sachems 
would appoint the like ; and because the plague has not reigned at 
Narraganset as at other places about them, they attribute to this cus- 
tom there used. 

The Panieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to these 
also the devil appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as we con- 
ceive, maketh covenant with them to preserve them from death, by 
wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, etc., or at least both themselves 
and especially the people think themselves to be freed from the same. 
And though against their battles all of them by painting, disfigure 
themselves, yet they are known by their courage and boldness, by 
reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hundred men ; for 
they account it death for whomsoever stand in their way. These are 
highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and are of the sachems' coun- 
sel, without whom they will not war, or undertake any weighty busi- 
ness. In war their sachems, for their more safety, go in the midst of 
them. They are commonly men of great stature and strength, and 
such as will endure most hardness, and yet are more discreet, courte- 
ous and humane in their carriages than any amongst them, scorning 
theft, lying, and the like base dealings, and stand as much upon their 
reputation as any men. And to the end they may have store of these, 



THE NATIVES OF NEW ENGLAND. 489 

tliey train up tlie most forward and likeliest boys, from tlieir child- 
hood, in great hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, 
observing divers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of 
age, the devil may appear to them, causing to drink the juice of sen- 
try and other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge into 
the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through extra- 
ordinary pressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood ; and this the 
boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so continue till by reason 
of faintness, they can scarce stand on their legs, and then must go 
forth into the cold : also they beat their shins with sticks, and cause 
them to run through bushes and stumps and brambles, to make them 
hardy and acceptable to the devil, that in time he may appear unto 
them. 

Their sachems cannot be all called kings, but only some few of them, 
to whom the rest resort for protection and pay homage unto them ; 
neither may they war without their knowledge and approbation ; yet 
to be commanded by the greater, as occasion seemeth. Of this sort 
is Massasoit our friend, and Canonicus of Narraganset, our supposed 
enemy. Every sachem taketh care of the widoAv and fatherless, also 
for such as are aged and any way maimed, if their friends be dead, 
or not able to provide for them. A sachem will not take any to wife 
but such an one as is equal to him in birth ; otherwise, they say their 
seed would in time become ignoble; and though they have many 
other wives, yet are they no other than concubines or servants, and 
yield a kind of obedience to the principal, who ordereth the family 
and them in it. The like their men observe also, and will adhere to 
the first during their lives ; but put away the other at their pleasure. 
This government is successive and not by choice ; if the father die 
before the son or daughter be of age, then the child is committed to 
the protection and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in 
his stead till he be of age, but when that is I know not. 

Every sachem knoweth how far the bounds and limits of his own 
country extendeth ; and that is his own proper inheritance ; out of 
that, if any of his men desire land to set their corn, he giveth them 
as much as they can use, and sets them in their bounds. In this cir- 
cuit, whoever hunteth, if any kill venison, they bring him his fee ; 
which is four parts of the same, if it be killed on land, but if in the 
water, then the skin thereof. The great sachems or kings know not 
their own bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All travellers 
or strangers for the most part lodge at the sachem's. When they 
come, they tell them how long they will stay and to what place they 



490 APPENDIX. 

go ; during which time they receive entertainment, according to their 
persons, but want not. Once a year the Panieses use to provoke the 
people to bestow much corn on the sachem. To that end, they appoint 
a certain time and jjlace, near the sachem's dwelHng, where the peo- 
ple bring many baskets of corn and make a great stack thereof. 
There the Panieses stand ready to give thanks to the people, on the 
sachem's behalf; and after acquaint the sachem therewith, who fetch- 
eth the same and is no less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. 

"When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto them 
for their comfort, and continue with them oftentimes till their death or 
recovery. If they die, they stay a certain time to mourn for them. 
Night and morning they perform this duty, many days after the burial, 
in a most doleful manner, insomuch as though it be ordinary and the 
note musical which they take from one another and altogether ; yet it 
will draw tears from their eyes and almost from ours also. But if 
they recover, then because their sickness was chargeable, they send 
corn and other gifts unto them, at a certain appointed time, whereat 
they feast and dance, which they call commoro. AVhen they bury the 
dead, they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the earth ; if 
the party be a sachem, they cover him with many curious mats, and 
bury all his riches with him, and inclose the grave with a pale. If it 
be a child, the father will also put his own most special jewels and 
ornaments in the earth with it ; also he will cut his hair, and disfigure 
himself very much in token of sorrow. If it be the man or woman 
of the house ; they will pull down the mats, and leave the frame 
standing, and bury them in or near the same, and either remove their 
dwelling or give over housekeeping. 

The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other exercises 
of the bow, except at sometimes they take some pains in fishing. The 
women live a most slavish life ; they carry all their burdens ; set and 
dress their corn, gather it in, and seek out for much of their food ; 
beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all household care 
lying upon them. 

The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices, 
whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys and girls 
may not wear their hair like men and women, but are distinguished 
thereby. 

A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, or show 
forth such courage and resolution as becometh his place. The men 
take much tobacco, but for boys so to do, they account it odious. 

All their names are significant and vai'iable ; for when they come 



THE NATIVES OF NEW ENGLAND. 491 

to the state of men and women, tliey alter tliem according to tlieir 
deeds or dispositions. 

When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and 
after weareth a covei'ing on her head, till her hair be grown out. 
Their Avomen are diversely disposed, some as modest, as they will 
scarce talk one with another in the company of men ; being very 
chaste also ; yet other some are light, lascivious, and wanton. If a 
woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be war or 
opposition between that and any other people, she will run away from 
him to the contrary party, and there live, where they never come un- 
welcome ; for where are most women there is greatest plenty. 

When a woman hath her monthly turns, she separateth herself 
from all other companj'', and liveth certain days in a house alone ; 
after which, she washeth herself, and all that she hath touched or used, 
and is again received to her husband's bed or family. For adultery, 
the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. Some 
common strumpets there are, as well as in other places ; but they are 
such as either never married, or widows, or put away for adultery ; 
for no man will keep such a one to wife. 

In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sachem examineth 
and punisheth the same. In case of theft, for the first offence, he is 
disgracefully rebuked ; for the second, beaten by the sachem, with a 
cudgel on the naked back ; for the third, he is beaten with many 
strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby all men may 
know and shun him. If any man kill another, he must likewise die 
for the same. The sachem not only passeth sentence upon malefac- 
tors, but executeth the same with his own hands, if the party be then 
present ; if not, sendeth his own knife in case of death, in the hands 
of others to perform the same. But if the offender be to receive 
other punishment, he will not receive the same but from the sachem 
himself, before whom, being naked, he kneeleth, and will not offer to 
run away, though he beat him never so much, it being a greater dis- 
paragement for a man to cry during the time of his correction, than is 
his offence and punishment. 

As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stockings in one, like 
some Irish, which is made of deer skins, and have shoes of the same 
leather. They wear also a deer's skin loose about them like a cloak, 
which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit they travel ; 
but when they are at home, or come to their journey's end, they pres- 
ently pull off their breeches, stockings and shoes, wring out the water, if 
they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these 



492 APPENDIX. 

be off, yet have they another small garment which covereth their 
secrets. The men wear also, when they go abroad in cold weather, 
an otter, or fox skin on their right arm ; but only their bracer on the 
left. Women, and all of tliat sex, wear strings about their legs, which 
the men never do. 

The people are very ingenious and observative ; they keep account 
of time, by the moon, and winters or summers ; they know divers of 
the stars by name ; in particular they know the North Star, and call 
it maske, which is to say, the hear ; also they have many names for the 
winds. They will guess very well at the wind and weather before- 
hand, by observations in the heavens. They report also, that some of 
them can cause the wind to blow in what part they list — can raise storms 
and tempests, which they usually do, when they intend the death or 
destruction of other people, that by reason of the unseasonable weather, 
they may take advantage of their enemies in their houses. At such 
times they perform their greatest exploits, and at such seasons, when 
they are at enmity with any, they keep more careful watch than at 
other times. 

As for their language, it is very copious, large, and difficult, as yet 
we cannot attain to any great measure thereof; but can understand 
them, and explain ourselves to their understanding, by the help of 
those that daily converse with us. And though there be difference in 
an hundred miles distance of place, both in language and manners, 
yet not so much but that they very well understand each other. And 
thus much of their lives and manners. 

Instead of records and chronicles, they take this course : where any 
remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by some 
pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground about 
a foot deep, and as much over, which when others passing by behold, 
they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once 
known, they are careful to acquaint all men, as occasion serveth there- 
with : and lest such holes should be filled or grown up by any accident, 
as men pass by, they will oft renew the same : by which means many 
things of great antiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man 
travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his journey will be less te- 
dious, by reason of many historical discourses which will be related to 
him. 

For that continent on which we are, called New England, although 
it hath ever been conceived by the English to be a part of the main 
land adjoining to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should ap- 
pear to be otherwise ; for they affirm confidently that it is an island. 



THE NATIVES OE NEW ENGLAND. 493 

and that either the Dutch or French pass through from sea to sea 
between us and Virginia, and drive a great trade in the same. The 
name of that inlet of the sea they call Mohegan, which I take to be 
the same which we call Hudson's river, u^) which Master Hudson 
went many leagues, and for want of means (as I hear) left it undis- 
covered. For confirmation of this their opinion is thus much ; though 
Virginia be not above an hundred leagues from us, yet they never 
heard of Potohatan, or knew that any English were planted in his 
country, save only by us and Tisquantum, who went thither in an 
English ship ; and therefore it is more probable, because the water is 
not passable for them, who are very adventurous in their boats. 

Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three years' experi- 
ence I can scarce distinguish New England from Old England, in 
respect of heat and cold, frost, snow, rain, wind, etc. Some object be- 
cause our plantation lieth in the latitude of two and forty, it must 
needs be much hotter. I confess I cannot give the reason of the con- 
trary ; only experience teaches us, that if it do exceed England, it is 
so little as must require better judgments to discern it. And for the 
•winter, I rather think (if there be difference) it is both sharper and 
longer in New England than Old ; and yet the want of those comforts 
in the one, which I have enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judg- 
ment also. But in my best observation, comparing our own condi- 
tions with the relations of other parts of America, I cannot conceive 
of any to agree better with the constitutions of the English, not being 
oppressed with the extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold, by 
which means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwithstanding 
those difficulties we have undergone, in such a measure as Avould have 
been admii-ed had we lived in England with the like means. The day 
is two hours longer than here when at the shortest, and as much shorter 
when at the longest. 

The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some clay, and othei-s 
a mixed sand, etc. The chiefest grain is the Indian maize or Guinea 
wheat ; the seed-time beginneth in the midst of April, and continueth 
good till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with September. 
This corn increaseth in great measure, but is inferior in quality to the 
same in Virginia ; the reason I conceive is because Vii'ginia is far hot- 
ter than it is with us, it requiring great heat to ripen. But whereas 
it is objected against New England, that corn will not grow there ex- 
cept the ground be manured with fish : I answer, that where men set 
with fish (as with us) it is more easy so to do than to clear ground, 
and set without some five or six years, and so begin anew, as in Vir 

42 



494 APPENDIX. 

ginia and elsewhere. Not but that in some places where they cannot 
be taken with ease in such abundance, the Indians set four years to- 
gether without them, and have as good corn or better than we have 
that set with them ; though indeed I think if we had cattle to till the 
ground, it would be more profitable and better agreeable to the soil to 
sow wheat, rye, barley, peas, and oats, than to set maize, which our 
Indians call Ewachim ; for we have had experience that they like and 
thrive well ; and the other will not be procured without good labor 
and diligence, especially at seed-time, when it must also be watched 
by night, to keep the wolves from the fish, till it be rotten, Avhich will 
be in fourteen days, yet men agreeing together and taking their tui-ns, 
it is not much. 

Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as 
shall plant here, by trading with the Indians for furs, if men take a 
right course for obtaining the same ; for I dare presume upon that 
small experience I have had to afhrm, that the English, Dutch, and 
French return yearly many thousand pounds profit by trade only, 
from that island on which we are seated. 

Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit as in some 
other places, neither were it profitable there to follow it, though the 
increase were equal, because fish is a better and richer commodity 
and more necessary, which may be and there are had in as great 
abundance as in any other part of the world ; witness the west-country 
merchants of England, which return incredible gains yearly from 
thence. And if they can so do, which here buy their salt at a great 
charge, and transport more company to make their voyage than will 
sail their ships, Avhat may the planters expect when once they are 
seated, and make the most of their salt there, and employ themselves 
at least eight months in fishing, whereas the other fish but four, and 
have their ship lie dead in the harbor all the time, whereas such ship- 
ping as belong to Plantations may take freight of jmssengers or cattle 
thither, and have their lading provided against they come ? I confess 
we have come so far short of the means, to raise such returns, as with 
great difficulty we have preserved our lives ; insomuch as when I look 
back upon our condition, and Aveak means to preserve the same, I 
rather admire at God's mercies and providence in our preservation, 
than that no greater things have been effected by us. But though our 
beginning have been thus raw, small and difficult, as thou hast seen, 
yet the same God that hath hitherto led us through the former, I hope 
will raise means to accomplish the latter. 



APPENDIX. 495 



DE EASIERES' LETTER. 

In the Massachusetts Hist. Collections, vol. 3, first series, there is a 
record of correspondence between the Dutch at Manhattan [New 
York], and the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Afterwai'ds Isaac De Rasieres 
was despatched from the Dutch West India Company at Manhattan, 
on an embassy to the colony of New Plymouth. Having arrived at 
Buzzard's Bay, he addressed a letter to Gov. Bradford acknowledging 
the reception of former letters and expressing the salutatory regards 
of the Hon. Lords of the West India Company, whereupon the Gov- 
ernor sent a boat for him, and the visit was highly beneficial in its 
results. 

Afterwards, De Rasieres, in a letter to one of his employers, gave a 
description of Plymouth, a part of which has been found, and is too 
appropriate and interesting to be omitted here. It was obtained in 
Holland by the instrumentality of Mr. Broadhead, late secretary of 
legation at the court of London. Mr. Broadhead says, " Unfortu- 
nately the letter is defective, and we may reasonably infer that the 
missing portion would have been of the highest interest. But quite 
enough remains to induce lively congratulation that a happy chance 
has now placed so precious a fragment within our reach." It was first 
published in the New York Hist. Colls., and has been published by 
Mr. Russell in his " Pilgrim Memorials." 

" Coming out of the river Nassau * you sail east and by north about 
fourteen miles, along the coast, a half a mile from the shore, and you 
then come to ' Frenchman's Point,' j at a small I'iver Avhere those of 
P9,tucxet]: have a house made of hewn oak planks, called Aptucxet,§ 
where they keep two men, winter and summer, in order to maintain 
the trade and possession. Where also they have built a shallop, in 
order to go and look after the trade in sewau, in Sloup's Bay ]| and 

* Narraganset Bay. 

t De Rasieres dates his letter to Gov. Bradford, of 4th October, 1627, from 
" aboard the barque Nassau," off this point. [See Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc., Vol. 
I., new series, p. 362.] 

J The Indian name for New Plymouth. 

§ See Bradford's description of Manomet, in Prince, p. 67 ; and see also Coll. 
N. Y. Hist. Soc, Vol. I., new series, pp. .357, 358. 

jl The western entrance to Narraganset Bay. 



496 APPENDIX. 

thereabouts, because they are afraid to pass Cape Malabaer, and in 
order to avoid the length of the way ; which I have prevented for this 
year * by selling them fifty fathoms of sewan, because the seeking 
after sewan by them is prejudicial to us, inasmuch as they would, 
by so doing, discover the trade in furs ; which if they were to find out, 
it would be a great trouble for us to maintain, for they already dare to 
threaten that if we will not leave off dealing with that people, they 
will be obliged to use other means ; if they do that now, while they 
are yet ignorant how the case stands, what will they do when they do 
get a notion of it ? 

" From Aptucxet the English can come in six hours, through the 
woods, passing several little rivulets of fresh water, to New Plymouth, 
the principal place in the country Patucxet, so called in their ' Oc- 
troye ' from His Majesty in England. New Plymouth lies in a large 
bay to the north of Cape Cod, or Malabaer, east and west from the 
said [north] point of the cape, which can be easily seen in clear 
weather. Directly before the commenced town lies a sand-bank, 
about twenty paces broad, whereon the sea breaks violently with an 
easterly and north-easterly wind. On the north side there lies a small 
island where one must run close along, in order to come before the 
town ; then the ships run behind that bank and lie in a very good 
roadstead. The bay is very full of fish [chiefly] of cod, so that the 
Governor before named,t has told me that when the people have a 
desire for fish, they send out two or three persons in a sloop, whom 
they remunerate for their trouble, and who bring them, in three or 
four hours' time, as much fish as the whole community require for a 
whole day — and they muster about fifty families. 

" At the south side of the town there flows down a small river of fresh 
water, very rapid, but shallow, which takes its rise from several lakes 
in the land above, and there empties into the sea ; where in April and 
the beginning of May there come so many herring | from the sea 
whicli want to ascend that river, that it is quite surprising. This river 
the English have shut in with planks, and in the middle with a little 
door, Avhich slides up and down, and at the sides with trellice work, 
through which the water has its course, but which they can also close 



* Sec also Bradford's account of this transaction, in Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc, 

> 
Vol. I., now series, p. 357. 

t Probably in tlie portion of this letter which is unfortunately missing. 

t In the original Dutch, "elft," is generally translated Shad, — perhaps it 

would be more properly rendered aJewives. J. k. b. 



DE RASIEKES' LETTER. 497 

with slides. At the mouth they have constructed it with planks, like 
an eel pot, with wings, where in the middle is also a sliding door, and 
with trellice work at the sides, so that between the two [dams] there 
is a square pool, into which the fish aforesaid come swimming in such 
shoals, in order to get up above, where they deposit their spawn, that 
at one tide there are 10,000 to 12,000 fish in it, which they shut off 
in the rear at the ebb, and close up the trellices above, so that no more 
water comes in ; then the water runs out through the lower trellices 
and they draw out the fish with baskets, each according to the land he 
cultivates, and carry them to it, depositing in each hill three or four 
fishes, and in these they plant their maize, which grows as luxuriantly 
therein as though it were the best manure in the world ; and if they 
do not lay this fish therein, the maize will not grow, so that such is the 
nature of the soil. 

" New Plymouth lies on the slope of a hill stretching east towards 
the sea-coast, with a broad street about a cannon shot of 800 [yards] 
long, leading down the hill ; with a [street] crossing in the middle, 
northwards to the rivulet, and southwards to the land. The houses 
are constructed of hewn planks, with gardens also inclosed behind 
and at the sides with hewn planks, so that their houses and court- 
yards are arranged in very good order, with a stockade, against a sud- 
den attack ; and at the ends of the streets there are three wooden 
gates. In the centre, on the cross street, stands the Governor's house, 
before which is a square inclosure upon which four patereros [steen- 
stucken] are mounted, so as to flank along the streets. Upon the 
hill, they have a large square house, with a flat roof, made of thick 
sawn planks, stayed with oak beams, upon the top of which they have 
six cannons, which shoot iron balls of four and five pounds, and com- 
mand the surrounding country. The lower part they use for their 
church, where they preach on Sundays and the usual holidays. They 
assemble by beat of drum, each with his musket or firelock, in front 
of the captain's door ; they have their cloaks on and place themselves 
in order, three abreast, and are led by a sergeant without beat of 
drum. Behind comes the Governor, in a long robe ; beside him, on 
the right hand, comes the preacher with his cloak on, and on the left 
hand the captain with his side arms and cloak on, and with a small 
cane in his hand, — and so they march in good order, and each sets 
his arms down near him. Thus they are constantly on their guard 
night and day. 

" Their government is after the English form. The Governor has 
his council, which is chosen every year by the entire community by 

42* 



498 APPENDIX. 

election or prolongation of term. In the inheritance they place all 
the children in one degree, only the eldest son has an acknowledg- 
ment for his seniority of birth. 

" They have made stringent laws and ordinances upon the subject 
of fornication and adultery, which laws they maintain and enforce very 
strictly indeed, even among the tribes which live amongst them. They 
[the English] speak very angrily, when they hear from the savages 
that we should live so barbarously in these respects, and without pun- 
ishment. 

" Their farms are not so good as ours, because they are more stony, 
and consequently not so suitable for the plough. They apportion 
their land according as each has means to conti-ibute to the Eigh- 
teen Thousand Guilders which they have promised to those who had 
sent them out ; whereby they have their freedom without rendering 
an account to any one ; only if the king should choose to send a Gov- 
ernor-General they would be obliged to acknowledge him as sovereign 
chief. 

" The maize seed which they do not require for their own use is 
delivered over to the Governor, at three guilders the bushel, who in 
his turn sends it in sloops to the North for the trade in skins among 
the savages ; they reckon one bushel of maize against one pound of 
beaver's skin ; in the fii'st place, a division is made, according to what 
each has contributed, and they are credited for the amount in the ac- 
count of what each has to contribute yearly towards the reduction of 
his obligation. Then with the remainder they purchase what next 
they require, and which the Governor takes care to provide every year. 
" They have better means of living than ourselves, because they 
have the fish so abundant before their doors. There are also many 
birds, such as geese, herons, and cranes, and other small-legged birds, 
which are in great abundance there in the winter. The tribes in their 
neighborhood have all the same customs as already above described, 
only they are better conducted than ours, because the English give 
them the example of better ordinances and a better life ; and who, 
also, to a certain degree, give them laws, by means of the respect they 
from the very first have established amongst them. 

" The savages [there] practice their youth in labor better than the 
savages round about us ; the young girls in sowing maize, the young 
men in hunting ; they teach them to endure privation in the field in a 
singular manner, to wit : when there is a youth who begins to ap- 
proach manhood, he is taken by his father, uncle, or nearest friend, 
and is conducted blindfolded into a wilderness, in order that he may 



DE KASIERES' LETTER. 499 

not know the way, and is left there by night or otherwise, with a bow 
and arrows, and a hatchet and a knife. He must support himself 
there a whole winter, with what the scanty earth furnishes at this sea- 
son, and by hunting. Towax'ds the spring they come again, and fetch 
him out of it, take him home and feed him up again until May. He 
must then go out again every morning with the person who is ordei-ed 
to take him in hand ; he must go into the forest to seek wild herbs 
and roots which they know to be the most poisonous and bitter ; these 
they bi-uise in water and press the juice out of them, which he must 
drink and immediately have ready such hei'bs as will preserve him 
from death or vomiting ; and if he cannot retain it, he must repeat 
the dose until he can support it, and until his constitution becomes 
accustomed to it so that he can retain it. Then he comes home, and is 
brought by the men and women, all singing and dancing, before the 
Sackima ; and if he has been able to stand it all out well, and if he is 
fat and sleek, a wife is given to him. 

" In that district there are no lions or bears, but there are the same 
kinds of other game, such as deers, hinds, beavers, otters, foxes, lynxes, 
seals, and fish, as in our district of country. The savages say that 
far in the interior, there are certain beasts of the size of oxen, having 
but one horn, which are very fierce. The English have used great 
diligence in order to see them, but cannot succeed therein, although 
they have seen the flesh and hides of them which were brought to 
them by the savages. There are also very large elks there which the 
English have indeed seen. The lion skins which we sometimes see 
our savages wear, are not large, so that the animal itself must be 
small ; they are of a mouse grey color, short in the hair, and long in 
the claws. The bears are some of them large and some small ; but 
the largest are not as large as the middle-sized ones which come from 
Greenland. Their fur is long and black, and their claws large. The 
savages esteem the flesh and grease as a great dainty. Of the birds, 
there is a kind like starlings, which we call maize thieves, because 
they do so much damage to it. They fly in large flocks, so that they 
flatten the corn in any place where they light, just as if cattle had 
lain there. Sometimes we take them by surprise and fire amongst 
them with hail shot, immediately that we have made them rise, so that 
sixty, seventy, and eighty fall all at once, which is very pleasant to see. 
There are also very large turkeys living wild ; they have very long 
legs, and can run extraordinarily fast, so that we generally take sav- 
ages with us when we go to hunt them, for even when one has deprived 
them of the power of flying, they yet run so fast that we cannot catch 



500 APPENDIX. 

them unless their legs are hit also. In the autumn and in the spring 
there come a great many geese, which are very good, [to eat,] and 
easy to shoot, inasmuch as they congregate together in such large 
flocks. There are two kinds of partridges ; the one sort are quite as 
small as quails, and the other like the ordinary kind here. There are 
also hares, but few in number, and not larger than a middle-sized 
rabbit ; and they principally frequent where the land is rocky. 

" This, sir, is what I have been able to communicate to you from 
memory, respecting New Netherland, and its neighborhood, in dis- 
charge of my bounden duty ; I beg that the same may be so favorably 
received by you, and I beg to recommend myself for such further ser- 
vice as you may be pleased to command me in, wherever you may 
find me. 

"In every thing your faithful servant, 

"ISAACK De RaSIERES." 



O D E X . 



• INDEX. 



A. 

Admission to the church, mode of, 433 ; altered, 435, 436. 

Advice to the rising generation, 222. 

Agreement between the Adventurers and Planters, 279, 280, 316. 

Arden, Mr. John, 115, 118, 121, 139. 

Ainsworth, Mr. Henry, living on ninepence a "week, 345, 351, 352. 

Allerton, Mr. Isaac, sent to England, 85, 315 ; returns, 316 ; sent again, 318. 

Ames, Dr. William, 334, 342. 

Anabaptism, 211. 

Anagrams, 174, 183, 184. 

Ann, a ship of this name came bringing Timothy Hatherly and George 

Morton, 65. 
Andross, Sir Edmund, arrived with large commission, 227. 
Antinomianism, made great trouble at Boston, 133. 
Arminian conti'oversy, 256. 
Articles of Faith and Covenants, 459-464; of the First Church in Salem, 

459, 463. 
Atwood, Mr. John, 139 ; died, 150; character of, 150. 

B. 

Baylie, Mr. Robert, 335, 405, 413. 

Baptism, 101, 424, 434 ; questions to be answered at the baptism of children, 
462. 

Barrow, Mr. Henry, the martyr, 324, 337-341, 404. 

Bernard, Richard, 469. 

Blackwell, Mr., 273-276. 

Blasting and mildew and other adverse providences, 200, 201, 205, 208. 

Blinman, Mr. Richard, minister in Marshfield, 143, 144. 

Bourne, Mr. Richard, character and labors of, 382-384, 390. 
\ Bradford, chosen Gov., 47, 121, 132, 140, 142, 144, 151, 152, 153, 158, 161, 
162, 166, 168, 176 ; requests them to choose some other one in his stead 
for Gov., 71 ; at his request five assistants chosen, 71 ; his testimony con- 



\ 



504 INDEX. 

cerning Robinson, 83 ; aids in tlie ordination at Salem, 99 ; came with 
Winslow and Smith to Boston, 120 ; death of, 171 ; lines left in which he 
piously acknowledges the divine hand, 171; anagram and other lines 
expressive of the estimation in which he was held, 172-176 ; marriage of, 
308 ; his character, and great lamentation at his death, 1 70 ; history by, 
236-283 ; spirit of, 468 ; genealogy and early life of, 481-484 ; dialogue 
of, 323-356 ; and Winthrop, 438. 

Bradford, William, Jr., born, 312; notice of, and his descendants, 180, 181. 

Brewster, Elder WiUiam, 10, 74 ; brief notice of, 144-146; library of, 146 
note, 245; died, 144, 432; and Bradford, main props of the Colony, 
437,438; residence of, 466-472; affiliation of, 473; Postmaster at 
Scrooby, 474-477 ; fined for causes ecclesiastical, 485. 

Bridges, Master of ship James, 66. 

Bright, Mr., came with Higginson, 97. 

Bromhead, Hugh, 471. . , 

Brown, Mr. Samuel, and brother made trouble, 100 ; sent back to England, 
101. 

Brown, Mr. John, assistant Gov., 139 ; death of, 193. 

Brownlsts, 329. 

Brownism, 427-431 ; false charge of, 443, 444. 

Bulkley, Mr. Edward, 143. 



Canada, unsuccessful attempt upon, 228. 

Cape Ann, 309,312. 

Cape Cod, named by Capt. Gosnold, and reasons for the name, 21 ; reasons 
for remaining on, 29. 

Carr, Sir Robert, 204. 

Cartwright, Esq. Geo., went for England, 204. 

Carver, John, agent to Virginia, 14 ; chosen governor, 26 ; sickness and 
death, character and labors of, 47 ; his wife, overcome with grief, died, 47. 

Caterpillars, numerous and destructive, 159. 

Charlestown, organization of the church there, 442. 

Chauncy, Mr. Charles, 143. 

Children, state of considered, 101 ; catechized Sabbath noon, 434. 

Church, formed at Salem, 97; manner of joining the, 99, 100; at Boston, 
admonished the church at Salem, 105 ; began at Boston by Winthrop 
and others, 109 ; at Eastham, the 3d from the Plymouth, 151 note ; true, 
how distinguished, 327, 328 ; the two in exile, 355, 356 ; the first Indian, 
in New England, 385 ; Leyden-Plymouth, 400-438 ; first independent, 
403, 478; at Plymouth, 431; renewed their covenant, 433; religious 
principles of, 435; at Salem, took their model from the Plymouth, 441 ; 
first Congregational in England by Henry Jacob, 444-446 ; organized in 
a private house, 444. 

Church Disciphne, 408-418. 



INDEX. 505 

Church membership, qualifications for, 453. 

Churches, concerning the first in Mass., 440, 441, 

Clark, Thomas, attended the King's Commissioners, 202. 

Clark's Island, went on shore there and kept the first Sabbath, 34. 

Clifton, Mr. Richard, 245, 354, 469-471 ; Mr. Robert, 471. 

Collier, Mr. William, arrived, 118 ; assistant Gov., 118, 121, 140, 142. 

Colonies, distinction between the two, 443. 

Colony, God's care of, 80 ; sent a ship laden with corn to Kenuebeck, 80 ; 
Plymouth, had more consistent views of liberty and toleration than the 
Mass. (note), 104; divided into three counties, 227. 

Comet, appeared, 198; opinions concerning, 198-200. 

Commissioners, the first from Plymouth, 150; of the four colonies met, and 
reasons for, 151 ; from the king, 261 ; reasons for their coming, 201, 202, 
note. 

Communion, occasional, 424, 425. 

Conant, Roger, Gov. at Cape Ann, 71, 312. 

Confederation of the four Colonies, 149; signers of this, 149; reasons for, 
note 150. 

Congregationalism, 400-456 ; in Massachusetts, 439-444; in England, 444- 
451 ; harmonizes with popular intelligence, 448 ; a boon graciously be- 
stowed, 554. 

Conversion of the natives, the design in settling New England, 161. 

Cooper, Mr. William, 123. 

Congregational Union of England and Wales, 452; principles of, 452-454. 

Corbitant, Indian Sachem, who surprised Hobamak, 48 ; used the mediation 
of Massasoit to make peace, 49, 304. 

Corn, found buried in the sand, 28; first planted, 47; obtained at Manno- 
moik, 56 ; sent to Kennebec, 313. 

Covenant, by Christians in north of England, in 1602, 9 ; civil, entered into, 
as a body politic, 24, 25 ; names of those who subscribed, 26 ; of church 
drawn up at Salem, 98 ; acknowledged as a direction only, 99 ; is what 
constitutes a church, 423; entered into at Charlestown, 442, 464. 

Cotton, Mr. John, came with Hooker and Stone, 118 ; views of church pol- 
ity, 412, 415 ; charged them to take advice at Plymouth, 442; death and 
character of, and funeral elegy, 162-165. 

Cotton, Mr. John, Jr., 386, 387, 433. 

Court, at Plymouth, ratified the league made with Woosamequen or Massa- 
soit, 142. 

Cromwell, Capt. Thomas, came with three men-of-war, 152. 

Cushman, Robert, came over in ship Fortune, 50 ; sends to Bradford, 71 ; 
letter of, 272-275 ; death of, 84. 

Cushman and Carver, agents in 1617 to obtain religious freedom, 14. 

Cushman, Mr. Isaac, 434. 

43 



506 INDEX. 



D. 



Davenport, Capt., death, and notice of, 205. 
Delft-Haven, embarkation at and painful separation, 15. 
Deacons, not ordained, but charpje given to, 434. 
Deaconess, 355. 

Dermer, employed for discovery, 41. 
Dialogue, Gov. Bradford's, 323-356. 
Discipline and Order of the English churches, 451-454 
Distribution of lands commenced, 86. 
Doan, Mr. John, 115. 
Dorchester adventurers, 312. 

Drought, great, G4 ; prayer in time of answered, 64. 
Dudley, Mr. Thomas, 109 ; death and character of, 166, 167. 
Dunster, Mr. John, President of Harvard College, 186. 
Dutch, the, 116 ; send kind letters, 88 ; embassy from Manhattan, 88, 494. 
Dutch plantation, messengers from, 88, 495. 

Dyer, Mrs. Mar}-, copartner with Mrs. Hutchinson, and mother of a hideous 
monster, 135. 

E. 

Earthquake, in 1639, 140; in 1640, 181 ; theories concerning, 189-192. 
Eatou, Mr. Theophilus and Mi*. John Davenport began the colony of New 

Haven, 132; Gov. of New Haven, died, 178; character of, 179. 
Ecclesiastical Councils, 419-422 ; merely advisory, 435, 451, 452. 
Elder, the office of, did not survive the first generation, 441. 
Eliot, Mr. John, came over. 111 ; pi-eached to the Indians, 160,385-388, 398. 
Eliot, Mr. John, Jr., death and character of, 221, 222. 
Endicot, Mr. John, arrived at Naumkeak, 94 note ; rebuked Morton and 

others at Mt. Wollaston, 91; commander-in-chief, 94; his letter to Mr. 

Bradford, 95 ; death and notice of, 205 ; satisfied with the church order 

at Plymouth, 441. 
Errors in doctrine by some at Salem, 106. 
Examination for admission to the church, 433. 
Executions, first at Plymouth, 111 ; three for the murder of an Indian, 139. 

F. 

Family meetings, set up, 434. 

Fasts, observed, 13; Avorks and sports prohibited on, 13; magistrates or- 
dered them, 13; kept before the choice of a pastor, 96; on occasion of 
sickness, 109; of drought, 207. 

Faunce, Elder John, 149. 

Filcher, Lieut, 90. 

Fine, for refusing the ofilce of Gov., Ill, 112. 



INDEX. 507 

Fire, at Pljmoutli, burning three houses, 69. " " 

Flies, in great numbers, 117. 

Flint, Mr. Henry, death and character of, 216. 

Founders of New Plymouth, 465. 

Fuller, Mr. Samuel, surgeon and physician, 117. 

Fortune, ship came bringing Cushman and thirty-five others, 50. 

Freeman, Mr. Edmund, assistant Gov., 142, 144. 

Fuller, Mr. Samuel, 434. 

G. 

Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 111-114. 

God, acknowledged in his providence and grace, 13, 14, 22, 23, 33, 81, 96, 

109, 113, 143, 146, 147, 160, 176-178, 201, 207, 226, and other places. 
God's dealings with the adventurers, 80 ; his preservation of the Pilgrims 

amid trials, 146-148; Providence, pious reflection on, 201. 
Goodwin and Nye, wrote the preface to Cotton's Keys, 447. 
Goodwin and Owen, Drs., two Atlases of Independency, 401. 
Gookin, Mr., Superintendent to the Indians, 390, 391. 
Gorton, Samuel, troublesome to the colony, 136 ; committed to ward, 137 ; 

corrupt opinions of, 137, 138; note concerning, 138 ; made choice of 

Mr. Winslow, to defend him, 153. 
Gorges, Capt. Robert, with sundry famiUes arrived, 6 7 ; had a commission to 

be governor-general, 67; accused Weston, 67; went to Massachusetts, 

69 ; returned to England, 70. 
Gott, Charles, his letter to Gov. Bradford, 96. 
Governor of Plymouth, sent back answer to Narragansets, 50 ; detected 

Lyford and Oldham by intercepting their letters, 73 ; called a court to try 

Lyford and Oldham, 75 ; Winslow and others, hire the trade of the col- 
ony for six years, 317. 
Gospel, the propagation of the, among the Indians, note, 150, 159, 160, 379- 

399 ; a mighty leveller, 455 ; carefully respects the rights of all, and leads 

every man to think and act for himself, 455. 
Greenwood, Mr. John, the martyr, 324, 337, 404. 

H. 

Hanbury, Mr. Benjamin, letter to Rev. M\\ Wight, 445. 

Harvard College, ei-ected at Cambridge, 140. 

Hatherly, Mr. Timothy came in ship Ann, 65 ; his house burnt and he re- 
turned, and was one of the first settlers in Scituate, 65 ; assistant Gov., 
140, 142, 144. 

Hiacoomes, 384, 385. 

Higginson, Mr., came with IMr. Skelton and others, 97, 441 ; a church cove- 
nant drawn up by, 97; chosen teacher at Salem, 98; ordination of, 99; 
consulted Brewster, 101 ; death of, 102; education and character of, 102. 



508 INDEX. 

I-Hnkley, Mr. Thomas, 186, 187, 227. 

Hobamak, came to live ■with the English, 48 ; sent among the Indians with 

Squanto, 48-52, 304, 305. 
Hobbamock or Hobbamoqui, 486, 487. 

Hopkins, Stephen, sent to Massasoit, 48 ; assistant Gov., 115, 118, 121. 
Hopkins, Gov., 179, note. 
Hooke, Mr. William, 143. 
Hooker, Mr. Thomas, came, 118; goes to Connecticut, 123; died, 153; 

character, and funeral elegies, 153-157. 
Howland, Mr. John, 115, 118, 121. 
Hudson's Letter, 54. 
Hutchinson, Gov., opinion of, concerning the instruction of the Indians, 161 ; 

concerning their church polity, 440. 
Hutchinson, Mrs., the leader of Antinomian opinions, 133 ; her great influence 

at Boston, 134 ; went to Hhodc Island, and to New York, and was slain 

by the Indians, 134. 



Independents, 401 ; in Westminster Assembly, 445, 447 ; union of, 448, 449 

Independency, or Congregationalism, 400 ; author of, 403 ; greatly increased 
in numbers, 450; is destined to increase, 551 ; adapted to secure purity, 
and to give freedom and power to Christianity, 450. 

Indians, first encounter with, 32 ; general conspiracy of, 58 ; removed by 
divine interposition, 37, 38; unfinendly, 43, 44 ; swept away by plague, 
44,45; much incensed, 57; furnished themselves with guns, 89 ; Gov- 
ernor and others met Mr. Bourne, on the subject of the improvement of 
the, 208 ; labors of the pilgrims to Christianize the, 379-399; Winslow's 
account of, 486-494 ; their objects of worship, 486 ; manners and customs 
of, 490-492. 

Indian Sachems, came into the Government, 46. 

Indian Churches and Congregations, and places where, 390-398. 



Jacob, Mr. Henry, 345, 423 ; pastor of church in Southwark, 444 ; embraced 

Robinson's views, 445. 
Jackson, Richard, fined £20 for causes ecclesiastical, 485. 
James, a ship came of this name, Mr. Bridges, master, 66. 
Jenny, Mr. John, came in the ship James, a useful and leading man in the 

colony, and died 1G44, CC, 132, 139. 
Jones, master of the Mayflower, 20 ; plot between him and the Dutch, 22. 
Johnson, Mr. Isaac and lady, death of, 108. 
Johnson, Mr. Francis, 348, 349, 350, 446. 



INDEX. 509 



K. 



Kennebeck, trade tliere, 120. 
Korahism, 211. 



Lands, distribution of, 86. 

Laythrop, Mr. John, 143, note; his suffering for non-conformity, 167; his 
death and chai-acter, 167, 1G8 ; successor of Jacob, 444 ; came and settled 
at Scituate, 444. 

Latere, Monsieur, and de Aulney, 151. 

Letters, Patent, obtained of IGng James, 14 ; from the King to the Colonists 
202-204. 

Leverick, Mr. William, 143. 

Leyden, families arrive from, 320. 

Little, Rev. Ephraim, ordained, 434. 

Luther, Martin, 403. 

Lyford, Mr. John, a minister, came with Winslow, 72 ; assumed great humil- 
ity, 72 ; invited by the Dorchester adventurers, 312; with John Oldham 
became perverse, 73, 311; trial, conviction, and sentence of, 75, 76; his 
confession and second treachery, 76, 77 ; his wickedness further developed, 
79 ; went to Virginia, where he died, 79, 318. 

M. 

Mannamoset, where Dermer was taken prisoner, 43. 

Manners and customs of the Indians of New England, 486-494. 

Mannomock, Chatham, where Squanto died, 56. 

Martyrs and confessors, burned, and fled, 237, 324, 336. 

Mayflower, hired, 14 ; Jones, master of, 20. 

Maypole, set up and cut down, 91. 

Massasoit, Samoset told of him, 39 ; his friendship sincere, 30 ; came and 

made a league of peace, 39, 40, 51 ; against Squanto, 52 ; sick, 58 ; his 

wants supplied and was visited, 58, 304. [See Woosamequen.] 
Magistrates, objected to Williams being pastor, 103. 
Matthews, Mr. Llarmaduke, 143. 
INIassacre In Virginia, 54. 
Massachusetts, distance of, from Plymouth, 43 ; sent their boat with ten men 

to the, 49; visited the, 51; Gorges desired a plantation there, 67; the 

first Gov. under the charter of, 71. 
Maverick, Mr., 110, 111. 
Mayo, Mr. John, 143 ; note, 144. 
Mayhew, Mr. Thomas, 160, 384. 
Mayhew, Mr. Thomas, Jr., 179, 384. 
Mayhew, Mr. John, 385. 

43* 



510 



INDEX. 



Mayliews, the, 386. 

Messengers, from the Dutch plantation, 88, 494-500 ; courteous replies to 

the, 88. 
]\Ietacom, or Philip, see Philip. 
Miller, Mr. John, 143. 
Ministry, carefully provided for (note), 98. 
Mtchell, Mr. Jonathan, death and character of, 216-221 ; called by the 

churches in Cambridge and Hartford, 217. 
Mohawks, cut off the head of Sasacus, 132. 
Monhegans, under Uncas, 132. 
Monhiggon, 315. 
Mooanam, 141. 

Llorton, Geo. came in ship Ann, 65 ; a very pious man, but soon died, 66, 310. 
Morton, Mr. Thomas, his wicked conduct, 90-94. 
INIorton, Nathaniel, his Preface to Bradford's History, 231-233. 
Mount Wollaston, Merry Mount, Mount Dagon, 91. 
Iilullins, William, 37. 

N. 

Narragansets, sent messengers with threats, 50 ; at variance with the Pe- 
quots, 124; joined with the EngUsh, 127; quarrelled with the Monheags, 
132 ; plotting of the, 148, 150. 

Nauset, now Eastham, a part of the church removed to, 151. 

New diseases, recognized as chastisements for new sins, 161. 

Neumkeak, 94. 

New England Chronology, by Prince, 287. 

New Haven, colony of, began, and church formed, 133. 

New Plymouth, persons who laid the foundation of, 465. 

Newman, Mr. Samuel, 143 ; death and character of, 193. 

Nicolls, Col. Eichard, one of the King's Commissioners, and Governor of 
New York, 203, 204. 

Norton, Mr. John, notice of, 194 ; elegy on the death of, 195. 



O. 

Officers, of the church, 409-517 ; the only, 453; each church elects its own, 

453. 
Oldham, with Lyford, perverse, 73; trial of, 75-77, 311; treatment on his 

return, 78; his confession when in dangei', 78, 314; went south, and was 

killed by the Indians, 79, 125. 
Ordination, of HIgginson and Skelton, 99 ; of church officers, 418, 419; the 

work of the church, 420, 421, 441. 



INDEX. 511 



P. 



Paddy, Mr. "William, death and character of, 183, 184. 

Panieses, men of great courage and wisdom, 488, 490. 

Paomet, 304. 

Pastors, have no veto power, 416. 

Partridge, Mr. Ralph, 143 ; death and character of, 181-183. 

Paragon, a ship with this name set out for Plymouth, 61 ; suffered great ex- 
tremity at sea, 62. j 

Patent, granted, note, 110. , ^ 

Penry, Mr. John, 324, 336. 

Pemberton, Mr. John, an opponent, 73. 

Pequots, war with the, 123-132 ; great slaughter of the, 128 ; taken under 
the government of the colonies, 132. 

Philip, Sachem of Pocanaket and son of Massasoit, 187, 188 ; signed an 
agreement of friendship, 188 ; war with, 226 ; slain, 226. 

Phillips, Mr. George, began the church at Watertowu, 110; jDastor there, 
442 ; renounced his call by the prelates in Eng., 442. 

Phillips family, 457, 458. 

Phillips, John, killed by lightning, 183. 

Pierce, Mr. John, in his name the first patent taken, 61. 

Pierce, Capt. William^ assisted in detecting Lyford and Oldham, 73. 

Pierce, James, slain by lightning, 186. 

Pilgrim movement, beginning of, 243, 465 ; devotional sentiment which led 
to it, 465. 

Pilgrims, reasons for their going to Holland, 245, 246 ; their departure and 
troubles, 247-251 ; arrived in Holland in 1610, and settling in Holland, 
10, 252 ; arrived at Cape Cod, Nov., 1620, 21 ; their reasons for leaving 
Holland, 11-13, 258-260; their thoughts of removing to America, 11, 
260-262 ; obtain a patent, 277 ; their numerous difficulties, 264-278 ; their 
motives in going to America, 24 ; means they used to prepare for the voy- 
age, 263-270; time they lived in Leyden, 14 ; time of their sailing from 
Southampton, 19 ; troubles that befell them on their voyage, 19, 20 ; trou- 
bles before them, 22 ; chose a governor, 19; great mortality of the, half 
died, 36; sent sixteen men on land to explore, 27; went on shore, on 
Plymouth Rock, 36 ; began to erect the first house, 36 ; built a fort, which 
served for a meeting-house, 54 ; planted much corn, 60 ; in great want by 
reason of drought, 61 ; their prayer for rain answered, 64 ; their discour- 
agements, 66, 67 ; went to Connecticut River, 116 ; visited with infectious 
fever, and many died, 117; longevity of the, 146, 148, 149; preserved 
amid many hardships and trials, 146-148 ; persecutions of the, 245 ; re- 
sembled the primitive churches, 255 ; testimony of the Dutch in their 
favor, 256 ; their high character founded in their religion, 402 ; piety of, 
436 ; religious principles of the, 270, 271, 408-410 ; addressed a letter to 
the Church of England, 439. 



512 INDEX. 

Pinnace, built at Monamet, 317. 

Plague and smallpox among the Indians, 45 ; great mortality by the, in 
London, 81. 

Platform, the Savoy, 451. 

Plymouth, reasons for the name of, 42 ; soil upon the bay of, 42 ; and Mas- 
sachusetts united into one Province, 228 ; state of in 1624, 311 ; De Ra- 
siere's description of, 495. 

Plymouth Church and Colony, founders of, 10, 465-485. 

Pocanakets, their malignity to the English, 42. 

Porey, his letter to the Gov., 55, 301. 

Powaws, their execrations, office and duty of, 45, 487. 

Power, of the church and elders, 411-418 ; vested in the church itself, 454. 

Prince, Mr. Thomas, marriage of, 311 ; chosen Gov., 118, 139, 171, 180, 184, 
186, 187, 193, 198, 204, 206, 209; Lieut. Gov., 121. 

Principles, of Church Order and Discipline, 453, 454 ; of the Church at 
Salem, 460,461. 

Propagating the Gospel among the Indians, 159 ; chief instruments of, 160. 

Providences, remarkable, 20C, 210. 

Provoking sins, Wilson's view of, 211. 

Prophecy, the exercise of, 331, 332, 425. 

Public Worship on shore, Jan. 21, 288. 

Puritan Separatists, 465-468 ; became two bodies, 466 ; met at house of 
Brewster, in Scrooby, 466. 

Puritans, contending against ceremonies, 237-242; reason for the name, 
239 ; became two churches, 244 ; difference between Puritans and Sepa- 
ratists, 342 ; sufferings of, 343, 344, 445, 446. 

Q- 

Quakers, 177, 184, 185. 

R. 

Rasdale, Mr., 90. 

Rasiere, an ambassador from the Dutch, 319 ; his letter describing Plymouth, 
495. 

Rayncr, Mr., 432. 

Rayner, Mr. John, 143. 

Rochester, Robert, fined £20, for causes ecclesiastical, 485. 

Robbins, Rev. Chandler, pastor of Plymouth Church, 435. 

Robinson, John, pastor of the Pilgrims, 10,403,405 ; parting letter of, 15-19; 
hindered from coming to New England, 82 ; intelligence of his death, 82; 
Bradford's testimony of, 83 ; removal of his wife and children, 83 ; White's 
letter and others, concerning death of, 84, 85 ; mutual love and respect of, 
and his flock, 254 ; disputes with Episcopius, 256 ; letter of, to Sir Edwin 
Sandys, 267-269 j to Sir John Worsingham, 269-271; to John Carver, 



INDEX. 513 

on parting, 283 ; his concern about the savages being killed, 309 ; his 
answer to Bernard, 338, 406 ; character of, 353 ; his views of church pol- 
ity, 403, 445 ; persecution of, 404 ; Catholic and yet decided spirit of, 
407, 408 ; religious principles of, 408-410 ; his early residence and gene- 
alogy, 478-481. 

Rose, wife of Capt. Standish, died, 288. 

Rosier, Mr. Isaac de, 88. See Rasiere. 

Ruling Elder, the last, 416-418. 

S. 

Sachems, office of, 489. 

Salem, church formed at, 9 7. 

Samoset, came and spoke with the Pilgrims, 39 ; told them of the country, 

39 ; came again and told of Massasoit, 39. 
Sassacus, the Pequot Sachem, 129, 132; his head cut off, 132. 
Sassaraon, slain for revealing Philip's designs, 188, note. 
Satan, stratagems against the church, 235-237. 
Saunders, John, chief over Weston's men, 56. 
Savages, two seen from the ship, 288. 
Scrooby, the residence of Brewster, 245, 466-468 ; the seat and centre of 

community afterwards at Plymouth, 467. 
Separation, a provoking sin, 211. 

Separatists, 329, 356; a Puritan, but the Puritan not necessarily a Separa- 
tist, 468, 469 ; time when they came into a Congregational Church, 477, 

478. 
Settlements in several places began, 70. 
Sheffield, Lord, grants a patent, 71. 
Shepard, Mr. Thomas, death and character of, 159. 
Shepard, Mr. Samuel, death and notice of, 216. 
Shirtliff and others killed by lightning, 206. 
Sickness, great at Charlestown, 108 ; at Plymouth, 117 ; among the Indians, 

118; at Boston, 161. 
Shallops, two, cast away, 123. 
Smallpox, 207. 
Smith, Mr. Ralph, 102; Mr. John, the Lee Baptist, 102 ; Mr. John, one of 

the two churches of the Puritans, 244, 352, 469 ; Sir Thomas, 273. 
Speedwell, ship bought, 14 ; returned to London, 20. 
Ships, came from England to Naumkeak, 94; to Salem, 97; a fleet often 

came to Salem and Charlestown, 108. 
Ship, lost, in which was Thomas Mayhew, and others, 179, 180. 
Skelton, Mr., came with Higginson in 1629, 97 ; chosen pastor at Salem, 97; 

ordination of, 99 ; death and burial of, 102. 
Squanto, surprised by Corbitant, 48, 50, 51 ; manages the Indians, 52 ; double 

dealing of, 52 ; desired the Gov. to pray for him, 56 ; died at Mannomoik, 

56, 302. 



514 INDEX. 

Soutli worth, Lieut. Thomas, 1G2. 

Sowans, dwelling-place of Massasoit, now Warren, K. I., 40. 

Starsmore, Sabin, his letter to Mr. Carver, 276. 

Standish, Capt. Miles, sent to find Squanto, 49; aids Weston's people, 59 ; 
goes to Mattachiest, 303 ; went to England as agent, 81 ; his arrival home 
from England, 82 ; assistant Governor, 115, 118, 121 ; death and character 
of, 170; goes to look for the natives, 287 ; other deeds of, 304-307, 313, 
314. 

Stone, Mr. Samuel, came with Cotton and Hooker, 118; notice of the death 
and character of, 196; lines on his death, 197, 198. 

Stone, Capt., a bad main, killed by the Indians, 119, 120. 

Storm, violent, of wind and rain destroying houses and corn, 121, 122. 

Strange sights appeared, 210. 

Street, Mr. Nicholas, 143. 

Stuyvesant, Gov., surrendered New Amsterdam, 202. 

Synods, 330. 



Tackanash, Indian teacher, 385. 

Thanksgiving, to God for preservation on the voyage, 22, 23 ; for success in 
vanquishing the Indians, 33 ; proposed by Gov. Winthrop, 113. 

Thatcher, Mr., saved in the great storm, 122. 

Thatcher, Eev. Thomas, first pastor of Old South Church, 122. 

Thomas, Mr. William, assistant Governor, 144, 153, 161 ; death and charac- 
ter of, 162. 

Thompson, Mr. William, death, and notice of, 209 ; answer to prayers in his 
behalf, 209 ; Mr. David, 315. 

Tobacco, the Indians regard as odious for boys to take, 490. 

Towns, on Connecticut River began, 123. 

Treat, Mr. Samuel, 388-399. 

Tupper, Mr. Thomas, character and labor of, 382. 

Turkish man-of-war, 313. 

V. 

Vane, Gov. of Conn., writes to Gov. at Plymouth, 126. 
Vaughan, Dr., on Congregationalism, 401 ; address of, 448. 

W. 

Wampampcag, 88. 

AVar, between the English and the Pequots, 123; between the English and 

PhlHp, 226'. 
Warren, Mr. Richard, 89. 
AYareham, Mv., 110, 111, 442. 
Webster, Daniel, extract from his address, 436, 437. 



INDEX. 515 

West, Capt. Francis, came in a sliip to Plymouth, and had a commission to 
be admiral of New England, 63. 

Wessagusquaset, Weymouth, 5G. 

Weston, Thomas, sent over two ships, the Sparrow and Charity, 53, 301, 
302 ; came and learned the ruin of his plantation, 59 ; his ill fortune, 60 ; 
difficulty with Gorges, 68. 

Weston's people, in distress served the Indians, 57; were an unruly com- 
pany, 53, 301, 306, 307. 

White, Roger, letter of, concerning Robinson's death, 8-4. 

White, Rev. Mr., 309, 312. 

Willet, Capt. Thomas, assistant Gov., 162 ; first mayor of New York, 202. . 

Williams, Mr. Roger, moved from Plymouth to Salem, 102 ; Brewster's opin- 
ion of, 102 ; Bradford's statement of, note, 106-108 ; narrative concerning, 
102-108 ; solicited Government to help ^against the insolence of Gorton 
and others, 136 ; his labors for the Indians, 380, 381. 

Wilson, Mr. John, came, 108 ; his eminence, 108 ; began the church at Bos- 
ton, 109 ; death, and notice of, 210-216 ; his views on provoking sins, 211 ; 
pastor at Boston, 419. 

Winslow, Edward, sent to Massasolt, 48 ; sent to procure pi'ovisions, 54 ; ar- 
rived at Plymouth and brought a supply with him, 72 ; chosen Governor, 
115, 118 ; conference with magistrates and ministers about trade at Ken- 
nebeck, 120, 121 ; sailed for England, 121 ; answers complaints, 121 ; goes 
with the Gov. to Monhiggon, 315 ; was chosen governor, 115, 123, 150 ; 
and Collier first commissioners from Plymouth, 150 ; went to England, 
because of some restless persons in the Massachusetts, 152; death and 
character of, 168, 169, 226, 438 ; his agency for the welfare of the Indians, 
380 ; his account of the natives of New England, 486-494. 

Winthrop, Mr. John, came over, the first Gov., 108 ; began the church at 
Boston, 109 ; his letter to Gov. of Plymouth, 124; his letter to Bradford 
on the defeat of the Pequots, 129-132 ; death, burial, and character of, 
158, 159. 

Wise, Rev. John, expounder of the Platform, 415, 417. 

Wiswall, Rev. Ichabod, obtained a charter with valuable privileges, 228. 

Wollaston, Capt,. came over and settled at Mt. WoUaston, Braintree, 89, 90. 

Woodbridge, Rev. Benjamin, 165, note. 

Woosamequen, or Massasoit, and his son Mooanam, came into court, and re- 
newed their pledges of fidelity, 141, 142. 



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